Mcsh-creation:: {2025-09-12}
description::
economy3.nfo is part of economy.nfo.
name::
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy364,
* McsEngl.human.WORKER,
* McsEngl.FvMcs.human.WORKER,
* McsEngl.worker,
* McsEngl.entity.body.material.whole.system.sysBio.organism.eukaryote.animal.human.worker@cptEconomy364, {2012-08-16}
* McsEngl.economically-active-population,
* McsEngl.hoProfession@cptEconomy364, {2011-06-18}
* McsEngl.human-with-profession,
* McsEngl.human-capital@cptEconomy364, {2015-08-15}
* McsEngl.human-producer@cptEconomy364, {2011-06-30}
* McsEngl.human.worker,
* McsEngl.labor-force@cptEconomy364,
* McsEngl.labour-force@cptSna2008v@cptEconomy364,
* McsEngl.prosumer,
* McsEngl.sna2008v-employment,
* McsEngl.working-age-population,
* McsEngl.workpeople, [Keynes]
* McsEngl.wkr,
* McsEngl.humanWkr,
* McsEngl.wkr@cptEconomy364,
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.ΜΕΛΟΣ-ΕΡΓΑΤΙΚΟΥ-ΔΥΝΑΜΙΚΟΥ,
* McsElln.ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑΤΙΑΣ@cptEconomy364,
=== _OLD:
* McsEngl.member.professional-364@old,
* McsEngl.citizen.potential-worker-364@old,
* McsEngl.potential-worker@old,
* McsElln.ΔΥΝΗΤΙΚΟΣ-ΕΡΓΑΤΗΣ@old,
* McsElln.ΔΥΝΑΜΕΙ-ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΙΚΑ-ΕΡΓΑΖΟΜΕΝΟΣ@old,
* McsElln.ΔΥΝΑΜΕΙ-ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΙΚΟΣ-ΕΡΓΑΖΟΜΕΝΟΣ@old,
name::
* McsEngl.prefessional'SetConceptName,
* McsEngl.setConceptName.professional, {2012-04-29}
A professional can be either a person in a profession (certain types of skilled work requiring formal training/education) or in sports (a sportsman/sportwoman doing sports for payment).[1][2] Sometimes it is also used to indicate a special level of quality of goods or tools, sometimes also called "commercial grade".[3]
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Professional]
_DefinitionSpecific:
Worker is a HUMAN (686) who can do economic-work (#cptEconomy583#).
[hmnSngo.2011-05-01]
_DESCRIPTION:
19.16 Not all individuals included in the population are engaged in production. Some are too young, some too old and some may simply choose not to work. Others may usually work but be temporarily not working because of illness, lack of employment or being on holiday, for example. A first step in moving from population data to data for employment, is thus to define what is meant by the labour force.
19.17 The labour force consists of those who are actively prepared to make their labour available during any particular reference period for producing goods and services that are included within the production boundary of the SNA. The labour force is further divided into those who are employed and those who are unemployed. Thus the population of the country can be subdivided into three categories; employed, unemployed and not in the labour force. A person's status depends on their activity (or lack of it) during a particular reference period (usually a week).
19.18 Because the labour force is defined with reference to a short period, the number of persons in the labour force at any time may be smaller than the economically active population. For example, seasonal workers may be included in the economically active population but not in the labour force at certain times of year.
19.19 The labour force consists of four groups of persons;
- residents who are employees of resident institutional units,
- residents who are employees of non-resident institutional units,
- unemployed residents and
- self-employed persons. (A self-employed person is necessarily associated with a resident household. If such a person provides goods and services abroad, these are recorded as exports.) Employment in the SNA is defined as all persons, both employees and self-employed persons, engaged in some productive activity that falls within the production boundary of the SNA and that is undertaken by a resident institutional unit.
[https://synagonism.net/dirMcs/dirStn/dirHitp/HitpStnStd000.last.html#idPara19.17]
===
labor force
1. Number of workers in a firm.
2. Number of individuals in an economy who either are employed or are seeking employment.
Usage Example
A region's unemployment rate is calculated by the total labor force that is jobless but at the same time is trying to find employment.
[term.of.the.day@businessdictionary.com, 2014-07-29]
_DefinitionSpecific:
professional is a MEMBER (686.7) who can practice (=knows the knowledge and can do the processes of) a profession #cptEconomy53#.
[hmnSngo.2011-04-21]
===
professional is a HUMAN (686) who can practice (=knows the knowledge and can do the processes of) a profession #cptEconomy53#.
[hmnSngo.2011-04-03]
===
Professional is a WORKER who knows a profession.
[hmnSngo.2011-03-24]
ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑΤΙΑ (δυναμει εργαζομενο) ονομάζω τον ΚΑΤΑΝΑΛΩΤΗ που έχει το χαρακτηριστικο ΕΡΓΑΤΙΚΗ ΔΥΝΑΜΗ.
[hmnSngo.1995-04]
ΔΥΝΑΜΕΙ ΕΡΓΑΖΟΜΕΝΟΣ είναι καθε καταναλωτης που έχει την ιδιοτητα 'ΕΡΓΑΤΙΚΗ ΔΥΝΑΜΗ'
[ΝΙΚΟΣ, ΝΟΕΜ. 1994]
ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΙΚΟΣ ΕΡΓΑΖΟΜΕΝΟΣ είναι ΚΑΘΕ ΑΤΟΜΟ ΤΗΣ ΚΟΙΝΩΝΙΑΣ ΔΥΝΑΜΕΝΟ ΝΑ ΕΡΓΑΣΤΕΙ ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΙΚΑ.
[hmnSngo.1994-04]
Μια οικονομική εργασία μπορεί να την κάνουν πολλοί οικονομικα'εργαζόμενοι, ΑΛΛΑ και ένας οικονομικά-εργαζόμενος μπορεί να κάνει πολλές οικονομικές εργασίες.
[hmnSngo.1994-05]
ΑΡΝΗΤΙΚΟΣ ΟΡΙΣΜΟΣ:
- Οι νοικοκυρές που ασχολούνται μόνο με τις οικιακές εργασίες,
- οι σπουδαστές,
- οι συνταξιούχοι κτλ,
δέν υπολογίζονται στον οικονομικά ενεργό πληθυσμό.
[ΜΑΡΙΟΛΑΚΟΣ κ.α., 1993, 36#cptResource707#]
_DESCRIPTION:
Pro-sumer: a term used in contrast with the more familiar ‘consumer’
to indicate that nobody only ever consumes but also produces in some
capacity and thus has an active role within the shaping of the economy.
[http://community-currency.info/wp-content/uploads/2015/06/ccia-book-people-powered-money1.pdf, p175]
_household_activity:
6.31 The exclusion of household services from the production boundary has consequences for labour force and employment statistics. According to International Labour Organization (ILO) guidelines, economically active persons are persons engaged in production included within the boundary of production of the SNA. If that boundary were to be extended to include the production of own-account household services, virtually the whole adult population would be economically active and unemployment eliminated. In practice, it would be necessary to revert to the existing boundary of production in the SNA, if only to obtain meaningful employment statistics. ¶
[https://synagonism.net/dirMcs/dirStn/dirHitp/HitpStnStd000.last.html#idPara6.31]
name::
* McsEngl.worker'satisfier,
name::
* McsEngl.worker'productivity,
_DESCRIPTION:
Η πολύωρη εργασία στην οποία υποχρεώνονται Ελληνες και Ρώσοι προκειμένου να τα φέρουν βόλτα, δεν συνεπάγεται αυτομάτως και υψηλότερο παραγόμενο προϊόν ούτε κατ’ επέκταση ευημερία για την κοινωνία.
Το προϊόν της εργασίας που παράγεται ανά ώρα εργασίας ή αλλιώς η παραγωγικότητα είναι τόσο στην Ελλάδα όσο και στη Ρωσία σε απελπιστικά χαμηλά επίπεδα.
Συγκεκριμένα, η αναλογία Ακαθάριστου Εγχώριου Προϊόντος ανά ώρα εργασίας στη Ρωσία είναι 25,9 και είναι η χαμηλότερη στην Ευρώπη, ενώ στην Ελλάδα είναι αντίστοιχα 36,2 πολύ χαμηλότερα από τον μέσο όρο της παραγωγικότητας στην Ευρωπαϊκή Ενωση (50) και η δεύτερη χειρότερη στην Ευρώπη.
Παραγωγικότητα
Η υψηλότερη παραγωγικότητα δεν εξαρτάται, κατά συνέπεια, από τον αριθμό των ωρών εργασίας ενός λαού, όπως θέλουν κάποιοι να πιστεύουμε, αλλά κυρίως από την ορθολογική και οικονομική χρήση του συνόλου των συντελεστών παραγωγής. Και σε αυτούς, εκτός της εργασίας, περιλαμβάνονται κεφάλαιο και τεχνολογία.
Οι τεχνικές της παραγωγής όπως και οι τιμές των εισροών διαδραματίζουν καθοριστικό ρόλο για τη βελτίωση της παραγωγικής αποτελεσματικότητας, η οποία σε συνδυασμό με την τεχνολογική πρόοδο συντελεί στην υψηλότερη παραγωγικότητα.
[http://www.efsyn.gr/arthro/protathlites-stis-ores-ergasias]
name::
* McsEngl.worker'compensation,
name::
* McsEngl.worker'accident,
* McsEngl.accident.work,
* McsEngl.work'accident,
How Many People Get Killed at Work Every Year?
Every year, three times more people die from work-related accidents or illnesses than are killed in wars.
We work to live, and often we live to work. But the staggering facts are
that 6,300 people die every day due to occupational accidents or
work-related diseases including cancer, heart disease and stroke, according
to the United Nations' International Labour Organization. That amounts to
2.3 million deaths a year -- far more annual fatalities than have occurred
in any armed conflict since World War II. The statistics have nearly
doubled in the last 15 years; there were 1.2 million work-related deaths in
2000.
Read More: http://www.wisegeek.com/how-many-people-get-killed-at-work-every-year.htm?m, {2015-12-09}
name::
* McsEngl.worker'age,
* McsEngl.worker'age,
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.παραγωγική-ηλικία@cptEconomy,
_DESCRIPTION:
... παραγωγική ηλικία (15-64) ...
[http://www.naftemporiki.gr/story/863169/i-ellada-stin-proti-thesi-metaksu-ton-kraton-melon-tis-europaikis-enosis-se-giraskonta-plithusmo]
name::
* McsEngl.worker'alienation,
_DESCRIPTION:
alienation
1. Human resource management: Sense of estrangement felt by employees, reflected in their lack of warmth towards the organization and in believing that their job/work is not meaningful to other aspects of their lives. Alienation is caused commonly by factors such as a lack of involvement in even basic decision making, lack of human contact, little hope for betterment, and a feeling of ...
Learn more about this term
Usage Example
I did suffer alienation as my IQ was so high I could not relate to my fellow colleagues and coworkers.
[BusinessDictionary.com term.of.the.day 2015-04-23]
name::
* McsEngl.worker'benefit,
_SPECIFIC:
* wage
* annualleave
* sickleave
* health-insurance
name::
* McsEngl.worker'certificate,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy364.21,
* McsEngl.Education-credential@cptEconomy364.21,
* McsEngl.educational-qualification@cptEconomy364,
* McsEngl.worker'cerificate,
* McsEngl.worker'certification@cptEconomy364.21, {2012-12-09}
* McsEngl.worker'Educational-qualification,
* McsEngl.job'degree,
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.πιστοποίηση-επαγγελματική@cptEconomy,
* McsElln.πιστοποίηση-εργατική@cptEconomy,
_DESCRIPTION:
CONTRACT disputes seldom produce courtroom drama. But the battle between BSkyB, a broadcaster, and Electronic Data Services (EDS), a software firm, was an exception. Mark Howard, Sky’s barrister, cross-examined Joe Galloway, an EDS executive, about his MBA from Concordia College in the US Virgin Islands. Mr Galloway recalled his student days in loving detail, from the college buildings to the hours he had spent sweating over his books. A few days later Mr Howard presented the court with an MBA certificate that his pet schnauzer had earned from the very same diploma mill. The clever schnauzer had even earned a higher mark than the EDS executive.
People have always lied and cheated. And businesspeople may have lied and cheated more than most: in a survey of American graduate students, 56% of those pursuing an MBA admitted to having cheated in the previous year, compared with 47% of other students. Cynics will not be surprised that people in ties sometimes tell lies—remember Enron? Plenty of executives have overstated their educational qualifications: Scott Thompson recently lost his job as boss of Yahoo! for it.
[http://www.economist.com/node/21556548]
name::
* McsEngl.wkrcft'organization.EOPPEP,
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.ΕΟΠΠΕΠ@cptEconomy,
* McsElln.Εθνικός-Οργανισμός-Πιστοποίησης-Προσόντων-και-Επαγγελματικού-Προσανατολισμού,
_DESCRIPTION:
EOPPEP is the National Organisation for the Certification of Qualifications and Vocational Guidance, an all-encompassing statutory body investing on better quality and more efficient & reliable lifelong learning services in Greece.
EOPPEP operates under the supervision of the Minister of Education & Religious Affairs, Culture & Sports and is seated in Athens. It has derived from the amalgamation of three national bodies, all under the supervision of the same Ministry: the National Centre for the Accreditation of Lifelong Learning Providers (EKEPIS), the National Organisation for the Certification of Qualifications (EOPP) & the National Centre for Vocational Guidance (EKEP).
EOPPEP is one of the first organizations of the broad public sector in Greece Certified for Excellence, according to the internationally recognised EFQM Excellence Model (The European Foundation of Quality Management). In particular, EOPPEP has been certified for the 1st Level of EFQM Committed to Excellence recognition.
The newly established national authority, the National Organisation for the Certification of Qualifications and Vocational Guidance (EOPPEP), corresponds to the pressing need of creating and maintaining a holistic and interrelated policy framework for the development of lifelong learning and certification of qualifications in Greece, linking with the open market and responding to the needs of the citizens, a central issue in EU policy.
Our mission is geared towards linking VET with labour market needs, upgrading people’s occupational qualifications, reinforcing their employment perspectives and strengthening social cohesion.
EOPPEP develops and implements comprehensive national systems for the accreditation of non-formal & informal learning and provides scientific and technical support in designing and implementing the vocational guidance national policy, as well as the provision of such services in Greece.
EOPPEP aims at quality assurance in:
inputs: accredited Providers implementing VET programs, developed upon accredited standards & specifications, based on accredited occupational profiles, employing accredited Trainers for Adults, with the aid of accredited Support Services Professionals for social vulnerable groups,
outputs-learning outcomes: accredited knowledge, skills and competences acquired via non-formal & informal learning pathways and certification of qualifications,
vocational guidance & counseling services: viable services & tools for supporting citizens of every age, as well as educational information tools according to the latest ICT applications.
[http://www.eoppep.gr/index.php/en/]
name::
* McsEngl.wkrcft'resource,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://www.weforum.org/agenda/2016/02/which-degree-will-get-you-hired??
GENESIS:
american invention.
[Greenhouse, Steven. "In Europe, a Boom in MBA's: Degrees in Business Scorned No Longer" THE NEW YORK TIMES (May 20, 1991):D1 & D5.]
QUANTITY:
in the US about 70,000 degrees are granted each year.
[Greenhouse, Steven. "In Europe, a Boom in MBA's: Degrees in Business Scorned No Longer" THE NEW YORK TIMES (May 20, 1991):D1 & D5.]
EUROPE:
by many estimates, the number of MBA's granted each year in Europe has doubled since 1987, to about 7000, with some experts putting the number at 10,000. Some see another 50 persent jump over the next four years.
[Greenhouse, Steven. "In Europe, a Boom in MBA's: Degrees in Business Scorned No Longer" THE NEW YORK TIMES (May 20, 1991):D1 & D5.]
name::
* McsEngl.worker'health-issue,
Is It Dangerous to Work Long Hours?
You are 67 percent more likely to have a heart attack if you work 11-hour days, rather than 7-hour or 8-hour days.
Some people routinely work 55 to 60 hours per week -- or even more.
Although this probably sounds unpleasant and stressful to most of us, is
there really any scientific evidence to prove that such long hours are
unhealthy? According to a study in the Annals of Internal Medicine, those
who routinely work at least 11 hours per day have a 67 percent higher risk
of suffering a heart attack or heart disease than people who work fewer
hours.
Read More: http://www.wisegeek.com/is-it-dangerous-to-work-long-hours.htm?m {2016-04-11}
name::
* McsEngl.worker'Job-satisfaction,
_DESCRIPTION:
Job satisfaction also varies within the alternative employment workforce. While most temp workers would prefer to have a permanent job and almost half of on-call workers want employment with regular hours, more than 80 percent of freelancers and independent contractors reported that they prefer their situation to working for someone else.
[https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2016/12/the-alternative-workforce-is-growing-heres-why//]
name::
* McsEngl.worker'labor-day,
* McsEngl.International-workers-day@cptEconomy,
* McsEngl.labor-day@cptEconomy,
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.εργατική-πρωτομαγιά@cptEconomy,
* McsElln.πρωτομαγιά@cptEconomy,
_DESCRIPTION:
Labor Day in the United States is a holiday celebrated on the first Monday in September. It is a celebration of the American labor movement and is dedicated to the social and economic achievements of workers. It constitutes a yearly national tribute to the contributions workers have made to the strength, prosperity, and well-being of their country.
Labor Day was promoted by the Central Labor Union and the Knights of Labor, who organized the first parade in New York City. After the Haymarket Massacre, which occurred in Chicago on May 4, 1886, U.S. President Grover Cleveland feared that commemorating Labor Day on May 1 could become an opportunity to commemorate the affair. Thus, in 1887, it was established as an official holiday in September to support the Labor Day that the Knights favored.[1]
The equivalent holiday in Canada, Labour Day, is also celebrated on the first Monday of September. In many other countries (more than 80 worldwide), "Labour Day" is synonymous with, or linked with, International Workers' Day, which is observed on May 1.
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Labor_Day]
{time.1944}:
=== Πρωτομαγιά 1944: Η εκτέλεση των 200 στην Καισαριανή
ΑΘΗΝΑ 01/05/2015
Το 1942 και το 1943 τα παράνομα συνδικάτα επιχειρούν να σπάσουν τις απαγορεύσεις των αρχών κατοχής με μικρές κινητοποιήσεις σε ορισμένους κλάδους, όπως τα μηχανουργεία, με συμβολικούς κυρίως στόχους.
Η πρωτομαγιά του 1944 θα καταγραφεί στη συλλογική μνήμη, όχι λόγω των εργατικών κινητοποιήσεων, αλλά εξαιτίας ενός τρομερού εγκλήματος, το οποίο συνδέεται, με την «Εργατική Πρωτομαγιά».
Στις 27 Απριλίου του 1944 διμοιρία του 8ου Συντάγματος του ΕΛΑΣ Πελοποννήσου σκοτώνει, σε ενέδρα στον δρόμο Μολάων Σπάρτης στη Λακωνία, τον Γερμανό στρατιωτικό διοικητή Πελοποννήσου, στρατηγό Φράντς Κρεχ και τρεις άνδρες της συνοδείας του.
Σε αντίποινα, ο στρατός κατοχής αποφάσισε «την εκτέλεση 200 κομμουνιστών, καθώς και την εκτέλεση όλων των ανδρών που θα συλλαμβάνονται μεταξύ Μολάων και Σπάρτης».
Η εφημερίδα Καθημερινή στις 30 Απρίλη το 1944, μετά την επίθεση ανταρτών του ΕΛΑΣ, έγραψε:
«Την 27ην Απριλίου 1944 κομμουνιστικαί συμμορίαι παρά τους Μολάους κατόπιν μιας εξ ενέδρας επιθέσεως εδολοφόνησαν ανάνδρως έναν Γερμανόν Στρατηγόν και τρεις συνοδούς του. Πολλοί Γερμανοί στρατιώται ετραυματίστησαν. Ως αντίποινα διατάχτηκε:
Ο τυφεκισμός 200 Κομμουνιστών την 1.5.1944. Ο τυφεκισμός όλων των ανδρών τους οποίους θα συναντήσουν τα γερμανικά στρατεύματα επί της οδού Μολάοι προς Σπάρτην έξωθεν των χωρίων. Υπό την εντύπωσιν κακουργήματος τούτου Έλληνες εθελονταί εφόνευσαν αυτοβούλως 100 άλλους κομμουνιστάς.
Ο Στρατιωτικός Διοικητής Ελλάδος».
Παρά τις προσπάθειες των οργανώσεων του ΕΑΜ και του αρχιεπισκόπου Δαμασκηνού για τη διάσωσή τους, η απόφαση υλοποιήθηκε και οι εκτελέσεις των 200 έγιναν την 1η Μαΐου στο Σκοπευτήριο της Καισαριανής.
Από αυτούς, οι 170 ήταν πρώην κρατούμενοι των φυλακών της Ακροναυπλίας και οι 30 πρώην εξόριστοι από την Ανάφη, που είχαν συλληφθεί για «κομμουνιστική δράση» πριν από την Κατοχή. Ανάμεσά τους πολλά συνδικαλιστικά στελέχη και ο πρώην βουλευτής του ΚΚΕ Στέλιος Σκλάβαινας.
Μεταξύ των εκτελεσμένων ο Ναπολέων Σουκατζίδης (εκτελούσε και χρέη διερμηνέα) και ο Αντώνης Βαρθολομαίος στελέχη του ΚΚΕ με χρέη στρατοπεδάρχη που ξεχώρισαν για την αυτοθυσία τους αφού αρνήθηκαν να εκτελεστεί άλλος στη θέση τους όπως τους προτάθηκε από τον Γερμανό διοικητή του στρατοπέδου του Χαϊδαρίου Καρλ Φίσερ.
Ο αριθμός των εκτελεσμένων στη Λακωνία τις ίδιες μέρες δεν έχει εξακριβωθεί με βεβαιότητα, υπολογίζεται πάντως στους 100.
Η πρώτη ανοικτή συγκέντρωση για την Πρωτομαγιά μετά τον πόλεμο γίνεται στο Παναθηναϊκό Στάδιο, σχεδόν αμέσως μετά τα Δεκεμβριανά. Μετά τη λήξη του Εμφυλίου πολέμου, ο εορτασμός γίνεται με πολλές δυσκολίες, κυρίως σε κλειστούς χώρους, καθώς υπάρχουν σοβαροί περιορισμοί στις δημόσιες συναθροίσεις και την πολιτική δράση.
[http://www.nooz.gr/greece/protomagia-tou-44-i-ektelesi-ton-200-stin-kaisariani]
{time.1936}:
=== Ο ματωμένος Μάιος του 1936 στη Θεσσαλονίκη
ΑΘΗΝΑ 01/05/2015
Τα γεγονότα της Θεσσαλονίκης την Πρωτομαγιά του 1936, θα μπορούσαν να χαρακτηριστούν ως το «ελληνικό Σικάγο». Η διεθνής ύφεση του 1929 είχε προκαλέσει σημαντική πτώση στις εξαγωγές του καπνού και της σταφίδας.
Η πτώχευση του 1932 είχε επιδεινώσει την κατάσταση και από τις αρχές του 1936, ξεσπούν απεργιακές κινητοποιήσεις στην Αθήνα, στην Καλαμάτα, στη Θεσσαλονίκη, στη Δράμα και στην Ξάνθη.
Από την αρχή του έτους και έως την επιβολή της δικτατορίας στις 4 Αυγούστου, είχαν προκηρυχθεί περισσότερες από 200 τοπικές και γενικές απεργίες.
Ειδικότερα, στη Βόρεια Ελλάδα η αλλαγή στον τρόπο παραγωγής του καπνού είχε επιφέρει μεγάλη ανεργία στον κλάδο. Παράλληλα, ο μεγάλος αριθμός των προσφύγων που αναζητούσαν εργασία είχε μειώσει τις αμοιβές των καπνεργατών, τουλάχιστον κατά 50%, ενώ η συλλογική σύμβαση του κλάδου δεν είχε ανανεωθεί από το 1924.
Οι καπνεργάτες αποτελούσαν στη βόρεια Ελλάδα ένα συμπαγή κλάδο, ο οποίος αριθμούσε την εποχή εκείνη περισσότερους από 40.000 εργαζομένους με αναπτυγμένη συνδικαλιστική συνείδηση, ήδη από την εποχή της Φεντερασιόν.
Στις 29 Απριλίου ο κλάδος ξεκίνησε γενική απεργία.
Τα βασικά αιτήματα ήταν η αναπροσαρμογή του ημερομισθίου, το οποίο είχε φθάσει τις 65 έως 70 δραχμές για τους άνδρες και τις 24 έως 30 για τις γυναίκες. Η εφαρμογή του νόμου «περί Τόγκας» όριζε υψηλότερες κατώτερες αμοιβές, η βελτίωση των παροχών του κλαδικού ταμείου για τους «παρήλικας και τους φυματικούς» και τη χορήγηση έκτακτου επιδόματος 500 δραχμών στους άνεργους καπνεργάτες ενόψει των εορτών του Πάσχα.
Στις διεκδικήσεις είχαν ενταχθεί και πολιτικά αιτήματα, όπως «η χορήγηση γενικής αμνηστίας εις τους πολιτικούς φυλακισμένους, εξορίστους και καταδικασμένους και ιδιαίτερα των καπνεργατικών στελεχών».
Από την 1η και έως τις 8 Μαΐου, οι απεργίες και οι κινητοποιήσεις επεκτείνονται στις Σέρρες, στη Δράμα, στην Ξάνθη, στον Λαγκαδά, στον Βόλο και στην Καρδίτσα. Ταυτόχρονα οι βιομήχανοι και οι έμποροι καπνού έκλεισαν τις επιχειρήσεις τους κηρύσσοντας λόκ άουτ.
Στις 9 Μαΐου ξεκινά γενική απεργία στη Θεσσαλονίκη, στην οποία συμμετέχουν και άλλοι κλάδοι σε ένδειξη συμπαράστασης στους καπνεργάτες. Οργανώνονται συλλαλητήρια και πορείες, ενώ η Χωροφυλακή προσπαθεί να εμποδίσει τους διαδηλωτές να κατευθυνθούν προς το Διοικητήριο (το κτίριο που στεγάζεται η γραμματεία Μακεδονίας Θράκης).
Τα επεισόδια ξεκίνησαν από τη συμβολή των οδών Βενιζέλου και Εγνατίας, όπου το συνδικάτο των αυτοκινητιστών είχε στήσει οδόφραγμα. Οι αυτοκινητιστές προσπάθησαν να απελευθερώσουν συνάδελφό τους που είχε συλληφθεί και η χωροφυλακή απάντησε με πυροβολισμούς. Σκοτώθηκε ο Τάσος Τούσης.
Ο νεκρός μεταφέρεται πάνω σε μια πόρτα από διαδηλωτές που κατευθύνονται προς το Διοικητήριο και οι ταραχές γενικεύονται.
Ο απολογισμός είναι 16 νεκροί και δεκάδες τραυματίες. Την επομένη, οι κηδείες των θυμάτων μετατρέπονται με μαζικές διαδηλώσεις. Στις 11 Μαΐου κηρύσσονται απεργίες διαμαρτυρίας σε πολλές πόλεις της χώρας και στις 13 Μαΐου πανελλαδική απεργία. Η αναταραχή τερματίζεται την επομένη, με σημαντικές υποχωρήσεις από την πλευρά των καπνεμπόρων, ενώ το κράτος υπόσχεται να χορηγήσει συντάξεις στις οικογένειες των θυμάτων.
Ο θρήνος της μητέρας πάνω από το νεκρό γιο της, απαθανατίστηκε από τον φωτογραφικό φακό και ενέπνευσε τον ποιητή Γιάννη Ρίτσο, στο έργο «Επιτάφιος».
Τον Ιούλιο ξεσπούν νέες απεργίες και μετά τη δημοσίευση του διατάγματος, το οποίο καθιστά υποχρεωτική την διαιτησία σε κάθε περίπτωση εργατικής διαφοράς, τα συνδικάτα κηρύσσουν γενική πανελλαδική απεργία για τις 5 Αυγούστου του 1936.
Με αφορμή την απεργία αυτή, ο Ιωάννης Μεταξάς ζητά από τον τότε βασιλιά Γεώργιο Β' την αναστολή των άρθρων του Συντάγματος, που προστατεύουν τις ατομικές ελευθερίες και στις 4 Αυγούστου επιβάλλει δικτατορία.
Οι συγκεντρώσεις και οι απεργίες απαγορεύονται και επιβάλλεται κρατικός έλεγχος στα συνδικάτα. Λίγους μήνες αργότερα, στις 7 Απριλίου του 1937, με τον Αναγκαστικό Νόμο 606/1937 το καθεστώς καθιερώνει την τελευταία εβδομάδα του Απριλίου σαν «Εβδομάδα Εργατικής Αλληλεγγύης» και την 1η Μαΐου σαν «Ημέρα Εορτασμού της Εργασίας».
Ο νόμος προβλέπει, μεταξύ άλλων, ηθικές αμοιβές σε εργαζόμενους αλλά και σε εργοδότες, οι οποίοι θα κριθούν από τους υπευθύνους της Εργατικής Εστίας αν έχουν προσφέρει στην βελτίωση της εθνικής παραγωγής, «ώστε να απονέμονται αι προσήκουσαι τιμαί εις την εργασίαν εν τη εθνική ιδεολογική και πραγματική αυτής έννοια λαμβανομένης».
Οι αμοιβές απονέμονται την 1η Μαΐου παράλληλα με οργανωμένες εκδρομές εργαζομένων στην ύπαιθρο και πολιτιστικές εκδηλώσεις στα εργατικά κέντρα. Επιβάλλεται, επίσης, ειδική εισφορά στους εργοδότες προς την Εργατική Εστία, πέντε δραχμών ανά μισθωτό, προκειμένου να καλυφθούν οι δαπάνες για τις δραστηριότητες αυτές.
[http://www.nooz.gr/greece/i-protomagia-tou-1936-sti-8essaloniki]
{time.1893}:
=== Η πρώτη ελληνική Πρωτομαγιά: Το αίτημα για 8ωρο
ΑΘΗΝΑ 01/05/2015
Την Κυριακή 2 Μαΐου 1893 περίπου 2.000 άνθρωποι συγκεντρώθηκαν στην Αθήνα και διαδήλωσαν, ζητώντας την καθιέρωση της οκτάωρης ημερήσιας εργασίας. Η 1η Μαΐου ήταν Σάββατο και εργάσιμη. Έτσι, επελέγη η Κυριακή 2 Μαΐου, για να έχει η γιορτή μαζικό χαρακτήρα. Ήταν η πρώτη «Εργατική Πρωτομαγιά» στην Ελλάδα.
Την κινητοποίηση είχε οργανώσει ο Κεντρικός Σοσιαλιστικός Σύλλογος του Σταύρου Καλλέργη, ο οποίος είχε ιδρύσει τον Σύλλογο τρία χρόνια πριν, ενώ εξέδιδε παράλληλα την εφημερίδα «Σοσιαλιστής».
Σύμφωνα με τον «Σοσιαλιστή», στις 5 το απόγευμα της Κυριακής συγκεντρώθηκαν στο Στάδιο πάνω από 2.000 σοσιαλιστές και εργαζόμενοι. Η «Εφημερίς» τους υπολόγισε μόνο σε 200 και σημείωνε σε άρθρο της:
«Οι πλείστοι εξ αυτών ήσαν εργάται, ευπρεπώς κατά το πλείστον ενδεδυμένοι, με ερυθράς κονκάρδας επί της κομβιοδόχης, και πολύ ήσυχοι άνθρωποι. Αυτοί είναι οι πρώτοι σοσιαλισταί εν Ελλάδι, και συνήλθον χθες εις το πρώτον αυτών εν Αθήναις συλλαλητήριον».
Οι συγκεντρωμένοι ενέκριναν ψήφισμα το οποίο είχε ως εξής:
«Συνελθόντες σήμερον την 2 Μαΐου, ημέραν Κυριακήν και ώραν 5 μ.μ. εν τω Αρχαίω Σταδίω, οι κάτωθι υπογεγραμμένοι μέλη του Κεντρικού Σοσιαλιστικού Συλλόγου» και υπό μισθόν πάσχοντες εψηφίσαμεν:
Α) Την Κυριακήν να κλείωσι τα καταστήματα, καθ' όλην την ημέραν, και οι πολίται ν' αναπαύωνται.
Β) Οι εργάται να εργάζωνται 8 ώρας την ημέραν.
Γ) Ν' απονέμηται σύνταξις εις τους εκ της εργασίας παθόντας και καταστάντας ανικάνους προς διατήρησιν εαυτών και της οικογενείας των.
Δ) Το συμβούλιον του «Κεντρικού Σοσιαλιστικού Συλλόγου» να επιδώση το ψήφισμα εις την Βουλήν.»
Το ψήφισμα επεδόθη, τελικά, στον Πρόεδρο της Βουλής την 1η Δεκεμβρίου 1893 από τον Σταύρο Καλλέργη.
Ο πρωτοπόρος σοσιαλιστής ανήλθε στη συνέχεια στο δημοσιογραφικό θεωρείο και περίμενε με ανυπομονησία από τον Πρόεδρο της Βουλής να το εκφωνήσει.
Αυτός κωλυσιεργούσε και «ησχολείτο εις την ανάγνωσιν ετέρων αναφορών προερχομένων εκ διαφόρων προσώπων και πραγματευομένων κατά το μάλλον και ήττον περί ανέμων και υδάτων», όπως έγραψε στον «Σοσιαλιστή».
Ο Καλλέργης διαμαρτυρήθηκε μεγαλοφώνως και με εντολή του Προέδρου συνελήφθη για διατάραξη της συνεδρίασης.
Οι στρατιώτες της φρουράς, αφού τον κτύπησαν με τα κοντάκια των όπλων τους, τον μετέφεραν στο αστυνομικό τμήμα, όπου παρέμεινε επί διήμερο. Στις 9 Δεκεμβρίου 1983 δικάστηκε και καταδικάστηκε σε φυλάκιση 10 ημερών, τις οποίες εξέτισε στις φυλακές του Παλαιού Στρατώνα.
Με τον περιπετειώδη αυτό τρόπο έληξε και τυπικά ο πρώτος εορτασμός της Εργατικής Πρωτομαγιάς στην Ελλάδα.
Τον επόμενο χρόνο, οι σοσιαλιστικές ενώσεις επανέλαβαν τον εορτασμό στο Παναθηναϊκό Στάδιο, με ομιλητές τον Πλάτωνα Δρακούλη και τον Σταύρο Καλλέργη. Στα αιτήματα προστέθηκε και η κατάργηση της θανατικής ποινής.
Μετά το τέλος της εκδήλωσης, οι αρχές έκαναν συλλήψεις και ο εορτασμός της Εργατικής Πρωτομαγιάς απαγορεύτηκε.
Στην Ελλάδα, θα χρειαστεί να περάσουν δεκαεπτά χρόνια, έως ότου επιχειρηθεί εκ νέου η οργάνωση εργατικών εκδηλώσεων την Πρωτομαγιά. Την 1η Μαΐου του 1911, η Φεντερασιόν στη Θεσσαλονίκη, οργανώνει συλλαλητήριο.
Στην Αθήνα, την ίδια μέρα, πραγματοποιείται συγκέντρωση στο Μετς με πρωτοβουλία της σοσιαλιστικής ομάδας του Νίκου Γιαννιού και σύνθημα «8 ώρες δουλειά, 8 ώρες ανάπαυση και 8 ώρες ύπνο».
Στη Θεσσαλονίκη, επεμβαίνει η Αστυνομία και συλλαμβάνονται οι ηγέτες της Φεντερασιόν, Αβραάμ Μπεναρόγια, Σαμπετάι Λεβί και Σαμουήλ Γιονά.
Ο πρώτος μαζικός εορτασμός της Πρωτομαγιάς θα γίνει ταυτόχρονα σε δώδεκα πόλεις το 1919, ένα χρόνο μετά την ίδρυση της ΓΣΕΕ.
Μηχανή του Χρόνου, η ιστορίας της Εργασίας στην Ελλάδα
Η καθιέρωση της εργατικής Πρωτομαγιάς
Η Πρωτομαγιά καθιερώθηκε σαν την παγκόσμια μέρα των εργατικών διεκδικήσεων, κατά τη διάρκεια του Παγκόσμιου Σοσιαλιστικού Συνεδρίου, (Β' Σοσιαλιστικής Διεθνούς) τον Ιούλιο του 1889, στο Παρίσι.
Σκοπός ήταν να οργανώνεται κάθε χρόνο, την ίδια μέρα, μια διεθνής εκδήλωση κατά την οποία οι εργάτες να θέτουν στις αρχές των κρατών το αίτημα για νομοθετική μείωση της εργασίας σε οκτώ ώρες την ημέρα, καθώς και την εφαρμογή των άλλων αποφάσεων της διεθνούς.
Η συγκεκριμένη ημέρα επιλέχθηκε προκειμένου να τιμηθεί η μνήμη των θυμάτων της αιματηρής καταστολής των εργατών του Σικάγου την 1η Μαΐου του 1886.
[http://www.nooz.gr/greece/i-proti-protomagia-stin-ellada-aitima-gia-8oro]
{time.1889}:
=== Η Πρωτομαγιά καθιερώθηκε σαν τη παγκόσμια μέρα των εργατικών διεκδικήσεων, κατά τη διάρκεια της Β' Σοσιαλιστικής Διεθνούς τον Ιούλιο του 1889, στο Παρίσι.
[http://www.nooz.gr/world/protomagia-ta-aimatira-gegonota-tou-sikago]
{time.1886}:
=== Πρωτομαγιά: Τα αιματηρά γεγονότα του Σικάγο
ΑΘΗΝΑ 01/05/2015
Η Πρωτομαγιά καθιερώθηκε σαν τη παγκόσμια μέρα των εργατικών διεκδικήσεων, κατά τη διάρκεια της Β' Σοσιαλιστικής Διεθνούς τον Ιούλιο του 1889, στο Παρίσι. Σκοπός ήταν να οργανώνεται κάθε χρόνο μια διεθνής εκδήλωση κατά την οποία οι εργάτες να θέτουν στις αρχές των κρατών το αίτημα για νομοθετική μείωση της εργασίας σε οκτώ ώρες την ημέρα, καθώς και την εφαρμογή των άλλων αποφάσεων της διεθνούς.
Η συγκεκριμένη ημέρα επιλέχθηκε προκειμένου να τιμηθεί η μνήμη των θυμάτων της αιματηρής καταστολής των εργατών του Σικάγου την 1η Μαΐου του 1886.
Την άνοιξη του 1886, ο «Σύνδεσμος για την Καθιέρωση του Οκτάωρου», ο οποίος ακoλουθούσε το πολιτικό πρόγραμμα της Διεθνούς, ξεκίνησε μεγάλες κινητοποιήσεις στο Σικάγο και σε άλλες πόλεις των Ηνωμένων Πολιτειών, με βασικό αίτημα την καθιέρωση του οκτάωρου.
Την τελευταία Κυριακή πριν από την Πρωτομαγιά, οργανώθηκε μια μεγάλη διαδήλωση στην οποία πήραν μέρος περίπου 20.000 άτομα. Την 1η Μαΐου, εκατοντάδες από χιλιάδες εργάτες πήραν μέρος στην απεργία που είχε προκηρύξει ο «Σύνδεσμος» και περισσότεροι από 90.000 στην απεργιακή συγκέντρωση στην πόλη του Σικάγου.
Η απεργία συνεχίστηκε τις επόμενες ημέρες, ενώ οι συμπλοκές στα εργοστάσια μεταξύ απεργών και απεργοσπαστών ήταν καθημερινό φαινόμενο.
Σε μια τέτοια συμπλοκή στις 3 Μαΐου, έξω από το εργοστάσιο Μακ Κόρμικ στο Χάρβεστερ, η αστυνομία πυροβόλησε κατά των απεργών. Σκοτώθηκαν έξι εργάτες και την επομένη (4 Μαΐου) περίπου 3.000 εργάτες συγκεντρώθηκαν στην Πλατεία Αγοράς για να διαμαρτυρηθούν. Η συγκέντρωση ήταν ειρηνική, ενώ ήταν παρών και ο δήμαρχος της πόλης Χάρισον, ο οποίος είχε δώσει την άδεια να πραγματοποιηθεί.
Κατά τη διάρκειά της, ξέσπασε δυνατή βροχή που ανάγκασε τους περισσότερους να αποχωρήσουν. Και ενώ ο Άλμπερτ Πάρσον ολοκλήρωνε την ομιλία του, μέσα από ένα αυτοκίνητο, κάποιος πέταξε μια χειροβομβίδα προς την πλευρά των αστυνομικών.
Από την έκρηξη τραυματίστηκαν 66 αστυνομικοί, εκ των οποίων οι επτά πέθαναν αργότερα.
Ύστερα από αυτό, οι αστυνομικοί άρχισαν να πυροβολούν κατά του πλήθους. Από τα πυρά αυτά, σκοτώθηκαν τέσσερις διαδηλωτές και τραυματίστηκαν 200. Ακολούθησαν συλλήψεις των ηγετών του κινήματος και στη δίκη που ακολούθησε οκτώ συνδικαλιστές καταδικάσθηκαν σε θάνατο.
Ο Αύγουστος Σπάις, ο Άλντολφ Φίντεν, ο Τζορτζ Ένγκελ και Άλμπερτ Πάρσον, κρεμάστηκαν στις 11 Νοεμβρίου του 1887. Ο Λούις Λινγκ αυτοκτόνησε στο κελί του, ενώ οι ποινές των υπολοίπων μετατράπηκαν σε ισόβια και αργότερα, μετά την αναθεώρηση της δίκης απελευθερώθηκαν.
Η υπεράσπιση των συνδικαλιστών υποστήριξε την εκδοχή της προβοκάτσιας, όμως έως σήμερα δεν έχει εξακριβωθεί ποιος έριξε τη βόμβα.
[http://www.nooz.gr/world/protomagia-ta-aimatira-gegonota-tou-sikago]
name::
* McsEngl.worker'leave,
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.άδεια-εργαζόμενου,
_DESCRIPTION:
The US is one of the few developed countries that do not require paid
maternity leave by law.
Federal law in the United States does not provide for paid parental leave
after the birth of a child, and the US is one of the few developed
countries that do not. In addition to the US, Liberia, Swaziland and Papua
New Guinea do not offer paid parental leave. As of 2013, a little more than
11% of US employers voluntarily offered paid family leave to its employees.
US law does include the Family Leave Medical Act, which allows time off for
parents after the birth of a child, but it does not have to be paid time
off, and not all employers are required to offer it.
http://www.wisegeek.com/does-the-us-law-provide-for-paid-parental-leave.htm?m, {2013-10-07}
name::
* McsEngl.worker'market,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy646,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy53.8,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy74.2,
* McsEngl.profession-market@cptEconomy53.8,
* McsEngl.job-market,
* McsEngl.labor-market@cptEconomy53.8,
* McsEngl.market.labor@cptEconomy53.8, {2012-06-14}
* McsEngl.market.working-skill@cptEconomy53.8, {2012-06-14}
* McsEngl.sysMkt.labor@cptEconomy53.8,
* McsEngl.worker'market,
* McsEngl.wrkskl'market,
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.ΑΓΟΡΑ-ΕΡΓΑΣΙΑΣ@cptEconomy53.8, {2012-06-12}
* McsElln.αγορά-εργασίας@cptEconomy53.8,
* McsElln.αγορα.εργατικη-δυναμη@cptEconomy53.8, {2012-06-14}
* McsElln.αγορα-εργατικης-δυναμης,
_GENERIC:
* entity.whole.system.human.societal.economic.transacting_system#cptEconomy74#
_DEFINITION:
"Στην περίπτωση όμως της Κρίσης (με κεφαλαίο Κ), η πλεονάζουσα προσφορά χτυπά τις δύο άκρως προβληματικές αγορές: την αγορά εργασίας και την αγορά χρήματος (ή κεφαλαίων). Γιατί είναι πιο προβληματικές αυτές οι αγορές από τις άλλες; Επειδή σε αυτές τις δύο αγορές η μείωση των τιμών δεν οδηγεί αναγκαστικά στην αύξηση της ζήτησης".
[Βαρουφάκης, Κρίσης Λεξιλόγιο, 2011, σ76#cptEconomy438.6#]
===
ΑΓΟΡΑ ΕΡΓΑΣΙΑΣ είναι η ΑΓΟΡΑ της 'εργατικής δύναμης'#cptEconomy364.10#.
[ΝΙΚΟΣ, ΝΟΕΜ. 1995]
===
Στις δύσκολες μέρες του Μεσοπολέμου, τότε που η Κρίση θέριζε και παράλληλα έσπερνε τις θύελλες που ακολούθησαν την επόμενη δεκαετία, ένας οικονομολόγος στάθηκε όρθιος, αποτίναξε από πάνω του τα ιδεολογήματα που είχε κληρονομήσει από τους δασκάλους του, και προσπάθησε να εξηγήσει κάτι που είχε ξαφνιάσει τόσο τον ίδιο όσο και τους δασκάλους του: το γεγονός ότι όσο και να έπεφταν οι μισθοί, όσο και να μειωνόταν το επιτόκιο, όσο και να συρρικνώνονταν οι δημόσιες δαπάνες, η απασχόληση, οι επενδύσεις, η οικονομική δραστηριότητα, τα ελλείμματα δεν έλεγαν να βελτιωθούν. Όσο περισσότερο ήταν διατεθειμένοι να δουλέψουν για ψίχουλα οι εργαζόμενοι, τόσο πιο έντονα διστακτικοί γίνονταν οι εργοδότες να τους προσλάβουν. Όσο πιο χαμηλό το επιτόκιο, τόσο πιο πολύ απέφευγαν οι εργοστασιάρχες να δανειστούν ώστε να επενδύσουν σε νέα προϊόντα, νέα μηχανήματα, νέους ιμάντες παραγωγής. Ο καιρός πέρναγε, οι μισθοί έπεφταν, το επίσημο επιτόκιο κατέρρεε, τα περιουσιακά στοιχεία εξανεμίζονταν, αλλά οι «αγορές» αρνιόντουσαν πεισματικά να ανακάμψουν: οι επενδύσεις που θα έλκυε η ραγδαία πτώση του εργασιακού κόστους και του κόστους δανεισμού απλά δεν ερχόντουσαν.
Επρόκειτο για πραγματικό μυστήριο. Στην λαϊκή αγορά, όταν δεν πουλιέται ένα λαχανικό ή φρούτο, ο πωλητής κάποια στιγμή ρίχνει την τιμή του, συνήθως γύρω στο μεσημέρι, κι εφόσον την ρίξει αρκετά η πραμάτεια του πουλιέται. Το ίδιο και με τα αυτοκίνητα, τα σπίτια, τα αεροπλάνα: η μείωση της τιμής τους προσελκύει αγοραστές. Γιατί δεν συνέβαινε στην περίοδο της Μεγάλης Ύφεσης του Μεσοπολέμου κάτι ανάλογο με το αγαθό «εργασία»; Γιατί η ραγδαία πτώση της «τιμής» του δεν οδηγούσε στην αύξηση της ζητούμενης «ποσότητας» (δηλαδή των θέσεων εργασίας, της απασχόλησης); Αυτό το μυστήριο ανέλαβε να κατανοήσει, και κατόπιν να μας εξηγήσει, ο Keynes. Πως; Με μία απλή υπόθεση: ότι αυτό που ισχύει στις λαϊκές αγορές, στην αγορά αυτοκινήτων και στερεοφωνικών δεν ισχύει σε δύο «τζαναμπέτικες», «δύστροπες» αγορές – στην αγορά εργασίας και στην αγορά χρήματος. Σε όλες τις άλλες αγορές, όταν η τιμή πέφτει οι πωλήσεις αυξάνονται. Σε περίοδο Κρίσης όμως, έλεγε ο Keynes, σε αυτές τις δύο αγορές, όταν η οικονομία μπει στην δίνη της Ύφεσης, η μείωση της «τιμής» δεν συνεπάγεται αύξηση των «πωλήσεων». Στις αγορές εργασίας και χρήματος, σε περιόδους που ολόκληρη η οικονομία φθίνει, η μείωση των «τιμών», δηλαδή του μισθού και του επιτοκίου, μπορεί κάλλιστα να οδηγήσει σε μείωση των «πωλήσεων», δηλαδή της απασχόλησης και των επενδύσεων.
[http://www.protagon.gr/?i=protagon.el.8emata&id=13676]
_InfoTech:
Ο ΟΑΕΔ, με τη βοήθεια της ΕΕ με 150 εκ. δρχ, προχωρεί στη ΧΑΡΤΟΓΡΑΦΗΣΗ της αγοράς εργασίας με ΠΛΗΡΗ καταγραφεί του ΕΡΓΑΤΙΚΟΥ ΔΥΝΑΜΙΚΟΥ σε όλη τη χώρα και των ΘΕΣΕΩΝ ΕΡΓΑΣΙΑΣ με την εγκατάσταση πλήρους δικτύου μηχανογράφησης...
[ΒΗΜΑ, 26 ΝΟΕΜ. 1995, Δ26]
_ATTRIBUTE:
* professioning#cptEconomy364.10#
* worker#cptEconomy364#
_SPECIFIC:
* primary
* secondary
name::
* McsEngl.BA-X,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy74.30,
* McsEngl.BA-X@cptEconomy74.30, {2012-05-03}
_GENERIC:
* index.economic#cptEconomy323.28#
_DESCRIPTION:
BA-X is a labour market index published since January 2007 by the German Federal Employment Agency (Bundesagentur fόr Arbeit [BA]).
Contents [hide]
1 Description
2 Concept
3 References
4 External links
[edit]Description
The BA-X is a labour market index published monthly by the Bundesagentur fόr Arbeit (BA). The index tracks the demand for manpower in the primary labor market.
The BA-X is based on concrete openings for jobs at business establishments and not on surveys or assessments. Information on all non-promoted jobs that are known to the BA are included in the index. In addition to the non-promoted jobs that are reported to the BA, there are jobs for freelancers and the self-employed; jobs reported by private recruitment agencies; and additional jobs from the BA Job Exchange as well as from the BA Job Robot. The BA has knowledge of far more than half of the total job opportunities on the primary labour market in Germany. Hence, the BA has a very broad foundation and provides a representative snapshot of the German job market.
[edit]Concept
All components for the calculation of the jobs known to the BA have only been available in full since 2004. The BA-X therefore begins with 2004 as the baseline year at an index level of 100. The BA-X is seasonally adjusted, and consequently, typical seasonal fluctuations are suppressed. The BA-X is an early indicator of the economic situation and a measurement of the actual employment climate in German business establishments. The BA-X is released monthly on the day before the monthly press conference.
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Labour_market_index]
name::
* McsEngl.lbrmkt'information-system,
Δημιουργία συστήματος διάγνωσης αναγκών στην αγορά εργασίας
Με απόφαση που υπέγραψε ο υπουργός Εργασίας Γιάννης Βρούτσης
ΔΗΜΟΣΙΕΥΣΗ: 12:40 | ΤΕΛΕΥΤΑΙΑ ΕΝΗΜΕΡΩΣΗ: 13:11
Μόνιμος μηχανισμός διάγνωσης των αναγκών στην αγορά εργασίας δημιουργείται εντός των επομένων ημερών με απόφαση που υπέγραψε ο υπουργός Εργασίας Γιάννης Βρούτσης.
Σύμφωνα με την απόφαση, ο νέος μηχανισμός, θα είναι συνδεδεμένος με το σύστημα «Εργάνη», το οποίο καταγράφει τον αριθμό των εργαζομένων στον ιδιωτικό τομέα τις θέσεις και τις σχέσεις εργασίας, ώστε οι αρμόδιες υπηρεσίες του Υπουργείου, να έχουν πλήρη εικόνα των αναγκών στην αγορά εργασίας ανά κλάδο οικονομικής δραστηριότητας και ανά περιφέρεια της χώρας.
Όπως υποστηρίζουν στελέχη του υπουργείου Εργασίας, με την εφαρμογή του νέου συστήματος θα ξεπεραστούν τα προβλήματα που εμφανίζονταν κατά καιρούς στον σχεδιασμό των δράσεων για την καταπολέμηση της ανεργίας. Σύμφωνα με τα ίδια στελέχη, οι ασκούμενες πολιτικές θα γίνουν αποτελεσματικότερες αφού θα ανταποκρίνονται στις ανάγκες της πραγματικής οικονομίας και των ίδιων των ανέργων.
«Για πρώτη φορά στην Ελλάδα δημιουργούμε μόνιμο και ολοκληρωμένο μηχανισμό διάγνωσης των αναγκών στην αγορά εργασίας, μέσω του οποίου θα καταγράφουμε συνεχώς τις πραγματικές ανάγκες των επιχειρήσεων σε ειδικότητες και δεξιότητες» ανέφερε μιλώντας στο ΑΠΕ-ΜΠΕ ο υπουργός Εργασίας Γιάννης Βρούτσης.
«Έτσι, ο σχεδιασμός των παρεμβάσεων απασχόλησης και κατάρτισης δεν θα γίνεται πλέον "στα τυφλά" ή "στο περίπου" όπως στο παρελθόν, αλλά με στοχευμένη και αποτελεσματική σύζευξη της προσφοράς και της ζήτησης εργασίας.Πρόκειται, ουσιαστικά, για ένα κρίσιμο εργαλείο στον αγώνα μας για την καταπολέμηση της ανεργίας», τόνισε ο κ. Βρούτσης.
Σε πρώτη φάση, το υπουργείο Εργασίας θα αποστείλει στους εργοδότες ερωτηματολόγιο το οποίο θα πρέπει να υποβάλουν τον Οκτώβριο μαζί με τη Συγκεντρωτική Περιοδική Δήλωση ασφαλιστικών εισφορών.
Συμπληρώνοντας το ερωτηματολόγιο ο εργοδότης, θα καλείται να ορίσει τις ανάγκες του κλάδου στον οποίο δραστηριοποιείται σε συγκεκριμένες ειδικότητες, καθώς και εάν ο ίδιος σκοπεύει να καλύψει θέσεις εργασίας το επόμενο δωδεκάμηνο. Επίσης, εάν το προσωπικό που απασχολεί έχει ανάγκη κατάρτισης και για ποιες δεξιότητες, και εάν σκοπεύει να λάβει μέρος σε προγράμματα μαθητείας.
Με υπουργική απόφαση, ορίστηκαν και τα μέλη της τεχνικής ομάδας εργασίας στην οποία συμμετέχουν εκπρόσωποι των κοινωνικών εταίρων στελέχη των αρμοδίων διευθύνσεων του υπουργείου Εργασίας και του ΟΑΕΔ.
Η ομάδα αυτή θα αναλάβει τον συντονισμό όλων των ενεργειών μεταξύ των κοινωνικών εταίρων που απαιτούνται για την υλοποίηση του προγράμματος.
Αρμόδια για την εφαρμογή του νέου συστήματος διάγνωσης των αναγκών της αγοράς εργασίας ορίστηκε η Διεύθυνση Απασχόλησης του Υπουργείου Εργασίας, Κοινωνικής Ασφάλισης και Πρόνοιας, συνεπικουρούμενη από τη Μονάδα Ανάλυσης και Τεκμηρίωσης και τη Διεύθυνση Πληροφορικής.
Για τον σχεδιασμό και την εφαρμογή του ανωτέρω Συστήματος Διάγνωσης έχει καταρτισθεί ολοκληρωμένο Σχέδιο Δράσης (έχει ήδη αποσταλεί στην Ευρωπαϊκή Επιτροπή για έγκριση χρηματοδότησης).
Στο σχέδιο προβλέπεται, μεταξύ άλλων και η πιλοτική εφαρμογή σε δύο Περιφέρειες με στόχο τον συντονισμό των υπηρεσιών ώστε να γίνει ευκολότερα και πιο αποτελεσματικά η μετάβαση των νέων από το σχολείο στην αγορά εργασίας.
[http://www.tovima.gr/finance/article/?aid=627880]
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* https://twitter.com/page_eco/status/1129355446291066881,
The Primary labor market is a market that generally consists of high-wage paying jobs, social security, and longer lasting careers. It is contrasted by the Secondary labor market, which usually consists of low-wage paying jobs, limited mobility within jobs, and temporary careers. The primary and secondary labor markets are intended for division of the standard of jobs within labor (heavy work) services.
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Primary_labor_market] {2012-05-03}
The secondary labor market is the labor market consisting of high-turnover, low-pay, and usually part time and/or temporary jobs. Sometimes, secondary jobs are performed by high school or college students. The majority of service sector, light manufacturing, and retail jobs are considered secondary labor.[1]
A secondary-market job is distinct from a "secondary worker". The latter term refers to someone in a family (traditionally, the wife or a child) who earns a smaller income than the "bread-winner" in order to supplement the family income.
The existence of the secondary labor market challenges classical explanations of the functioning of the labor market. Classical and neo-classical economists conceived of the labor market as a commodity market: the concurrent interaction of labor supply (rational workers seeking their well-being) and labor demand (rational employers searching to maximize their profits) should determine general employment and wage levels. However, these traditional theories leave unexplained major real-life issues, such as the large differences observed among wages and employment conditions in the current labor market. The Neoclassical school had argued that these differences were due to disparities in workers' productivity based on employees' different human capital endowments, but as critics have pointed out, most of them would be due to institutional factors more than to economic causes. In other words, it is not people that are different but rather job characteristics, and it is not human productivity that is behind the differences but rather market, technical, organizational and political factors.
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Secondary_labor_market] {2012-05-03}
name::
* McsEngl.worker'modelWorld,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2016/03/where-do-people-think-they-work-harder-than-they-actually-do??
name::
* McsEngl.worker'perception,
* McsEngl.worker'status@cptEconomy, {2012-12-09}
name::
* McsEngl.worker'relation-to-CONSUMER,
ΚΑΘΕ 'ΔΥΝΑΜΕΙ ΕΡΓΑΖΟΜΕΝΟΣ' ΕΙΝΑΙ 'ΚΑΤΑΝΑΛΩΤΗΣ',
ΑΛΛΑ ΚΑΘΕ ΚΑΤΑΝΑΛΩΤΗΣ ΔΕΝ ΕΙΝΑΙ ΔΥΝΑΜΕΙ-ΕΡΓΑΖΟΜΕΝΟΣ.
[ΝΙΚΟΣ, ΙΟΥΝ 1994]
name::
* McsEngl.worker'relation-to-PROFESSION|JOB,
_DESCRIPTION:
ONE worker can practice MANY professions.
[hmnSngo.2011-06-17]
name::
* McsEngl.worker'ResourceInfHmnn,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* https://agenda.weforum.org/2015/08/are-robots-coming-for-your-jobs//
* ΠΩΣ ΝΑ ΠΙΑΣΕΤΕ ΔΟΥΛΕΙΑ
- http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=z5nEcOAxQLE&feature=related,
name::
* McsEngl.worker'skill-and-knowledge (qualification | προσόν),
* McsEngl.skill-and-knowledge-of-worker, {2016-07-05}
* McsEngl.worker's-capital, {2016-07-05}
* McsEngl.human-capital, {2016-07-05}
* McsEngl.skill,
* McsEngl.human-capital, {2016-07-05}
* McsEngl.qualification@cptEconomy,
* McsEngl.expertise-of-worker@cptEconomy,
* McsEngl.skill-of-worker@cptEconomy,
* McsEngl.wkr'skill,
* McsEngl.worker'talent,
* McsEngl.skill@cptEconomy583.13,
* McsEngl.expertise@cptEconomy583.13,
* McsEngl.wkrskl,
* McsEngl.wkrqln@cptEconomy, {2015-06-23}
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.προσόν@cptEconomy,
* McsElln.δεξιότητα.εργαζόμενου@cptEconomy,
* McsElln.κατάρτηση.εργαζόμενου@cptEconomy,
* McsElln.ικανότητα@cptEconomy583.13,
* McsElln.επιδεξιότητα@cptEconomy583.13,
* McsElln.δεξιότητα@cptEconomy583.13,
_DefinitionGeneric:
* skill is any
- KNOWLEDGE a worker must have
- or|and PROCESS can do
in order to create a satisfiable.
[hmnSngo.2011-05-01]
_DESCRIPTION:
A skill is the learned capacity to carry out pre-determined results often with the minimum outlay of time, energy, or both. Skills can often be divided into domain-general and domain-specific skills. For example, in the domain of work, some general skills would include time management, teamwork and leadership, self motivation and others, whereas domain-specific skills would be useful only for a certain job. Skill usually requires certain environmental stimuli and situations to assess the level of skill being shown and used.
People need a broad range of skills in order to contribute to a modern economy and take their place in the technological society of the 21st century. A joint ASTD and U.S. Department of Labor study showed that through technology, the workplace is changing, and identified 16 basic skills that employees must have to be able to change with it."Retraining 50 Million Americans: The Electronically Mediated Solution". Retrieved 2011-02-08.
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Skill]
_DESCRIPTION:
qualification
: a special skill or type of experience or knowledge that makes someone suitable to do a particular job or activity
: something that is necessary in order for you to do, have, or be a part of something
: something that is added to a statement to limit or change its effect or meaning
[http://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/qualification]
===
skill
noun
1. the ability to do something well; expertise.
"difficult work, taking great skill"
synonyms: expertise, skilfulness, expertness, adeptness, adroitness, deftness, dexterity, ability, prowess, mastery, competence, competency, capability, efficiency, aptitude, artistry, art, finesse, flair, virtuosity, experience, professionalism, talent, cleverness, smartness, ingenuity, versatility, knack, readiness, handiness; informalknow-how
"once again, he demonstrated his skill as a politician"
[google dict]
name::
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy53,
* McsEngl.human-service,
* McsEngl.labor/labour-power,
* McsEngl.labour-power-marx@cptEconomy53,
* McsEngl.labor-power@cptEconomy53,
* McsEngl.professioning@cptEconomy53, {2012-03-21}
* McsEngl.producing-skill, {2011-06-09}
* McsEngl.profession,
* McsEngl.responsibility,
* McsEngl.satisfierProfession@cptEconomy53, {2011-07-05}
* McsEngl.skill,
* McsEngl.service.human@cptEconomy53, (non machine)
* McsEngl.task,
* McsEngl.workingProfession@cptEconomy53, {2011-06-18}
* McsEngl.workingOfProduct@cptEconomy53, {2011-06-18}
* McsEngl.working-ability@cptEconomy53,
* McsEngl.working-capacity@cptEconomy53, {2012-07-20}
* McsEngl.working-potential@cptEconomy53,
* McsEngl.job-skills@cptEconomy,
* McsEngl.skill.job@cptEconomy,
* McsEngl.wrkskl@cptEconomy53, {2012-06-09}
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑ@cptEconomy53,
* McsElln.εργασιακή-δύναμη@cptEconomy, [Βαρουφάκης; Πολ.Οικ., 2007, 266]
* McsElln.ΕΡΓΑΤΙΚΗ-ΔΥΝΑΜΗ@cptMarx@cptEconomy53,
* McsElln.ΙΚΑΝΟΤΗΤΑ-ΕΡΓΑΣΙΑΣ@cptMarx@cptEconomy53,
* McsElln.ΕΡΓΑΣΙΑ,
* McsElln.ΕΡΓΑΤΙΚΗ-ΔΥΝΑΜΗ,
* McsElln.ΙΚΑΝΟΤΗΤΑ-ΕΡΓΑΣΙΑΣ,
* McsEngl.OIKONOMIKH-ΕΡΓΑΣΙΑ,
* McsElln.ΣΧΕΣΗ-ΠΑΡΑΓΩΓΗΣ,
====== lagoEsperanto:,
* McsEngl.profesio@lagoEspo,
* McsEspo.profesio,
_PROFESSION:
1) skils: has skils.
2) income: gets income.
[hmnSngo.2015-03-29]
Στο χειρόγραφο 1861-1863 (θεωρίες υπεραξίας) ο Μαρξ χρησιμοποιεί σχεδον παντου τον όρο "ΙΚΑΝΟΤΗΤΑ ΕΡΓΑΣΙΑΣ" αντι "εργατική δύναμη". Στον πρώτο τόμο του "κεφαλαίου" ο Μαρξ χρησιμοποιεί και τους δύο όρους με την ίδια έννοια
[σημειωση στις θεωρ. Υπεραξίας, Α470]
pro·fes·sion pr?'feSH?n
noun
noun profession plural noun professions
a paid occupation, especially one that involves prolonged training and a formal qualification.
a body of people engaged in a particular profession.
career occupation calling vocation mιtier line (of work) walk of life job business trade craft racket
an open but often false declaration or claim.
a declaration of belief in a religion.
declaration affirmation statement announcement proclamation assertion avowal vow claim protestation averment
the declaration or vows made on entering a religious order.
the ceremony or fact of being professed in a religious order.
Web definitions
the body of people in a learned occupation; "the news spread rapidly through the medical profession"; "they formed a community of scientists"
http://wordnetweb.princeton.edu/perl/webwn?s=profession
Powered by Google Dictionary
_DESCRIPTION:
A nation’s human capital endowment—the knowledge and skills embodied in individuals that enable them to create economic value[1]—can be a more important determinant of its long-term success than virtually any other resource.
[1] This updated definition of human capital comes from Bean, C., Independent Review of UK Economic Statistics, March 2016, p 104. It goes on to add: “Perhaps more so than in the past, human capital is a key driver of a successful economy, as routine tasks are automated and the premium paid to creativity rises.”
[http://reports.weforum.org/human-capital-report-2016/measuring-human-capital/]
===
The skills needed to do a-job#ql:job@cptEconomy53.2#.
[hmnSngo.2015-05-07]
===
Profession is a WORKING[583] of a specific PRODUCT[347#cptEconomy347#]. The working needed to create a specific product.
[hmnSngo.2011-06-18]
This "working" can be done by one or more workers, who must possess some specific knowledge and have specific capabilities to performe specific tasks for specific products.
OrgProducing need this "working" and pay for that specific working and they don't care if the workers have and other capabilities and degrees.
One worker can have many professions.
One product needs specific professions (jobs).
[hmnSngo.2011-08-18]
===
profession we call POTENTIAL-WORK (583.12) a human (364) can do, in relation to the PRODUCT (347) he can create.
[hmnSngo.2011-05-04]
_DefinitionSpecific:
It is any nonFinalSatisfier[461] of humans[686] needed in the production-process[583].
[hmnSngo.2011-06-12]
===
Profession is nonMaterialized-work (583.12) a worker #cptEconomy364# CAN DO to produce a specific product #cptEconomy347#.
[hmnSngo.2011-04-23]
Profession is the ABILITY of a worker to produce a specific product.
[hmnSngo.2011-03-24]
ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑ είναι ΛΕΙΤΟΥΡΓΙΑ 'καταναλωτη' (επαγγελματια), δημιουργιας 'αγαθου'.
[hmnSngo.1995-04]
ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑ (ΕΡΓΑΤΙΚΗ ΔΥΝΑΜΗ) είναι η ικανότητα/ιδιότητα/χαρακτηριστικό ΚΑΤΑΝΑΛΩΤΗ να μπορεί να ΕΡΓΑΣΤΕΙ.
[ΝΙΚΟΣ, 24 ΜΑΡ. 1995]
Η ΕΡΓΑΤΙΚΗ ΔΥΝΑΜΗ είναι ΔΥΝΑΜΕΙ εργασία.
Η ΕΡΓΑΣΙΑ είναι ΥΛΟΠΟΙΗΜΕΝΗ ΕΡΓΑΤΙΚΗ ΔΥΝΑΜΗ
[hmnSngo.1995-02]
ΕΡΓΑΤΙΚΗ ΔΥΝΑΜΗ ΑΝΑΓΚΗ/ΕΠΙΘΥΜΙΑ
ΕΡΓΑΣΙΑ ΑΞΙΑ ΧΡΗΣΗΣ.
[hmnSngo.1995-02]
ΕΡΓΑΤΙΚΗ ΔΥΝΑΜΗ:
ΕΙΝΑΙ Η ΙΚΑΝΟΤΗΤΑ ΤΟΥ ΑΝΘΡΩΠΟΥ ΓΙΑ ΕΡΓΑΣΙΑ, ΤΟ ΣΥΝΟΛΟ ΤΩΝ ΣΩΜΑΤΙΚΩΝ ΚΑΙ ΠΝΕΥΜΑΤΙΚΩΝ ΔΥΝΑΜΕΩΝ ΠΟΥ ΔΙΑΘΕΤΕΙ Ο ΑΝΘΡΩΠΟΣ ΚΑΙ ΠΟΥ ΤΙΣ ΧΡΗΣΙΜΟΠΟΙΕΙ ΣΤΗ ΔΙΑΔΙΚΑΣΙΑ ΤΗΣ ΠΑΡΑΓΩΓΗΣ ΥΛΙΚΩΝ ΑΓΑΘΩΝ. Η ΕΡΓΑΤΙΚΗ ΔΥΝΑΜΗ, ΣΕ ΚΑΘΕ ΚΟΙΝΩΝΙΑ, ΕΙΝΑΙ Ο ΒΑΣΙΚΟΣ ΟΡΟΣ ΤΗΣ ΠΑΡΑΓΩΓΗΣ...
[ΛΕΞΙΚΟ ΠΟΛΙΤΙΚΗΣ ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΙΑΣ 1983, 171#cptResource172#]
Η ΧΡΗΣΗ ΤΗΣ ΕΡΓΑΤΙΚΗΣ ΔΥΝΑΜΗΣ ΕΙΝΑΙ Η ΙΔΙΑ Η ΕΡΓΑΣΙΑ#cptEconomy53#. Ο ΑΓΟΡΑΣΤΗΣ ΤΗΣ ΕΡΓΑΤΙΚΗΣ ΔΥΝΑΜΗΣ ΤΗΝ ΚΑΤΑΝΑΛΩΝΕΙ ΒΑΖΟΝΤΑΣ ΤΟΝ ΠΟΥΛΗΤΗ-ΤΗΣ ΝΑ ΔΟΥΛΕΨΕΙ.
[ΜΑΡΞ, 1867, 190#cptResource118#]
_WHOLE:
* worker#cptEconomy364#
* aggregate-professions#cptEconomy464#
name::
* McsEngl.wkrskl'OTHER-VIEW,
Η δυσκολία που σκόνταβαν οι καλύτεροι οικονομολόγοι, εφόσον ξεκινούσαν απο την αξία της "εργασίας", εξαφανίζεται μόλις ξεκινήσουμε από την αξία της "εργατικής δύναμης".
[ΕΝΓΚΕΛΣ ΜΙΣΘΩΤΗ..., 1891, 28#cptResource277#]
Βάζοντας στη θέση της εργασίας την εργατική δύναμη την αξιοδημιουργό ιδιότητα, ο Μαρξ έλυσε μεμιας μια απο τις δυσκολίες, πάνω στις οποιες σμπαραλιάστηκε η σχολή του Ρικάρντο: το γεγονός ότι ήταν αδύνατο να εναρμονιστεί η αμοιβαία ανταλλαγή κεφαλαίου και εργασίας με το νόμο του Ρικάρντο για τον καθορισμό της αξίας απο την εργασία.
[ΜΑΡΞ ΚΕΦΑΛΑΙΟ Ι, 1867, 15 πρόλογος του Ενγκελς#cptResource118#]
name::
* McsEngl.wkrskl'Demand,
Τα επαγγέλματα που έχουν μέλλον
Τα συμπεράσματα της πρώτης μεγάλης έρευνας του Εθνικού Παρατηρητηρίου Απασχόλησης για τις ειδικότητες που θα παρουσιάζουν υψηλή ζήτηση τα επόμενα χρόνια
Κ. ΠΑΠΑΔΗΣ - Δ. ΝΙΚΟΛΑΚΟΠΟΥΛΟΣ - ΒΑΣΩ ΧΑΡΑΛΑΜΠΙΔΟΥ
(Εικόνα μεγέθους : 24900 bytes)
Η αναζήτηση επαγγελμάτων και ειδικοτήτων με αυξημένες προοπτικές στην αγορά εργασίας αποτελεί έναν από τους καλύτερους τρόπους διασφάλισης του εργασιακού μέλλοντος των νέων.
Ετσι η διερεύνηση των τάσεων της αγοράς εργασίας είναι απαραίτητη, ώστε να κατευθυνθούν εγκαίρως οι νέοι προς τις ειδικότητες που θα παρουσιάζουν υψηλή ζήτηση τα επόμενα χρόνια.
Η πρώτη μεγάλη έρευνα στη χώρα μας για την καταγραφή των τάσεων στην αγορά εργασίας, σε κάθε γεωγραφική περιφέρεια της χώρας, πραγματοποιήθηκε από το Εθνικό Παρατηρητήριο Απασχόλησης, κατόπιν εντολής του υπουργείου Εργασίας.
Πρόκειται για την πρώτη μεθοδευμένη προσπάθεια που γίνεται στην Ελλάδα προκειμένου να χαρτογραφηθούν τα επαγγέλματα ανά γεωγραφική περιφέρεια και ταυτόχρονα να καταγραφούν οι τάσεις αύξησης ή μείωσης της ζήτησής τους στην τοπική αγορά εργασίας.
Η καταγραφή των ειδικοτήτων με αυξημένη ζήτηση στην αγορά εργασίας κρίθηκε απαραίτητη από το υπουργείο Εργασίας, έτσι ώστε να προσαρμοστούν σε αυτές τα προγράμματα επαγγελματικής κατάρτισης που υλοποιούνται στη χώρα μας με την επιδότηση των διαρθρωτικών ταμείων της Ευρωπαϊκής Ενωσης.
Ωστόσο η καταγραφή των επαγγελμάτων δεν σταματάει εδώ. Η μελέτη για τις ανάγκες της αγοράς εργασίας ανά περιφέρεια θα αποτελεί εφεξής μια διαρκή διαδικασία, έτσι ώστε να απεικονίζονται συνεχώς οι αλλαγές που συντελούνται στις τοπικές αγορές εργασίας.
Στόχος του υπουργείου Εργασίας είναι να δημιουργήσει στο Εθνικό Παρατηρητήριο Απασχόλησης ένα σταθερό μηχανισμό καταγραφής της ζήτησης των επαγγελμάτων.
Η έρευνα του Εθνικού Παρατηρητηρίου Απασχόλησης έχει προσαρμόσει τις προβλέψεις της γύρω από τα δυναμικά και τα φθίνοντα επαγγέλματα στη διετία 1998-1999. Ωστόσο αποτελεί την πρώτη βάση δεδομένων για τη συνέχιση των παρατηρήσεών της γύρω από τις εξελίξεις στην αγορά εργασίας και τα επόμενα χρόνια.
Κατά την έρευνα, επελέγησαν εννέα μεγάλες κατηγορίες επαγγελματικών δραστηριοτήτων που την περίοδο 1993-1996 παρουσίασαν στο σύνολο της χώρας τις εξής αυξομειώσεις στον αριθμό των απασχολουμένων:
Περιβάλλον (12,9%), υγεία - πρόνοια (3,2%), πολιτισμός, αθλητισμός, ΜΜΕ και επικοινωνίες (1,9%), παιδαγωγικά και εκπαιδευτικά επαγγέλματα (3,8%), οικονομία και διοίκηση (2,1%), πληροφορική (1%), τουρισμός και παροχή υπηρεσιών (3%), αγροτικές δραστηριότητες (-0,3%) και τεχνικές και μεταφορικές δραστηριότητες (0,1%).
Για τον εντοπισμό των δυναμικών αλλά και των φθινόντων επαγγελμάτων ανά περιφέρεια, κατά τη διάρκεια της μελέτης ελήφθησαν υπόψη τα εξής:
1. Η μεταβολή του αριθμού των απασχολουμένων σε κάθε επάγγελμα την περίοδο 1993-1996.
2. Η μεταβολή της «βαρύτητας» ενός επαγγέλματος. Η «βαρύτητα» καθορίζεται από τον αριθμό των απασχολουμένων στο συγκεκριμένο επάγγελμα, σε σχέση με το σύνολο των απασχολουμένων σε μια γεωγραφική περιφέρεια.
3. Ο δείκτης των «παλαιών ανέργων», δηλαδή πόσοι από τους σημερινούς ανέργους έχουν εργαστεί κατά το παρελθόν στο συγκεκριμένο επάγγελμα.
Ορισμένα από τα επαγγέλματα που παρουσιάζουν αυξημένη ζήτηση στην αγορά εργασίας είναι τα εξής:
* Περιβάλλον. Τεχνολόγοι - τεχνικοί φυσικής και μηχανικής που έχουν σχέση με την ανακύκλωση χαρτιού, τις εναλλακτικές μορφές ενέργειας και τη διαχείριση απορριμμάτων. Τεχνολόγοι και τεχνικοί περιβάλλοντος. Τεχνικοί φυσικού αερίου.
* Επαγγέλματα υγείας και πρόνοιας. Βιολόγοι και γιατροί ειδικευμένοι κυρίως σε εφαρμογές οδοντιατρικής, φαρμακευτικής και νοσηλευτικής. Τεχνολόγοι βιολογικών επιστημών, βοηθοί ιατρικής, υγιεινής και δημόσιας υγείας. Χειριστές διαγνωστικού και θεραπευτικού ιατρικού εξοπλισμού. Οπτικοί. Φυσιοθεραπευτές. Ειδικοί σε θέματα διατροφής.
* Επαγγέλματα πολιτισμού, αθλητισμού και μέσων μαζικής επικοινωνίας. Δημοσιογράφοι, εικονολήπτες, ηχολήπτες, χειριστές εκτυπωτικών μηχανημάτων, διακοσμητές, αθλητικό management, προπονητές.
* Παιδαγωγικά και εκπαιδευτικά επαγγέλματα. Εκπαιδευτές εκπαιδευτών, σύμβουλοι επαγγελματικού προσανατολισμού, ειδικευμένοι στην εκπαίδευση και στήριξη ατόμων με ειδικές ανάγκες. Ειδικοί στην πρόληψη, θεραπεία και στήριξη εξαρτημένων ατόμων από τοξικές ουσίες.
* Επαγγέλματα οικονομίας και διοίκησης. Διευθυντικά στελέχη επιχειρήσεων του δημόσιου και ιδιωτικού τομέα. Στελέχη ειδικευμένα στο marketing και στις δημόσιες σχέσεις. Μηχανοργανωμένη λογιστική. Ασφαλιστικοί σύμβουλοι και σύμβουλοι ανθρώπινων πόρων. Ειδικευμένοι στη χρηματοοικονομική και στις οικονομικοτεχνικές μελέτες. Αρχιτέκτονες πολεοδόμοι και συγκοινωνιολόγοι.
* Επαγγέλματα πληροφορικής. Μαθηματικοί, στατιστικολόγοι, σύμβουλοι πληροφορικής, σχεδιαστές και αναλυτές προγραμμάτων, χειριστές και πωλητές ηλεκτρονικών υπολογιστών.
* Τουριστικά επαγγέλματα και παροχή υπηρεσιών. Λογιστές, αναλυτές έρευνας αγοράς. Ταξιδιωτικοί συνοδοί, ξεναγοί, μάγειροι, σερβιτόροι, εναλλακτικές μορφές τουρισμού, προώθηση τουριστικών προϊόντων και σχεδιασμός τουριστικών πακέτων. Στελέχη ξενοδοχείων.
* Αγροτικές δραστηριότητες. Θερμοκήπια, οικολογικές καλλιέργειες, τυποποίηση προϊόντων, ειδικευμένοι γεωργοκτηνοτρόφοι και πτηνοτρόφοι μικρών εκμεταλλεύσεων. Ιχθυοτρόφοι και οστρακοτρόφοι. Ειδικοί στην αναδιάρθρωση καλλιεργειών. Καλλιεργητές κηπευτικών, ανθέων και φυτωρίων.
* Τεχνικά και μεταφορικά επαγγέλματα. Τεχνολόγοι επιστημών μηχανικής. Τεχνίτες ανέγερσης και συντήρησης κτιρίων. Μηχανικοί αυτοκινήτων, γεωργικών και βιομηχανικών μηχανημάτων. Χειριστές παραγωγής προϊόντων τσιμέντου, μηχανών επεξεργασίας τροφών και ποτών. Μηχανοδηγοί. Χειριστές χωματουργικών μηχανημάτων και γερανοφόρων οχημάτων.
ΤΟ ΒΗΜΑ, 01-11-1998 Κωδικός άρθρου: B12505I041
name::
* McsEngl.wkrskl'doing.EVOLUTING,
It was pointed out that, as a result of technological advances, more than half of all existing jobs will be changed within the NEXT DECADE and an estimated 30% will be eliminated.
[Mondy et al, 1991, 467#cptResource221#]
The main milestones which mark an occupation being identified as a profession are:
1) It became a full-time occupation;
2) The first training school was established;
3) The first university school was established;
4) The first local association was established;
5) The first national association was established;
6) The codes of professional ethics were introduced;
7) State licensing laws were established.[2]
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Profession]
We have now reached the threshold of civilization. Civilization opens with a new advance in the division of labor. At the lowest stage of barbarism men produced only directly for their own needs; any acts of exchange were isolated occurrences, the object of exchange merely some fortuitous surplus. In the middle stage of barbarism we already find among the pastoral peoples a possession in the form of cattle which, once the herd has attained a certain size, regularly produces a surplus over and above the tribe's own requirements, leading to a division of labor between pastoral peoples and backward tribes without herds, and hence to the existence of two different levels of production side by side with one another and the conditions necessary for regular exchange. The upper stage of barbarism brings us the further division of labor between agriculture and handicrafts, hence the production of a continually increasing portion of the products of labor directly for exchange, so that exchange between individual producers assumes the importance of a vital social function. Civilization consolidates and intensifies all these existing divisions of labor, particularly by sharpening the opposition between town and country (the town may economically dominate the country, as in antiquity, or the country the town, as in the middle ages), and it adds a third division of labor, peculiar to itself and of decisive importance: it creates a class which no longer concerns itself with production, but only with the exchange of the products – the merchants. Hitherto whenever classes had begun to form, it had always been exclusively in the field of production; the persons engaged in production were separated into those who directed and those who executed, or else into large-scale and small-scale producers. Now for the first time a class appears which, without in any way participating in production, captures the direction of production as a whole and economically subjugates the producers; which makes itself into an indispensable middleman between any two producers and exploits them both. Under the pretext that they save the producers the trouble and risk of exchange, extend the sale of their products to distant markets and are therefore the most useful class of the population, a class of parasites comes into being, “genuine social ichneumons,” who, as a reward for their actually very insignificant services, skim all the cream off production at home and abroad, rapidly amass enormous wealth and correspondingly social influence, and for that reason receive under civilization ever higher honors and ever greater control of production, until at last they also bring forth a product of their own – the periodical trade crises.
[http://synagonism.net/book/society/engels.1884.origin.html#idIXP15]
name::
* McsEngl.wkrskl'law,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy53.1,
* McsEngl.profession'regulation@cptEconomy53.1, {2012-05-31}
Professions are typically regulated by statute, with the responsibilities of enforcement delegated to respective professional bodies, whose function is to define, promote, oversee, support and regulate the affairs of its members. These bodies are responsible for the licensure of professionals, and may additionally set examinations of competence and enforce adherence to an ethical code of practice. However, they all require that the individual hold at least a first professional degree before licensure. There may be several such bodies for one profession in a single country, an example being the accountancy bodies (ACCA, ICAEW, ICAI, ICAS, CIPFA, AAPA, CIMA, IFA, CPA) of the United Kingdom, all of which have been given a Royal Charter although not necessarily considered to hold equivalent-level qualifications. Another example of a regulatory body that governs a profession is the Hong Kong Professional Teachers Union, which governs the conduct, rights, obligations and duties of salaried teachers working in educational institutions in Hong Kong.
Typically, individuals are required by law to be qualified by a local professional body before they are permitted to practice in that profession. However, in some countries, individuals may not be required by law to be qualified by such a professional body in order to practice, as is the case for accountancy in the United Kingdom (except for auditing and insolvency work which legally require qualification by a professional body). In such cases, qualification by the professional bodies is effectively still considered a prerequisite to practice as most employers and clients stipulate that the individual hold such qualifications before hiring their services. For example, in order to become a fully qualified teaching professional in Hong Kong working in a state or government-funded school, one needs to have successfully completed a Postgraduate Diploma in Education ("PGDE") or a Bachelor's degree in Education ("BEd") at an approved tertiary educational institution or university. This requirement is set out by the Educational Department Bureau of Hong Kong, which is the governmental department that governs the Hong Kong education sector.
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Profession]
name::
* McsEngl.wkrskl'Prestige,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy53.7,
* McsEngl.social-status-of-profession@cptEconomy53.7, {2012-05-31}
Status and prestige
Professions enjoy a high social status, regard and esteem [13][14] conferred upon them by society. This high esteem arises primarily from the higher social function of their work, which is regarded as vital to society as a whole and thus of having a special and valuable nature. All professions involve technical, specialised and highly skilled work often referred to as "professional expertise." [15] Training for this work involves obtaining degrees and professional qualifications (see Licensure) without which entry to the profession is barred (occupational closure). Training also requires regular updating of skills through continuing education.
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Profession]
name::
* McsEngl.wkrskl'training,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy53.6,
name::
* McsEngl.wkrskl'replacement,
"Η ΕΡΓΑΤΙΚΗ ΔΥΝΑΜΗ, Η ΟΠΟΙΑ ΔΑΠΑΝΑΤΑΙ ΣΤΗΝ ΠΑΡΑΓΩΓΙΚΗ ΔΙΑΔΙΚΑΣΙΑ, ΑΝΑΠΛΗΡΩΝΕΤΑΙ ΜΕ ΤΗΝ ΚΑΤΑΝΑΛΩΣΗ ΑΠΟ ΤΑ ΑΤΟΜΑ, ΤΩΝ ΚΑΤΑΝΑΛΩΤΙΚΩΝ ΑΓΑΘΩΝ"
[ΛΙΑΝΟΣ et al, 1979, 13#cptResource292#]
name::
* McsEngl.wkrskl'resource,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* {2018-03-22} https://blog.chronobank.io/from-workforce-to-human-capital-revolutionary-changes-of-employment-and-recruiting-341b7ef8a8c7
_GENERIC:
* capacity
* satisfier-finalNo#cptEconomy541.100#
* entity.economic.satisfierWorking.servicing#cptEconomy541.103#
name::
* McsEngl.wkrskl.specific,
* McsEngl.division-of-labour-qualifications-53.1,
_SPECIFIC:
* doing-qualification##
* experience##
* formal-qualification
* individual-skill##
* knowledge-qualification##
* per_job-skill##
* per_satisfier-skill##
_SPECIFIC:
* any
* aggregate
===
* TI
* TP
===
* created
* demised (consumed, wasted, destroyed, died, ended, aged, stolen)
* accumulated
_SPECIFIC: wrkskl.SPECIFIC_DIVISION.Knowledge:
* skilled
* semiSkilled
* unSkilled
_SPECIFIC: wrkskl.SPECIFIC_DIVISION.Economy:
ΕΡΓΑΤΙΚΗ ΔΥΝΑΜΗ ΣΤΗ ΠΡΩΤΟΓΟΝΗ ΚΟΙΝΩΝΙΑ
ΕΡΓΑΤΙΚΗ ΔΥΝΑΜΗ ΣΤΗ ΔΟΥΛΟΚΤΗΤΙΚΗ ΚΟΙΝΩΝΙΑ work.SLAVE
ΕΡΓΑΤΙΚΗ ΔΥΝΑΜΗ ΣΤΗ ΦΕΟΥΔΑΡΧΙΚΗ ΚΟΙΝΩΝΙΑ work.VILLEIN,
ΕΡΓΑΤΙΚΗ ΔΥΝΑΜΗ ΣΤΗ ΚΑΠΙΤΑΛΙΣΤΙΚΗ ΚΟΙΝΩΝΙΑ
name::
* McsEngl.wkrskl.SPECIFIC-DIVISION.gender,
* McsEngl.gender-division-of-labour,
name::
* McsEngl.wkrskl.SPECIFIC-DIVISION.satisfier,
* McsEngl.,
name::
* McsEngl.wkrskl.ALPHABETICAL,
_SPECIFIC:
* wrkskl.accounting#cptCore999.9#
* wrkskl.auditing#cptCore999.4.2#
* wrkskl.administering.society#cptCore94.2#
* wrkskl.administering.economy#cptCore94.1#
* wrkskl.administering#cptCore999.4#
* wrkskl.administering.company#cptCore999.5.1#
* wrkskl.health_service#cptEconomy364.37.1#
* wrkskl.researching#cptEconomy53.5#
* wrkskl.serveing#cptEconomy137.1#
* wrkskl.teaching#cptEconomy53.4#
=== el:
ΑΕΡΟΝΑΥΠΗΓΟΣ,
ΑΕΡΟΣΥΝΟΔΟΣ,
ΑΙΣΘΗΤΙΚΟΣ,
ΑΝΕΙΔΙΚΕΥΤΟ ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑ
ΑΝΘΟΚΟΜΟΣ,
ΑΡΓΥΡΟΧΡΥΣΟΧΟΟΣ,
ΑΡΧΙΤΕΚΤΟΝΑΣ,
ΑΣΦΑΛΙΣΤΗΣ,
ΓΕΩΡΓΟΣ/farmer,
ΓΙΑΤΡΟΥ-ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑ#cptEconomy619#
ΓΛΥΠΤΗΣ,
ΓΛΩΣΣΟΛΟΓΟΥ-ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑ#cptEconomy364.36.1#
ΓΡΑΜΜΑΤΕΑΣ,
ΓΡΑΦΙΣΤΑΣ,
ΔΑΣΚΑΛΟΣ ΔΗΜ. ΣΧΟΛΕΙΟΥ,
ΔΑΣΚΑΛΟΣ ΟΔΗΓΗΣΗΣ,
ΔΗΜΟΣΙΕΣ ΣΧΕΣΕΙΣ,
ΔΗΜΟΣΙΟΣ-ΥΠΑΛΛΗΛΟΣ#cptEconomy593#
ΔΙΑΙΤΟΛΟΓΟΣ,
ΔΙΑΚΟΣΜΗΤΗΣ,
ΔΙΑΦΗΜΙΣΤΗΣ,
ΔΥΤΗΣ,
ΕΙΔΙΚΕΥΜΕΝΟ ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑ
ΕΙΚΟΝΟΛΗΠΤΗΣ,
ΕΠΕΝΔΥΤΗ-ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑ#cptEconomy592##ql:investor'working_skills#
ΕΠΙΠΛΟΠΟΙΟΣ/ΞΥΛΟΥΡΓΟΣ,
ΕΠΙΣΤΗΜΟΝΑ-ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑ#cptEconomy364.45.1#
ΕΡΕΥΝΗΤΗΣ ΑΓΟΡΑΣ,
ΗΘΟΠΟΙΟΣ,
ΗΛΕΚΤΡΟΛΟΓΟΣ,
ΗΧΟΛΗΠΤΗΣ,
ΘΡΗΣΚΕΙΑΣ ΙΔΡΥΤΗΣ
ΙΔΙΩΤΙΚΟΣ ΥΠΑΛΛΗΛΟΣ#cptEconomy364.53.1#
ΙΣΤΟΡΙΚΟΥ-ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑ#cptEconomy364.33.1#
ΚΑΘΗΓΗΤΗΣ ΜΕΣΗΣ ΕΚΠΑΙΔΕΥΣΗΣ,
ΚΑΘΗΓΗΤΗΣ ΞΕΝΩΝ ΓΛΩΣΣΩΝ,
ΚΑΛΛΙΤΕΧΝΗΣ/artist,
ΚΗΠΟΥΡΟΣ,
ΚΛΙΝΙΚΑΡΧΗΣ,
ΚΟΙΝΩΝΙΟΛΟΓΟΥ ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑ#cptCore330.2#
ΚΟΜΜΩΤΗΣ,
ΛΟΓΟΤΕΧΝΗ-ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑ#cptEconomy363.29.1#
ΜΑΓΕΙΡΑΣ,
ΜΑΘΗΜΑΤΙΚΟΥ-ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑ#cptCore89.9#
ΜΑΝΑΤΖΕΡ ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑ
ΜΕΤΑΦΡΑΣΤΗΣ/ΔΙΕΡΜΗΝΕΑΣ,
ΜΗΧΑΝΙΚΟΣ ΑΕΡΟΣΚΑΦΩΝ,
ΜΗΧΑΝΙΚΟΣ ΑΥΤΟΚΙΝΗΤΩΝ,
ΜΟΥΣΙΚΟΣ,
ΝΟΣΗΛΕΥΤΗΣ,
ΞΕΝΑΓΟΣ,
ΟΔΟΝΤΟΤΕΧΝΙΤΗΣ,
ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΟΛΟΓΟΥ-ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑ#cptEconomy438.10#
ΟΠΤΙΚΟΣ,
ΠΟΙΗΤΗ-ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑ#cptEconomy603#
ΠΟΛΙΤΙΚΟΥ-ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑ/politician#cptCore999.8.4#
ΠΟΛΙΤΙΚΟΥ-ΕΠΙΣΤΗΜΟΝΑ/political-scientist#cptEconomy364.44.1#
ΠΡΟΓΡΑΜΜΑΤΙΣΤΗΣ/ΑΝΑΛΥΤΗΣ Η/Υ,
ΠΩΛΗΤΗΣ,
ΣΚΗΝΟΘΕΤΗ-ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑ/director#cptEconomy364.32.1#
ΣΤΕΛΕΧΟΣ ΕΠΙΧΕΡΗΣΕΩΝ,
ΣΤΡΑΤΙΩΤΙΚΟΥ-ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑ#cptEconomy364.40.1#
ΣΥΜΒΟΛΑΙΟΓΡΑΦΟΣ,
ΣΥΝΘΕΤΗ-ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑ/composer#cptEconomy364.39.1#
ΣΧΕΔΙΑΣΤΗΣ ΡΟΥΧΩΝ/ΜΟΝΤΕΛΙΣΤ,
ΤΕΧΝΙΚΟΣ Η/Υ,
ΤΡΑΠΕΖΙΚΟΥ-ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑ#cptEconomy7.87.25.33#
ΤΥΠΟΓΡΑΦΟΣ,
ΥΔΡΑΥΛΙΚΟΣ,
ΦΙΛΟΣΟΦΟΥ-ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑ/philosopher#cptEconomy364.41.1#
ΦΟΡΟΤΕΧΝΙΚΟΣ/ΛΟΓΙΣΤΗΣ,
ΦΥΣΙΚΟΥ-ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑ/physician#cptEconomy364.42.1#
ΦΥΣΙΟΘΕΡΑΠΕΥΤΗΣ,
ΦΩΤΟΓΡΑΦΟΣ,
ΧΡΗΜΑΤΙΣΤΗΣ,
name::
* McsEngl.wkrskl.JOB,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy364.10,
*McsEngl.conceptEconomy53,
* McsEngl.job'skill,
* McsEngl.job'qualification,
* McsEngl.professioning,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://www.weforum.org/agenda/2016/02/what-skills-are-employers-looking-for//
name::
* McsEngl.wkrskl.AGGREGATE.ALL,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy464,
* McsEngl.aggregate.professions@cptEconomy464,
* McsEngl.aggregate-concrete-professions,
* McsEngl.profession-quantity,
* McsEngl.division-of-work,
* McsEngl.quantity'profession@cptEconomy464,
* McsElln.ΚΑΤΑΜΕΡΙΣΜΟΣ-ΕΡΓΑΣΙΑΣ,
* McsElln.ΠΟΣΟΤΗΤΑ-ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑΤΩΝ,
* McsElln.ΠΟΣΟΤΗΤΑ'ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑΤΩΝ@cptEconomy464,
_GENERIC:
* aggregate#cptCore88.19#
_DESCRIPTION:
ΚΑΤΑΜΕΡΙΣΜΟΣ ΕΡΓΑΣΙΑΣ το 'σύνολο' των 'επαγγελμάτων#cptEconomy53#' οικονομιας.
[ΝΙΚΟΣ, ΙΟΥΛ. 1994]
Ο καταμερισμός εργασίας μετατρέπει το προϊόν της εργασίας σε εμπόρευμα και κάνει έτσι αναγκαία τη μετατροπή του σε χρήμα. Ταυτόχρονα μετατρέπει σε ζήτημα τύχης το άν θα πετύχει αυτή η μετουσίωση.
[ΜΑΡΞ ΚΕΦΑΛΑΙΟ Ι, 1867, 120#cptResource118#]
name::
* McsEngl.wkrskl.EXPERIENCE,
* McsEngl.wkr'experience,
_DESCRIPTION:
2. Skilled or knowledgeable as the result of active participation or practice: consulted an experienced investment counselor.
[http://www.thefreedictionary.com/experienced]
name::
* McsEngl.wkrskl.HARDEST-MOST-USEFUL,
10 skills that are hard to learn but pay off forever
By Rachel Gillett
Jun 12 2015
The best things in life may be free, but that doesn’t mean they won’t take time, sweat, and perseverance to acquire.
That’s especially the case when it comes to learning important life skills.
In an effort to ascertain which talents are worth the investment, one Quora reader posed the question: What are the hardest and most useful skills to learn?
We’ve highlighted our favorite takeaways.
1. Time management
Effective time management is one of the most highly valued skills by employers. While there is no one right way, it’s important to find a system that works for you and stick to it, Alina Grzegorzewska explains.
“The hardest thing to learn for me was how to plan,” she writes. “Not to execute what I have planned, but to make so epic a to-do list and to schedule it so thoroughly that I’m really capable of completing all the tasks on the scheduled date.”
2. Empathy
“You can be the most disciplined, brilliant, and even wealthy individual in the world, but if you don’t care for or empathize with other people, then you are basically nothing but a sociopath,” writes Kamia Taylor.
Empathy, as business owner Jane Wurdwand explains, is a fundamental human ability that has too readily been forsworn by modern business.
“Empathy — the ability to feel what others feel — is what makes good sales and service people truly great. Empathy as in team spirit — esprit d’corps — motivates people to try harder. Empathy drives employees to push beyond their own apathy, to go bigger, because they feel something bigger than just a paycheck,” she writes.
3. Mastering your sleep
There are so many prescribed sleep hacks out there it’s often hard to keep track. But regardless of what you choose, establishing a ritual can help ensure you have restful nights.
Numerous studies show that being consistent with your sleep schedule makes it easier to fall asleep and wake up, and it helps promote better sleep in general.
4. Positive self-talk
“Ultimately it doesn’t matter what others think of you,” writes Shobhit Singhal, “but what you think of yourself certainly does, and it takes time to build that level of confidence and ability to believe in yourself when nobody else does.”
On the other side of positive self-talk is negative self-talk, which Betsy Myers, founding director of The Center for Women and Business at Bentley University, believes can slowly chip away at your confidence.
5. Consistency
Whether you’re trying a new exercise routine, studying for the LSATs, or working on an important project, Khaleel Syed writes that consistency is vital to maintaining any kind of success.
People often stop working hard when they reach the top, he explains, but to maintain that top position, they have to work harder and be more consistent in their work.
6. Asking for help
“I once was told in a job interview, ‘You can’t have this job if you can’t ask for help when you need it,'” Louise Christy writes. “Naturally, I said I could. Later, I found out that the previous person with that job had screwed up big-time because he was in over his head but couldn’t admit it and didn’t ask for help.”
She explains that knowing when you need help and then asking for it is surprisingly difficult to learn and do because no one wants to be perceived as weak or incompetent.
But a recent study from the Harvard Business School suggests doing so makes you look more, not less, capable. According to the study authors, when you ask people for advice, you validate their intelligence or expertise, which makes you more likely to win them over.
7. Knowing when to shut up — and actually doing it
“You can’t go around whining about every other thing that seems not-so-right to you in this world,” writes Roshna Nazir. “Sometimes you just need to shut up.”
There are many instances when keeping to yourself is the best course. “When we are angry, upset, agitated, or vexed,” writes Anwesha Jana, “we blurt out anything and everything that comes to our mind.” And later, you tend to regret it.
Keeping your mouth shut when you’re agitated is one of the most valuable skills to learn, and of course, one of the most difficult.
8. Listening
Along with shutting up comes listening, says Richard Careaga.
“Most of us in the workplace are so overwhelmed with things to do — instant messaging, phones ringing. I mean, our brain can only tolerate so much information before it snaps,” Nicole Lipkin, author of “What Keeps Leaders Up At Night,” previously told Business Insider.
One tip for active listening is repeating back what you heard to the other person. “It makes things so much easier when everyone is on the same page,” she said.
9. Minding your business
“It takes ages to learn and master this,” writes Aarushi Ruddra.
Sticking your nose into other people’s work isn’t helpful and wastes time and resources, she says. “You have no right to put forth your two or four cents, even if you are the last righteous person standing.”
10. Mastering your thoughts
To do what you want to do and accomplish what you want to accomplish, you need to consciously direct your thinking, writes Mark Givert.
“The challenge is that we are the product of our past experience and all of our thinking is the result of this,” he says. “However, the past does not equal the future.”
This article is published in collaboration with Business Insider. Publication does not imply endorsement of views by the World Economic Forum.
[https://agenda.weforum.org/2015/06/10-skills-that-are-hard-to-learn-but-pay-off-forever/]
name::
* McsEngl.wkrskl.INDIVIDUAL,
* McsEngl.expertise-of-individual-worker@cptEconomy,
* McsEngl.skill.individual@cptEconomy,
_DESCRIPTION:
expertise
Basis of credibility of a person who is perceived to be knowledgeable in an area or topic due to his or her study, training, or experience in the subject matter.
Learn more about this term
Usage Example
When I was interviewed for a job last week, they asked me which areas I had expertise in and would know how to handle.
[BusinessDictionary.com term.of.the.day]
name::
* McsEngl.wkrskl.KNOWLEDGE,
* McsEngl.skill.practicalNo,
* McsEngl.skill.theoritical,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2016/03/whats-your-workplace-thinking-style??
_DESCRIPTION:
Knowledge-skill is knowledge and knowledge-management of a-worker.
[hmnSngo.2016-03-27]
_SPECIFIC:
* thinking-style:
The authors define each style as follows:
· Explorer thinking is about generating creative ideas.
· Planner thinking is about designing effective systems.
· Energizer thinking is about mobilizing people into action.
· Connector thinking is about building and strengthening relationships.
· Expert thinking is about achieving objectivity and insight.
· Optimizer thinking is about improving productivity and efficiency.
· Producer thinking is about achieving completion and momentum.
· Coach thinking is about cultivating people and potential.
[https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2016/03/whats-your-workplace-thinking-style??]
name::
* McsEngl.wkrskl.KNOWLEDGE.NO,
* McsEngl.skill.knowledgeNo,
* McsEngl.skill.practical,
name::
* McsEngl.wkrskl.SATISFIER,
* McsEngl.skill.satisfier@cptEconomy,
_DESCRIPTION:
The-qualifications needed per satisfier.
[hmnSngo.2015-06-23]
name::
* McsEngl.wkrskl.satisfier.RESEARCHING,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy53.5,
* McsEngl.research-and-development@cptEconomy53.5,
* McsEngl.researching@cptEconomy53.5,
* McsEngl.wrkskl.researching@cptEconomy53.5,
_DESCRIPTION:
6.207 Research and development is creative work undertaken on a systematic basis to increase the stock of knowledge, and use this stock of knowledge for the purpose of discovering or developing new products, including improved versions or qualities of existing products, or discovering or developing new or more efficient processes of production. Research and development is not an ancillary activity, and a separate establishment should be distinguished for it when possible. The research and development undertaken by market producers on their own behalf should, in principle, be valued on the basis of the estimated basic prices that would be paid if the research were subcontracted commercially, but in practice is likely to have to be valued on the basis of the total production costs including the costs of fixed assets used in production. Research and development undertaken by specialized commercial research laboratories or institutes is valued by receipts from sales, contracts, commissions, fees, etc. in the usual way. Research and development undertaken by government units, universities, non-profit research institutes, etc. is non-market production and is valued on the basis of the total costs incurred. The activity of research and development is different from teaching and is classified separately in ISIC. In principle, the two activities ought to be distinguished from each other when undertaken within a university or other institute of higher education, although there may be considerable practical difficulties when the same staff divide their time between both activities. There may also be interaction between teaching and research which makes it difficult to separate them, even conceptually, in some cases. The treatment of R&D as capital formation is discussed in chapter 10. ¶
[https://synagonism.net/dirMcs/dirStn/dirHitp/HitpStnStd000.last.html#idPara6.207]
===
6.230 Research and development is treated as capital formation except in any cases where it is clear that the activity does not entail any economic benefit for its owner in which case it is treated as intermediate consumption. ¶
[https://synagonism.net/dirMcs/dirStn/dirHitp/HitpStnStd000.last.html#idPara6.230]
===
2. Asset boundary extended to include research and development
Reference: chapter 10, paragraphs 10.103 to 10.105
A3.46 As noted in section C, in the 2008 SNA the activity of research and development is not treated as an ancillary activity. The output of research and development should be capitalized as “intellectual property products” except in cases where it is clear that the activity does not entail any economic benefit to its producer (and hence owner) in which case it is treated as intermediate consumption. With the inclusion of research and development in the asset boundary, the 1993 SNA asset category of patented entities as a form of non-produced assets disappears and is replaced by research and development under fixed assets.
A3.47 In order to treat R&D in this way, several issues have to be addressed. These include deriving measures of research and development, price indices and service lives. Specific guidelines, together with handbooks on methodology and practice, will provide a useful way of working towards solutions that give the appropriate level of confidence in the resulting measures. ¶
A3.48 Treatment of research and development giving rise to produced assets has removed the 1993 SNA inconsistency of treating the patented entities as non-produced assets but treating royalty payments as payments for services.
[https://synagonism.net/dirMcs/dirStn/dirHitp/HitpStnStd000.last.html#idParaA3.45]
name::
* McsEngl.wkrskl.satisfier.TEACHING,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy53.4,
* McsEngl.wkrskl.teaching,
* McsEngl.educating-skill@cptEconomy53.4, {2012-06-09}
* McsEngl.teaching@cptEconomy53.4,
* McsEngl.profession.teaching@cptEconomy53.4,
name::
* McsEngl.wkrskl.society.CAPITALISM,
* McsEngl.division-of-labor.capitalism@cptEconomy,
* McsEngl.capitalist-division-of-labor@cptEconomy,
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.ΚΑΠΙΤΑΛΙΣΤΙΚΟΣ-ΚΑΤΑΜΕΡΙΣΜΟΣ-ΕΡΓΑΣΙΑΣ,
Αυτό λοιπόν που χαρακτηρίζει την κεφαλαιοκρατική εποχή είναι οτι η εργατική δύναμη αποχτάει για τον ίδιο τον εργάτη τη μορφή εμπορεύματος που του ανήκει και η εργασία του αποχτάει επομένως τη μορφή της μισθωτής εργασίας. Από την άλλη μεριά μόνο απ'αυτή τη στιγμή γενικεύεται η εμπορευματική μορφή των προϊόντων εργασίας.
[ΜΑΡΞ ΚΕΦΑΛΑΙΟ Ι, 1867, 183#cptResource118#]
Το καπιταλιστικό καταμερισμό της εργασίας δεν τον δημιούργησε η ΑΓΟΡΑ αλλά αντίστροφα η αποσύνθεσι προγενέστερων κοινωνικών θεσμών και ο καταμερισμός της εργασίας που προέκυψε από αυτή την αποσύνθεση εδημιούργησε την αγορά.
[ΕΝΓΚΕΛΣ, ΑΝΤΙΝΤΥΡΙΝΓΚ, 338 ΜΑΡΞ#cptResource184#]
name::
* McsEngl.wkrskl.society.EUROPEAN-QUALIFICATIONS-FRAMEWORK,
name::
* McsEngl.wkrskl.society.HELLENIC-QUALIFICATIONS-FRAMEWORK,
name::
* McsEngl.wkrskl.society.NATIONAL-QUALIFICATIONS-FRAMEWORK,
name::
* McsEngl.wkrskl.society.SOCIALISM,
"The labour power of each individual worker is part of the social, associated labour power in socialist society, and is manifested as an integral part of directly socialised labour on the scale of society. All that eliminated the possibility of and the need for purchase and sale of labour power and led to labour power's ceasing to be a commodity".
[Smirnov et al, 1984, 297#cptResource289#]
name::
* McsEngl.wkrskl.VACANCY,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy53.3,
* McsEngl.vacancy@cptEconomy53.3,
* McsElln.κενη-θεση-εργασιας@cptEconomy53.3,
name::
* McsEngl.worker'tax-wedge,
* McsEngl.tax-wedge-of-worker@cptEconomy,
_DESCRIPTION:
The tax wedge refers to personal income tax, employer and employee social security contributions, minus family benefits received as a proportion of total employer labour costs.
[https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2016/04/where-do-workers-pay-the-most-tax?]
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2016/04/where-do-workers-pay-the-most-tax??
name::
* McsEngl.worker'time-of-vacation (workleave),
* McsEngl.wkr'paid-holidays,
* McsEngl.wkr'time-of-leave,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2015/12/where-do-workers-get-the-most-vacation-days//
_DESCRIPTION:
Workers around the world spend on average over 40 hours a week at work, and receive over 4.5 weeks of paid holidays.
[https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2015/12/where-do-workers-get-the-most-vacation-days//]
name::
* McsEngl.worker'time-of-working (worktime),
* McsEngl.worktime,
* McsEngl.wkr'worktime,
* McsEngl.work'day@cptEconomy167,
* McsEngl.work-day,
* McsEngl.work-time,
* McsEngl.work-day,
* McsEngl.work-hours@cptEconomy,
* McsEngl.work-time@cptEconomy,
* McsEngl.worker'worktime@cptEconomy,
* McsEngl.working'time,
* McsEngl.working-hours@cptEconomy,
* McsEngl.working-time@cptEconomy, {2012-12-09}
* McsEngl.worktime@cptEconomy,
* McsEngl.worktime-of-worker@cptEconomy,
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.ΕΡΓΑΣΙΜΗ-ΜΕΡΑ,
* McsElln.ΕΡΓΑΣΙΜΟΣ-ΧΡΟΝΟΣ,
* McsElln.ΧΡΟΝΟΣ-ΕΡΓΑΣΙΑΣ,
* McsElln.ΩΡΑΡΙΟ@cptEconomy167,
_DESCRIPTION:
Working time is the period of time that an individual spends at paid occupational labor. Unpaid labors such as personal housework or caring for children/pets are not considered part of the working week. Many countries regulate the work week by law, such as stipulating minimum daily rest periods, annual holidays and a maximum number of working hours per week. Working time may vary from person to person often depending on location, culture, lifestyle choice, and the profitability of the individuals livelihood. For example someone who is supporting children and paying a large mortgage will need to work more hours to meet a basic cost of living than someone without children of the same earning power. As fewer people than ever are having children[1] choosing part time is becoming more popular.[2]
Some economists have recommended moving to a 21 hour standard work week to address problems with unemployment, high carbon emissions, low well-being, entrenched inequalities, overworking, family care, and the general lack of free time.[3][4][5] Actual work week lengths have been falling in the developed world.[6]
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Working_time]
===
ΕΡΓΑΣΙΜΗ ΜΕΡΑ: ΕΙΝΑΙ Ο ΧΡΟΝΟΣ ΤΟΥ ΕΙΚΟΣΙΤΕΤΡΑΩΡΟΥ ΠΟΥ ΣΤΗ ΔΙΑΡΚΕΙΑ-ΤΟΥ Ο ΕΡΓΑΖΟΜΕΝΟΣ ΔΟΥΛΕΥΕΙ ΣΕ ΚΑΠΟΙΟ ΤΟΠΟ ΔΟΥΛΕΙΑΣ.
[ΛΕΞΙΚΟ ΠΟΛΙΤΙΚΗΣ ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΙΑΣ 1983, 168#cptResource172#]
name::
* McsEngl.worktime'OTHER-VIEW,
"Η ΝΕΑ ΕΥΡΩΠΑΙΚΗ ΑΡΙΣΤΕΡΑ ΜΠΟΡΕΙ ΚΑΙ ΠΡΕΠΕΙ ΝΑ ΚΑΝΕΙ ΙΔΡΥΤΙΚΗ-ΤΗΣ ΙΔΕΑ ΤΗ ΜΕΙΩΣΗ ΤΟΥ ΧΡΟΝΟΥ ΕΡΓΑΣΙΑΣ ΓΙΑ ΜΙΑ ΚΑΛΥΤΕΡΗ ΠΟΙΟΤΗΤΑ ΖΩΗΣ...
ΕΚΑΤΟ ΧΡΟΝΙΑ ΜΕΤΑ (ΑΠΟ ΤΟΤΕ ΠΟΥ Ο ΓΑΜΠΡΟΣ ΤΟΥ ΜΑΡΞ ΛΑΦΑΡΓΚ ΚΗΡΥΣΕ ΤΟ "ΔΙΚΑΙΩΜΑ ΣΤΗΝ ΤΕΜΠΕΛΙΑ" ΓΙΑ ΝΑ ΕΧΟΥΝ ΟΛΟΙ ΔΟΥΛΕΙΑ) ΑΠΟ ΤΗ ΦΟΛΚΣΒΑΓΚΕΝ ΜΕΧΡΙ ΤΟΝ ΣΟΣΙΑΛΙΣΤΗ ΡΟΚΑΡ ΚΑΙ ΤΟΝ ΠΡΟΕΔΡΟ ΜΙΤΕΡΑΝ, ΕΝΑ ΕΙΝΑΙ ΤΟ ΣΩΤΗΡΙΟ, ΤΟ ΜΟΝΤΕΡΝΟ, ΤΟ ΕΥΡΩΠΑΙΚΟ ΣΥΝΘΗΜΑ: ΤΕΣΣΕΡΙΣ ΜΕΡΕΣ ΕΡΓΑΣΙΑ ΤΗΝ ΕΒΔΟΜΑΔΑ...
ΚΑΘΕ ΕΡΓΑΖΟΜΕΝΟΣ ΘΑ ΠΡΕΠΕΙ ΝΑ ΠΑΙΡΝΕΙ ΑΠΟ ΤΟΝ ΕΡΓΟΔΟΤΗ-ΤΟΥ ΕΝΑ ΜΙΣΘΟ ΑΝΑΛΟΓΟ ΜΕ ΤΗΝ ΠΟΣΟΤΗΤΑ ΚΑΙ ΤΗΝ ΠΟΙΟΤΗΤΑ ΤΗΣ ΕΡΓΑΣΙΑΣ-ΤΟΥ, ΑΝΑΛΟΓΟ, ΔΗΛΑΔΗ, ΜΕ ΤΟ ΜΕΙΩΜΕΝΟ ΧΡΟΝΟ ΕΡΓΑΣΙΑΣ-ΤΟΥ. ΚΑΙ ΕΝΑ ΔΕΥΤΕΡΟ, "ΕΠΑΝΑΡΘΩΤΙΚΟ ΜΙΣΘΟ" ΑΠΟ ΕΙΔΙΚΟ "ΚΟΙΝΩΝΙΚΟ ΤΑΜΕΙΟ" ΓΙΑ ΤΟ ΣΥΝΟΛΟ ή ΓΙΑ ΕΝΑ ΣΗΜΑΝΤΙΚΟ ΜΕΡΟΣ ΤΩΝ ΑΠΩΛΕΙΩΝ ΤΟΥ ΕΙΣΟΔΗΜΑΤΟΣ-ΤΟΥ. Ο ΜΗΧΑΝΙΣΜΟΣ ΑΥΤΟΥ ΤΟΥ "ΚΟΙΝΩΝΙΚΟΥ ΦΟΡΟΥ" ΑΛΛΗΛΛΕΓΓΥΗΣ ΠΡΕΠΕΙ ΝΑ ΕΙΝΑΙ ΤΕΤΟΙΟΣ ΠΟΥ ΝΑ ΜΗ ΔΙΑΣΑΛΕΥΕΙ ΤΟΥΣ ΝΟΜΟΥΣ ΤΗΣ ΑΓΟΡΑΣ ΚΑΙ ΤΙΣ ΣΥΝΘΗΚΕΣ ΤΟΥ ΑΝΤΑΓΩΝΙΣΜΟΥ, ΝΑ ΜΗΝ ΤΙΜΩΡΕΙ ΤΗΝ ΠΑΡΑΓΩΓΙΚΟΤΗΤΑ ΚΑΙ ΤΗΝ ΚΕΡΔΟΦΟΡΙΑ, ΝΑ ΜΗ ΔΗΜΙΟΥΡΓΕΙ ΓΡΑΦΕΙΟΚΡΑΤΙΑ, ΝΑ ΜΗΝ ΕΠΙΔΕΙΝΩΝΕΙ ΤΗ ΘΕΣΗ ΤΩΝ ΛΙΓΟΤΕΡΟ ΑΝΕΠΤΥΓΜΕΝΩΝ ΧΩΡΩΝ ΤΗΣ "ΕΝΩΣΗΣ". ΥΠΑΡΧΟΥΝ ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΕΤΡΙΚΑ ΜΟΝΤΕΛΑ ΠΟΥ ΑΠΟΔΕΙΚΝΥΟΥΝ ΟΤΙ ΕΤΣΙ ΘΑ ΑΥΞΗΘΕΙ Η ΩΡΙΑΙΑ ΠΑΡΑΓΩΓΙΚΟΤΗΤΑ ΑΝΑ ΕΡΓΑΖΟΜΕΝΟ ΚΑΙ ΤΟ ΠΟΛΥ ΝΑ ΜΕΙΩΘΕΙ ΓΙΑ ΕΝΑ ΔΙΑΣΤΗΜΑ Ο ΡΥΘΜΟΣ ΑΥΞΗΣΗΣ ΤΩΝ ΕΙΣΟΔΗΜΑΤΩΝ, ΑΠΟ ΕΝΑ ΥΨΟΣ ΚΑΙ ΠΑΝΩ"
[ΝΕΑ, 8 ΝΟΕΜ 1993, 6]
name::
* McsEngl.worktime'Relation-to-lifetime,
* McsEngl.lifetime'relation-to-worktime,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2016/08/keeping-work-and-home-life-separate-could-be-making-you-worse-at-your-job??
name::
* McsEngl.worktime'Relation-to-technology,
* McsEngl.technology'relation-to-worktime,
_DESCRIPTION:
A-concrete-timepoint society need a-concrete-aggregate-worktime to function.
Technology decreases this time.
Then the-worker-worktime is a-function of aggregate-worktime and the number of workers.
For the same workers less aggregate-worktime means less worker-worktime.
Full-employment is achieved by changing worker-worktime and technology.
[hknm.2016-09-29]
name::
* McsEngl.worktime'Resource,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2016/02/wealthier-countries-have-more-leisure-time-with-one-big-exception//
* https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2016/04/why-scientists-think-we-should-be-working-three-day-weeks??
* http://money.cnn.com/2014/07/21/news/economy/three-day-work-week/index.html,
* http://www.npr.org/2015/08/13/432122637/keynes-predicted-we-would-be-working-15-hour-weeks-why-was-he-so-wrong,
name::
* McsEngl.worktime.specific,
* McsEngl.working'time.specific,
name::
* McsEngl.worktime.BEST,
What Is the Optimal Amount of Working Hours Per Week?
Last Modified Date: April 25, 2021
A University of Cambridge study found that, in terms of mental wellbeing, the optimal "employment dose” is one or two days a week.
A University of Cambridge study found that, in terms of mental wellbeing, the optimal "employment dose” is one or two days a week.
If we could prioritize mental wellbeing above everything else, we'd all be spending only one day a week at work, or maybe two. That insight about the optimal "employment dose" comes from researchers from the University of Cambridge, who studied the happiness of employees during the coronavirus lockdown.
They found that the simple act of being employed for one day a week provides as much satisfaction as putting in 40 hours a week. Interestingly, a single day on the job was much more beneficial than not working at all, which can be hard on a person's mental health.
"The traditional model, in which everyone works around 40 hours a week, was never based on how much work was good for people," Senhu Wang, co-author of a similar study, said. "Our research suggests micro-jobs provide the same psychological benefits as full-time jobs." Prof. Brendan Burchell led the Cambridge team, and said that there's no rationale for working 40 hours. It's simply what happened when people realized that the Industrial Revolution-era quota of 100-hour weeks was too much.
Working on taking it easy:
About 1 percent of U.S. employers allow their staff to take naps during the workday.
Approximately 1 million people take off work every day to ease the amount of stress they feel.
Some research suggests that healthy people should keep working until the age of 80.
[https://www.wisegeek.com/what-is-the-optimal-amount-of-working-hours-per-week.htm#utm_source=daily_newsletter&utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=wg_newsletter&utm_term=42621&utm_content=business]
name::
* McsEngl.worktime.YEAR,
* McsEngl.wkr'worktime.per-year,
In Which Country Do People Work the Longest Hours?
Out of all of the workforces of OECD countries, Mexicans work the most hours per year; they average 2,255 hours.
Mexico might have a reputation for sunny beaches and siestas, but don't let
that fool you: When it comes to work, Mexicans are all business. According
to statistics from the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and
Development (OECD), the average Mexican employee works more than 2,255
hours per year, or a little over 43 hours per week, which is the most of
any OECD nation. Not far behind is Costa Rica, where workers put in an
average of 42.5 hours per week. On the other end of the scale is Germany,
where the average worker toils for only 26 hours per week. By comparison,
British workers put in an average of 32.2 hours per week, and Americans
clock in at 34.3 hours per week, on average.
Read More:
http://www.wisegeek.com/in-which-country-do-people-work-the-longest-hours.htm?m {2018-09-27}
Which countries work the longest hours?
By Paul Muggeridge
Aug 20 2015
People who work long hours are more likely to have a stroke, according to new research published in the Lancet medical journal.
Compared with a 35-40 hour working week, those spending up to 48 hours in the office had a 10% increased risk of a stroke, while a 54-hour week saw a 27% increase. Working for more than 55 hours raised the stroke risk by 33%.
This graph shows the average number of hours worked in 2013 (in member nations of the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development, or OECD).
PaulsChart
Of all OECD nations, Mexicans worked the longest, putting in 2,237 hours per year, closely followed by South Koreans. At the other end of the scale, Germans worked the least, at 1,363 hours throughout the year.
US workers clocked up a similar number of hours to the OECD average: 1,770. But that’s still an extra 425 hours on average compared with their German colleagues – the equivalent of 53 working days.
Norwegian, Dutch, Danish and French workers join the Germans at the bottom of the table, all working fewer than 1,500 hours in a year.
[https://agenda.weforum.org/2015/08/countries-working-the-longest-hours/]
Πρωταθλητές στις ώρες εργασίας
workers.jpg
Γράφημα- εργαζόμενοι Η υψηλότερη παραγωγικότητα δεν εξαρτάται από τον αριθμό των ωρών εργασίας ενός λαού, αλλά κυρίως από την ορθολογική και οικονομική χρήση του συνόλου των συντελεστών παραγωγής | dreamstime
11.08.2015, 22:17 | Ετικέτες: Ελλάδα, εργαζόμενοι, εργάτες
Συντάκτης:
Μπάμπης Μιχάλης
Στη Γερμανία, το μεγαλύτερο μέρος της κοινωνίας εξακολουθεί να θεωρεί, εξαιτίας των δημοσιευμάτων της «Bild» και των υπόλοιπων «κίτρινων» φυλλάδων της χώρας που προασπίζουν τα συμφέροντα των εγχώριων ελίτ, τους Ελληνες τεμπέληδες.
Ο μύθος αυτός αποτέλεσε ως γνωστόν τον βασικό μοχλό ενοχοποίησης των Ελλήνων για την ευκολότερη επιβολή των μνημονίων και των πολιτικών της ακραίας λιτότητας.
Διαψεύστηκε επανειλημμένα από το 2010 από τα πραγματικά στοιχεία των διεθνών οργανισμών, αλλά και χθες, για ακόμη μία φορά, από τα στοιχεία του ΟΟΣΑ, που έδειξαν ότι ούτε λίγο ούτε πολύ οι Ελληνες είναι ο πιο σκληρά εργαζόμενος λαός της Ευρώπης.
Σύμφωνα με σχετικό δημοσίευμα του πρακτορείου Bloomberg, το οποίο επικαλέστηκε τα στοιχεία του διεθνούς οργανισμού, οι Ελληνες εργάζονται κατά μέσο όρο 2.034 ώρες ετησίως, περισσότερο δηλαδή από οποιονδήποτε άλλο Ευρωπαίο.
Ο συνολικός αριθμός ωρών εργασίας των Ελλήνων απέχει παρασάγγας από τον αντίστοιχο μέσο όρο ωρών εργασίας ετησίως ανά άτομο τόσο στην ευρωζώνη (1.557) όσο και στο σύνολο των 34 χωρών του ΟΟΣΑ (1.769).
Αξίζει να σημειωθεί ότι ακόμη και οι γείτονές μας Τούρκοι εργάζονται πολύ λιγότερο από εμάς -κατά μέσο όρο 1.855 ώρες ετησίως. Οσο γι’ αυτούς που μας επικρίνουν συνεχώς, τους Γερμανούς, αυτοί εργάζονται μόλις 1.393 ώρες ετησίως.
Με άλλα λόγια, οι Γερμανοί ετησίως ξοδεύουν συνολικά για την εργασία τους περίπου 30% λιγότερο χρόνο απ’ ό,τι οι Ελληνες, τους οποίους συνεχίζουν να αποκαλούν «τεμπέληδες του ευρωπαϊκού Νότου».
Ας σημειωθεί ότι οι δεύτεροι πιο σκληρά εργαζόμενοι της Ευρώπης μετά τους Ελληνες είναι οι Ρώσοι με 1.882 ώρες ετησίως ανά εργαζόμενο.
Η πολύωρη εργασία στην οποία υποχρεώνονται Ελληνες και Ρώσοι προκειμένου να τα φέρουν βόλτα, δεν συνεπάγεται αυτομάτως και υψηλότερο παραγόμενο προϊόν ούτε κατ’ επέκταση ευημερία για την κοινωνία.
Το προϊόν της εργασίας που παράγεται ανά ώρα εργασίας ή αλλιώς η παραγωγικότητα είναι τόσο στην Ελλάδα όσο και στη Ρωσία σε απελπιστικά χαμηλά επίπεδα.
Συγκεκριμένα, η αναλογία Ακαθάριστου Εγχώριου Προϊόντος ανά ώρα εργασίας στη Ρωσία είναι 25,9 και είναι η χαμηλότερη στην Ευρώπη, ενώ στην Ελλάδα είναι αντίστοιχα 36,2 πολύ χαμηλότερα από τον μέσο όρο της παραγωγικότητας στην Ευρωπαϊκή Ενωση (50) και η δεύτερη χειρότερη στην Ευρώπη.
Παραγωγικότητα
Η υψηλότερη παραγωγικότητα δεν εξαρτάται, κατά συνέπεια, από τον αριθμό των ωρών εργασίας ενός λαού, όπως θέλουν κάποιοι να πιστεύουμε, αλλά κυρίως από την ορθολογική και οικονομική χρήση του συνόλου των συντελεστών παραγωγής. Και σε αυτούς, εκτός της εργασίας, περιλαμβάνονται κεφάλαιο και τεχνολογία.
Οι τεχνικές της παραγωγής όπως και οι τιμές των εισροών διαδραματίζουν καθοριστικό ρόλο για τη βελτίωση της παραγωγικής αποτελεσματικότητας, η οποία σε συνδυασμό με την τεχνολογική πρόοδο συντελεί στην υψηλότερη παραγωγικότητα.
[http://www.efsyn.gr/arthro/protathlites-stis-ores-ergasias]
name::
* McsEngl.worktime.WEEK,
* McsEngl.weekWork,
* McsEngl.workweek@cptEconomy,
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.εβδομάδα-εργασίας@cptEconomy,
_DESCRIPTION:
the total number of hours or days worked in a week.
"a six-day workweek"
[google dict]
name::
* McsEngl.worktime.WEEK.48,
ΕΒΔΟΜΑΔΑ ΕΡΓΑΣΙΑΣ 48(6Χ8) ΩΡΩΝ ΨΗΦΙΣΑΝ ΟΙ 11 ΤΗΣ ΚΟΙΝΟΤΗΤΑΣ, ΠΑΡΑΚΑΜΠΤΟΝΤΑΣ ΤΙΣ ΒΡΕΤΑΝΙΚΕΣ ΑΝΤΙΡΡΗΣΕΙΣ. ΠΡΕΠΕΙ ΝΑ ΕΦΑΡΜΟΣΤΕΙ ΣΕ 3 ΧΡΟΝΙΑ. ΑΔΕΙΑ 4 ΒΔΟΜΑΔΕΣ ΤΟ ΧΡΟΝΟ.
[ΚΑΘΗΜΕΡΙΝΗ, 6 ΙΟΥΝ 1993, 50]
name::
* McsEngl.worktime.WEEK.40 (5x8),
_US:
For U.S. workers, the 40-hour, five-day work week became the standard in 1938. Despite gains in productivity and predictions of a significantly shorter work week that would follow, it has remained the standard for more than 75 years.
[http://money.cnn.com/2014/07/21/news/economy/three-day-work-week/index.html]
name::
* McsEngl.worktime.WEEK.35 (5x7),
Μελέτη του Ινστιτούτου εργασίας της ΓΣΕΕ προτείνει τα εξής μέτρα που θα ισοσταθμίσουν τα αρνητικά στη μείωση του χρόνου εργασίας σε 35 ώρες τη βδομάδα (αύξηση του κόστους των προϊόντων ήτοι χαμηλη ανταγωνιστικότητα).
* μείωση των τιμολογίων των ΔΕΚΟ κατά τρείς ποσοστιαίες μονάδες
* αύξηση της παραγωγικότητας της εργασίας κατά 1,3%
* αναδιοργάνωση του χρόνου εργασίας
* ρεαλιστική συναλαγματική πολιτική με πρόσθετη διολίσθηση της δραχμής κατά 2%.
[ΒΗΜΑ, 19 ΝΟΕΜ. 1995, Δ16]
name::
* McsEngl.worktime.WEEK.30 (5x6),
Εξάωρη εργασία με τους ίδιους μισθούς στη Σουηδία
ΑΘΗΝΑ 10/04/2014
Σε ένα ριζοσπαστικό πείραμα προχωρούν οι αρχές στο Γκέτεμποργκ της Σουηδίας, αποφασίζοντας να μειώσουν την ημερήσια εργασία από οκτώ σε έξι ώρες, χωρίς περικοπή των μισθών, για να μελετήσουν αν θα αλλάξει η απόδοση.
«Θεωρούμε ότι είναι καιρός να εφαρμόσουμε κάτι τέτοιο στη Σουηδία» ανέφερε ο αναπληρωτής δήμαρχος της πόλης, Ματς Πίλχεμ, από το Αριστερό κόμμα. Εξήγησε πως θα δημιουργηθούν δύο ομάδες εργαζομένων, ένα που θα γίνει «πειραματόζωο» και θα δουλεύει έξι ώρες και ένα άλλο που θα συνεχίσει το οκτάωρο.
Όλοι θα πληρώνονται το ίδιο.
Μετά από έναν χρόνο θα συγκρίνουν τις αποδόσεις των δύο ομάδων και θα βρουν αν διαφέρουν και σε ποια σημεία.
«Ελπίζουμε ότι οι υπάλληλοι που θα δουλεύουν λιγότερες ώρες θα παίρνουν λιγότερες αναρρωτικές άδειες και θα νιώθουν καλύτερα, σωματικά και ψυχικά» πρόσθεσε.
Ο ίδιος ανέφερε πως η εξάωρη εργασία ίσως αποδειχθεί αποτελεσματική στη δημιουργία νέων θέσεων εργασίας, καθώς έχει αποδειχτεί ότι οι μεγάλες βάρδιες οδηγούν σε μικρότερη παραγωγικότητα. Σε ορισμένους τομείς, όπως στα γηροκομεία, το πρόβλημα δεν είναι το ελλιπές προσωπικό αλλά η πολύωρη εργασία που δεν αποδίδει.
Είπε ακόμη ότι μία αυτοκινητοβιομηχανία της πόλης, δοκίμασε πρόσφατα την εξάωρη εργασία και βρήκε ότι αποδίδει.
Σημειώνεται ότι το πείραμα συνάντησε ενστάσεις από την αντιπολίτευση, η οποία κατηγορεί τη δημοτική αρχή (συνασπισμός αριστερών κομμάτων και Πρασίνων) ότι πρόκειται για ένα «ανέντιμο και λαϊκιστικό κόλπο» προκειμένου να κερδίσουν ψήφους ενόψει εκλογών.
Ωστόσο ο Πίλχεμ ανέφερε πως το σχέδιο δεν είναι ευκαιριακό αλλά το ετοιμάζουν εδώ και καιρό. «Αυτοί οι άνθρωποι είναι πάντα αντίθετοι στη μείωση των ωρών εργασίας» σημείωσε.
Πηγή: The Local
[http://www.nooz.gr/economy/eksaori-ergasia-me-tous-idious-mis8ois-sti-souidia]
name::
* McsEngl.worktime.WEEK.15,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://www.npr.org/2015/08/13/432122637/keynes-predicted-we-would-be-working-15-hour-weeks-why-was-he-so-wrong,
The relationship between GDP and working hours harkens back to economist John Maynard Keynes' famous prediction that his grandchildren would be working 15-hour work weeks -- thanks, in part, to increased productivity from new machines and technology.
[https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2016/02/wealthier-countries-have-more-leisure-time-with-one-big-exception/]
name::
* McsEngl.worktime.society.BANGLADESH,
_BANGLADESH:
Dying for a Bargain: Panorama investigates the human cost of cheap clothes
23 September 2013 Last updated at 01:21 BST
A BBC investigation has found factory workers in Bangladesh are working 19-hour shifts in dangerous conditions to make clothes for Western high streets.
Secret filming by Panorama discovered that some factories hide the long hours from retailers by keeping two sets of books.
Richard Bilton reports.
[http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-24200485]
name::
* McsEngl.worktime.EVOLUTING,
_QUERY:
* History#ql:[Field FdTimeSubject:workforce]#, viewTime:WORKFORCE ΕΡΓΑΣΙΜΗ ΜΕΡΑ
_TIME:
The hours of labor were starting to decrease:
in 1890 the average industrial WORK WEEK was 60 hours,
in 1910 55 hours, and
in 1920 50 hours.
[Wren, 1987, 218#cptResource127#]
name::
* McsEngl.worker'ATTRIBUTE,
name::
* McsEngl.worker'sleep-deprivation,
_DESCRIPTION:
Are US Workers Sleep Deprived?
About 30% of workers in the US report getting fewer than six hours of sleep
per night.
An estimated 30% of all US workers — more than 40 million people —
report sleeping fewer than six hours per night, which meets the National
Sleep Foundation’s criteria for sleep deprivation. Seven to nine hours of
sleep is recommended for optimal health. People who work in manufacturing
were the most likely to be sleep deprived, especially if they worked night
shifts. Black workers, Asian workers and "other" race workers were more
likely to report sleeping fewer than six hours per night, compared with
white or Hispanic workers.
Read More: http://www.wisegeek.com/are-us-workers-sleep-deprived.htm?m, {2013-11-12}
name::
* McsEngl.worker'doing,
name::
* McsEngl.worker'doing.punishing,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy360,
* McsEngl.employee-punishment,
* McsEngl.worker-punishment,
* McsEngl.worker'punishment@cptEconomy360,
* McsElln.ΕΡΓΑΖΟΜΕΝΟΥ-ΤΙΜΩΡΙΑ@cptEconomy360,
* McsElln.ΤΙΜΩΡΙΑ-ΑΠΑΣΧΟΛΟΥΜΕΝΟΥ-ΟΡΓΑΝΙΣΜΟΥ,
ΤΙΜΩΡΙΑ ΕΡΓΑΖΟΜΕΝΟΥ είναι ΔΙΑΔΙΚΑΣΙΑ με την οποία 'παραγωγικος οργανισμος' τιμωρεί 'εργαζομενο' λόγω παραβίασης "κανονισμών" του οργανισμου, επιβάλλοντας πρόστιμα, απωλήσεις τιμωρίας, ... (τιμωρία)
name::
* McsEngl.GOAL (desired function),
The main purpose of disciplinary action is not to punish or fire employees but to improve their contribution to the organization.
[Mondy et al, 1991, 508#cptResource221#]
* org-company#cptEconomy7#
worker#cptEconomy364.11#
punishment
name::
* McsEngl.worker'doing.WORKING,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy583,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy475.115-economic-work,
* McsEngl.doing.475.115,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy364.18,
* McsEngl.CONCRETE-WORK,
* McsEngl.Duty,
* McsEngl.economic-work,
* McsEngl.effort,
* McsEngl.creating.WORKING,
* McsEngl.human-work@cptEconomy583,
* McsEngl.production-activity,
* McsEngl.performance,
* McsEngl.production-activity-of-human@cptEconomy583,
* McsEngl.production-process@cptEconomy583,
* McsEngl.production-activity,
* McsEngl.productive-activity,
* McsEngl.work.economic@cptEconomy583,
* McsEngl.worker.working@cptEconomy583, {2014-02-15}
* McsEngl.working@cptEconomy583, {2011-05-29}
* McsEngl.economic-work@cptCore475.115,
* McsEngl.employment@cptCore475.115,
* McsEngl.job@cptCore475.115,
* McsEngl.social-work@cptCore475.115,
* McsEngl.work.economic@cptCore475.115,
* McsEngl.work.social@cptCore475.115,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy583,
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.ΑΠΑΣΧΟΛΗΣΗ,
* McsElln.ΑΤΟΜΙΚΗ-ΕΡΓΑΣΙΑ,
* McsElln.ΕΡΓΑΣΙΑ,
* McsElln.ΕΡΓΑΣΙΑ.ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΙΚΗ@cptEconomy583,
* McsElln.ΠΑΡΑΓΩΓΗ,
* McsElln.ΣΥΓΚΕΚΡΙΜΕΝΗ-ΕΡΓΑΣΙΑ,
* McsElln.ΥΛΟΠΟΙΗΜΕΝΗ-ΕΡΓΑΤΙΚΗ-ΔΥΝΑΜΗ,
_GENERIC:
* doing.economic#cptEconomy323.9#
* doing.human.working#cptCore475.49#
_WHOLE:
* system.humans.economic.reproducing#cptEconomy7#
* worker#cptEconomy364#
_SYNTAX.DOING:
* system.humans.economic.reproducing#cptEconomy7#
- worker#cptEconomy364#
- professional#cptEconomy364# (the processor capable of doing economic-work)#cptEconomy364#
* economic-good#cptEconomy541.101#
* org-household#cptEconomy23#
* economic|social-need#ql:economic'need@cptCore475.113#
_SPECIFIC_COMPLEMENT:
* ATOMIC-WORK#cptCore475.118#
_DEFINITION:
* Economic-Work is the WORK#ql:work@cptCore475.49# of a member of the society that satisfies the human-need#ql:human'need@cptCore475.109# of another member of the society. [hmnSngo.2002-07-28_nikkas]
* #cptEconomy364.18#, the use of the capability,
* cptEconomy364.10, the capability (the profession),
_DefinitionSpecific:
Work is the PROCESS #cptEconomy591# a human must do in the creation of a SATISFIABLE #cptEconomy541#.
[hmnSngo.2011-05-01]
===
Work is the PROCESS #cptEconomy591# a human must do in the creation of a PRODUCT (347#cptEconomy347#).
[hmnSngo.2011-05-11]
_DESCRIPTION:
Production is an activity, carried out under the responsibility, control and management of an institutional unit, that uses
- inputs of labour, capital, and goods and services to produce
- outputs of goods and services.
[https://synagonism.net/dirMcs/dirStn/dirHitp/HitpStnStd000.last.html#idPara6.2]
===
1.40 The activity of production is fundamental. In the SNA, production is understood to be a physical process, carried out under the responsibility, control and management of an institutional unit, in which labour and assets are used to transform inputs of goods and services into outputs of other goods and services. All goods and services produced as outputs must be such that they can be sold on markets or at least be capable of being provided by one unit to another, with or without charge. The SNA includes within the production boundary all production actually destined for the market, whether for sale or barter. It also includes all goods or services provided free to individual households or collectively to the community by government units or NPISHs. ¶
[https://synagonism.net/dirMcs/dirStn/dirHitp/HitpStnStd000.last.html#idPara1.40]
ΕΡΓΑΣΙΑ είναι η υλοποιημενη ΔΙΑΔΙΚΑΣΙΑ με την οποία ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑΤΙΑΣ (που τον ονομάζουμε εργαζόμενο) δημιουργεί ΑΓΑΘΟ.
[hmnSngo.1995-03]
ΕΡΓΑΣΙΑ ονομάζω την πραγματικη/υλοποιημένη ΕΡΓΑΤΙΚΗ ΔΥΝΑΜΗ που ξοδεύεται για τη δημιουργία 'αγαθου'.
"ΟΤΑΝ ΜΙΑ ΑΞΙΑ ΧΡΗΣΗΣ ΒΓΑΙΝΕΙ ΑΠΟ ΤΟ ΠΡΟΤΣΕΣ ΤΗΣ ΕΡΓΑΣΙΑΣ ΣΑΝ ΠΡΟΙΟΝ, ΜΠΑΙΝΟΥΝ Σ'ΑΥΤΟ ΑΛΛΕΣ ΑΞΙΕΣ ΧΡΗΣΗΣ, ΠΡΟΙΟΝΤΑ ΠΡΟΗΓΟΥΜΕΝΩΝ ΠΡΟΤΣΕΣ ΕΡΓΑΣΙΑΣ ΣΑΝ ΜΕΣΑ ΠΑΡΑΓΩΓΗΣ. Η ΙΔΙΑ ΑΞΙΑ ΧΡΗΣΗΣ ΠΟΥ ΕΙΝΑΙ ΤΟ ΠΡΟΙΟΝ ΜΙΑΣ ΕΡΓΑΣΙΑΣ, ΑΠΟΤΕΛΕΙ ΤΟ ΜΕΣΟ ΠΑΡΑΓΩΓΗΣ ΜΙΑΣ ΑΛΛΗΣ ΕΡΓΑΣΙΑΣ. ΓΙΑΥΤΟ, ΤΑ ΠΡΟΙΟΝΤΑ ΔΕΝ ΕΙΝΑΙ ΜΟΝΟ ΤΟ ΑΠΟΤΕΛΕΣΜΑ, ΜΑ ΤΑΥΤΟΧΡΟΝΑ ΚΑΙ ΟΡΟΣ ΤΟΥ ΠΡΟΤΣΕΣ ΕΡΓΑΣΙΑΣ".
[ΜΑΡΞ ΚΕΦΑΛΑΙΟ Ι, 1867, 194#cptResource118#]
Η ΕΡΓΑΣΙΑ είναι το αντιθετο της 'κατανάλωσης'. Αρα είναι η σχέση 'παραγωγής' αγαθου.
[hmnSngo.1994-08]
ΠΑΡΑΓΩΓΗ:
Η ΔΙΑΔΙΚΑΣΙΑ ΤΗΣ ΔΗΜΙΟΥΡΓΙΑΣ ΤΩΝ ΑΠΑΡΑΙΤΗΤΩΝ ΥΛΙΚΩΝ ΑΓΑΘΩΝ ΓΙΑ ΤΗΝ ΥΠΑΡΞΗ ΚΑΙ ΤΗΝ ΑΝΑΠΤΥΞΗ ΤΗΣ ΚΟΙΝΩΝΙΑΣ. ΠΑΡΑΓΩΓΗ ΥΠΑΡΧΕΙ Σ'ΟΛΑ ΤΑ ΣΤΑΔΙΑ ΑΝΑΠΤΥΞΗΣ ΤΗΣ ΑΝΘΡΩΠΙΝΗΣ ΚΟΙΝΩΝΙΑΣ.
[ΛΕΞΙΚΟ ΠΟΛΙΤΙΚΗΣ ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΙΑΣ 1983, 459#cptResource172#]
'(ΠΑΡΑΓΩΓΙΚΗ) ΑΤΟΜΙΚΗ 'ΕΡΓΑΣΙΑ'' ΕΙΝΑΙ Η ΓΕΝΙΚΗ ΕΝΝΟΙΑ ΠΟΥ ΕΚΦΑΡΑΖΕΙ ΤΗΝ 'ΑΝΘΡΩΠΙΝΗ ΔΙΑΔΙΚΑΣΙΑ/PROCESS', ΠΡΟΙΟΝ ΤΗΣ ΟΠΟΙΑΣ ΕΙΝΑΙ ΕΝΑ 'ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΙΚΟ ΑΓΑΘΟ'.
ΤΗΝ ΟΝΟΜΑΖΟΥΝ ΚΑΙ 'ΣΥΓΚΕΚΡΙΜΕΝΗ ΕΡΓΑΣΙΑ'
[ΝΙΚΟΣ, ΝΟΕΜ 1993]
ΚΑΘΕ ΕΡΓΑΣΙΑ ΠΟΥ ΓΙΝΕΤΑΙ ΓΙΑ ΜΗ ΕΚΠΛΗΡΩΣΗ ΚΟΙΝΩΝΙΚΗΣ ΑΝΑΓΚΗΣ, ΤΗΝ ΟΝΟΜΑΖΩ ΜΗ ΠΑΡΑΓΩΓΙΚΗ ΕΡΓΑΣΙΑ.
[ΝΙΚΟΣ, ΟΚΤΩ 1993]
ΕΙΝΑΙ ΜΙΑ ΔΙΑΔΙΚΑΣΙΑ ΠΟΥ ΣΥΝΤΕΛΕΙΤΑΙ ΑΝΑΜΕΣΑ ΣΤΟΥΣ ΑΝΘΡΩΠΟΥΣ ΚΑΙ ΤΗ ΦΥΣΗ, ΟΠΟΥ ΟΙ ΑΝΘΡΩΠΟΙ, ΕΞΟΠΛΙΣΜΕΝΟΙ ΜΕ ΤΑ ΜΕΣΑ ΕΡΓΑΣΙΑΣ, ΜΕ ΤΗΣ ΣΚΟΠΙΜΗ ΔΡΑΣΤΗΡΙΟΤΗΤΑ ΤΟΥΣ, ΜΕΤΑΒΑΛΛΟΥΝ ΤΑ ΑΝΤΙΚΕΙΜΕΝΑ ΤΗΣ ΦΥΣΗΣ, ΠΡΟΣΑΡΜΟΖΟΝΤΑΣ ΤΑ ΣΤΙΣ ΑΝΑΓΚΕΣ ΤΟΥΣ.
[ΛΕΞΙΚΟ ΠΟΛΙΤΙΚΗΣ ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΙΑΣ 1983, 164#cptResource172#]
5.5 Production in the SNA, as will be discussed in detail in chapter 6, consists of processes or activities carried out under the control and responsibility of institutional units that use inputs of labour, capital, goods and services to produce outputs of goods and services. Any such activity may be described, and classified, with reference to various characteristics, for example:
a. Type of goods or services produced as outputs,
b. Type of inputs used or consumed,
c. Technique of production employed,
d. Ways in which the outputs are used.
The same goods or services may be produced using different methods of production. Certain types of goods may be produced from quite different inputs; for example, sugar may be produced from sugar cane or from sugar beet, or electricity from coal, oil, nuclear power stations or from hydroelectric plants. Many production processes also produce joint products, such as meat and hides, whose uses are quite different. ¶
[https://synagonism.net/dirMcs/dirStn/dirHitp/HitpStnStd000.last.html#idPara5.5]
In economics, Production is the act of supplying a desired output. The act may or may not include factors of production other than labor. Any effort directed toward the realization of a desired product or service is a "productive" effort and the performance of such act is production. A body massage performed by a masseuse is production no less than the harvesting of wild mushrooms or the building of automobiles.
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Production_(economics)]
labor
The aggregate of all human physical and mental effort used in creation of goods and services.
Labor is a primary factor of production. The size of a nation's labor force is determined by the size of its adult population, and the extent to which the adults are either working or are prepared to offer their labor for wages.
[BusinessDictionary.com term 2015-04-03]
name::
* McsEngl.production-boundary@cptSna2008v,
* McsEngl.productive-activity@cptSna2008v,
6.2 The production account is linked to the definition of production. Production is an activity, carried out under the responsibility, control and management of an institutional unit, that uses inputs of labour, capital, and goods and services to produce outputs of goods and services. The production account shows the output of production and the various inputs to it. To do this, three concepts need clarifying. ¶
[https://synagonism.net/dirMcs/dirStn/dirHitp/HitpStnStd000.last.html#idPara6.2]
_nonWork:
Not all activities that require the expenditure of time and effort by persons are productive in an economic sense, for example, activities such as eating, drinking or sleeping cannot be produced by one person for the benefit of another. ¶
[https://synagonism.net/dirMcs/dirStn/dirHitp/HitpStnStd000.last.html#idPara1.39]
===
6.25 While production processes that produce goods can be identified without difficulty, it is not always so easy to distinguish the production of services from other activities that may be both important and beneficial. Activities that are not productive in an economic sense include basic human activities such as eating, drinking, sleeping, taking exercise, etc., that it is impossible for one person to employ another person to perform instead. Paying someone else to take exercise is no way to keep fit. On the other hand, activities such as washing, preparing meals, caring for children, the sick or aged are all activities that can be provided by other units and, therefore, fall within the general production boundary. Many households employ paid domestic staff to carry out these activities for them. ¶
[https://synagonism.net/dirMcs/dirStn/dirHitp/HitpStnStd000.last.html#idPara6.25]
_boundary:
1.78 The production boundary of the SNA is such that the services produced and consumed by households are not included except for the imputed rental of owner-occupied dwellings and the payments made to domestic staff.
Similarly, no estimate is included in the SNA for the labour services of individuals provided without cost to non-profit institutions. In both these cases, the contribution of time increases the welfare of other individuals in the community. The exclusion of these services from the production boundary is not a denial of the welfare properties of the services but a recognition that their inclusion would detract from rather than add to the usefulness of the SNA for the primary purposes for which it is designed, that is economic analysis, decision-taking and policymaking. ¶
[https://synagonism.net/dirMcs/dirStn/dirHitp/HitpStnStd000.last.html#idPara1.78]
===
1.40 The activity of production is fundamental. In the SNA, production is understood to be a physical process, carried out under the responsibility, control and management of an institutional unit, in which labour and assets are used to transform inputs of goods and services into outputs of other goods and services. All goods and services produced as outputs must be such that they can be sold on markets or at least be capable of being provided by one unit to another, with or without charge. The SNA includes within the production boundary all production actually destined for the market, whether for sale or barter. It also includes all goods or services provided free to individual households or collectively to the community by government units or NPISHs. ¶
[https://synagonism.net/dirMcs/dirStn/dirHitp/HitpStnStd000.last.html#idPara1.40]
_human_involvement:
A purely natural process without any human involvement or direction is not production in an economic sense. For example, the unmanaged growth of fish stocks in international waters is not production, whereas the activity of fish farming is production. ¶
[https://synagonism.net/dirMcs/dirStn/dirHitp/HitpStnStd000.last.html#idPara6.24]
6.27 The production boundary of the SNA includes the following activities:
a. The production of all goods or services that are supplied to units other than their producers, or intended to be so supplied, including the production of goods or services used up in the process of producing such goods or services;
b. The own-account production of all goods that are retained by their producers for their own final consumption or gross capital formation;
c. The own-account production of knowledge-capturing products that are retained by their producers for their own final consumption or gross capital formation but excluding (by convention) such products produced by households for their own use;
d. The own-account production of housing services by owner occupiers; and
e. The production of domestic and personal services by employing paid domestic staff. ¶
[https://synagonism.net/dirMcs/dirStn/dirHitp/HitpStnStd000.last.html#idPara6.27]
_household_serviceNo:
6.32 Although services produced for own consumption within households fall outside the boundary of production used in the SNA, it is nevertheless useful to give further guidance with respect to the treatment of certain kinds of household activities which may be particularly important in some developing countries. The SNA includes the production of all goods within the production boundary. The following types of production by households are included whether intended for own final consumption or not:
a. The production of agricultural products and their subsequent storage; the gathering of berries or other uncultivated crops; forestry; wood-cutting and the collection of firewood; hunting and fishing;
b. The production of other primary products such as mining salt, cutting peat, etc.;
c. The processing of agricultural products; the production of grain by threshing; the production of flour by milling; the curing of skins and the production of leather; the production and preservation of meat and fish products; the preservation of fruit by drying, bottling, etc.; the production of dairy products such as butter or cheese; the production of beer, wine, or spirits; the production of baskets or mats; etc.;
d. Other kinds of processing such as weaving cloth; dress making and tailoring; the production of footwear; the production of pottery, utensils or durables; making furniture or furnishings; etc.;
e. The supply of water is also considered a goods-producing activity in this context. In principle, supplying water is a similar kind of activity to extracting and piping crude oil. ¶
[https://synagonism.net/dirMcs/dirStn/dirHitp/HitpStnStd000.last.html#idPara6.32]
_household_service:
6.28 The production of services by members of the household for their own final consumption has traditionally been excluded from measured production in national accounts and it is worth explaining briefly why this is so. It is useful to begin by listing those services for which no entries are recorded in the accounts when they are produced by household members and consumed within the same household:
a. The cleaning, decoration and maintenance of the dwelling occupied by the household, including small repairs of a kind usually carried out by tenants as well as owners;
b. The cleaning, servicing and repair of household durables or other goods, including vehicles used for household purposes;
c. The preparation and serving of meals;
d. The care, training and instruction of children;
e. The care of sick, infirm or old people;
f. The transportation of members of the household or their goods. ¶
[https://synagonism.net/dirMcs/dirStn/dirHitp/HitpStnStd000.last.html#idPara6.28]
_Do_it_yourself_service:
6.36 “Do-it-yourself” repairs and maintenance to consumer durables and dwellings carried out by members of the household constitute the own-account production of services and are excluded from the production boundary of the SNA. The materials purchased are treated as final consumption expenditure. ¶
[https://synagonism.net/dirMcs/dirStn/dirHitp/HitpStnStd000.last.html#idPara6.36]
_illegal_activity:
6.42 There may be no clear borderline between the non-observed economy and illegal production. For example, production that does not comply with certain safety, health or other standards could be described as illegal. Similarly, the evasion of taxes is itself usually a criminal offence. However, it is not necessary for the purposes of the SNA to try to fix the precise borderline between non-observed and illegal production as both are included within the production boundary in any case. It follows that transactions on unofficial markets that exist in parallel with official markets (for example, for foreign exchange or goods subject to official price controls) must also be included in the accounts, whether or not such markets are actually legal or illegal. ¶
6.43 There are two kinds of illegal production:
a. The production of goods or services whose sale, distribution or possession is forbidden by law;
b. Production activities that are usually legal but become illegal when carried out by unauthorized producers; for example, unlicensed medical practitioners. ¶
[https://synagonism.net/dirMcs/dirStn/dirHitp/HitpStnStd000.last.html#idPara6.42]
1.43 Certain natural processes may or may not be counted as production depending upon the circumstances in which they occur. A necessary condition for an activity to be treated as productive is that it must be carried out under the instigation, control and responsibility of some institutional unit that exercises ownership rights over whatever is produced. For example, the natural growth of stocks of fish in the high seas not subject to international quotas is not counted as production: the process is not managed by any institutional unit and the fish do not belong to any institutional unit. On the other hand, the growth of fish in fish farms is treated as a process of production in much the same way that rearing livestock is a process of production. Similarly, the natural growth of wild, uncultivated forests or wild fruits or berries is not counted as production, whereas the cultivation of crop-bearing trees, or trees grown for timber or other uses, is counted in the same way as the growing of annual crops. However, the deliberate felling of trees in wild forests, and the gathering of wild fruit or berries, and also firewood, counts as production. Similarly, rainfall and the flow of water down natural watercourses are not processes of production, whereas storing water in reservoirs or dams and the piping, or carrying, of water from one location to another all constitute production. ¶
[http://gym-eleous.ioa.sch.gr/textid/SNA2008.html#idP1.43]
_non_observed:
6.40 Certain activities may clearly fall within the production boundary of the SNA and also be quite legal (provided certain standards or regulations are complied with) but deliberately concealed from public authorities for the following kinds of reasons:
a. To avoid the payment of income, value added or other taxes;
b. To avoid the payment of social security contributions;
c. To avoid having to meet certain legal standards such as minimum wages, maximum hours, safety or health standards, etc.;
d. To avoid complying with certain administrative procedures, such as completing statistical questionnaires or other administrative forms. ¶
[https://synagonism.net/dirMcs/dirStn/dirHitp/HitpStnStd000.last.html#idPara6.40]
name::
* McsEngl.working'structure,
_STRUCTURE:
* input#cptEconomy583.14#
* worker#cptEconomy364#
* orgSatisfier#cptEconomy541.1#
* satisfier.working_output##
* satisfier.finalNo#cptEconomy541.100#
The elementary factors of the labour-process are 1, the personal activity of man, i.e., work itself, 2, the subject of that work, and 3, its instruments.
[Marx, Capital I, p3c7s1]
"ΤΑ ΑΠΛΑ ΣΤΟΙΧΕΙΑ ΤΟΥ ΠΡΟΤΣΕΣ ΕΡΓΑΣΙΑΣ ΕΙΝΑΙ
-Η ΣΚΟΠΙΜΗ ΔΡΑΣΤΗΡΙΟΤΗΤΑ ή Η ΕΡΓΑΣΙΑ Η ΙΔΙΑ,
-ΤΟ ΑΝΤΙΚΕΙΜΕΝΟ-ΤΗΣ ΚΑΙ
-ΤΑ ΜΕΣΑ ΤΗΣ.
[ΜΑΡΞ ΚΕΦΑΛΑΙΟ Ι, 1867, 191#cptResource118#]
1.40 The activity of production is fundamental. In the SNA, production is understood to be a physical process, carried out under the responsibility, control and management of an institutional unit, in which labour and assets are used to transform inputs of goods and services into outputs of other goods and services. All goods and services produced as outputs must be such that they can be sold on markets or at least be capable of being provided by one unit to another, with or without charge. The SNA includes within the production boundary all production actually destined for the market, whether for sale or barter. It also includes all goods or services provided free to individual households or collectively to the community by government units or NPISHs. ¶
[https://synagonism.net/dirMcs/dirStn/dirHitp/HitpStnStd000.last.html#idPara1.40]
name::
* McsEngl.working'OTHER-VIEW,
6.3 The first concept to be clarified is what constitutes production within the SNA. This delineation is referred to as the production boundary of the SNA. Thereafter several key types of production need to be identified depending on whether production is
- for sale,
- for own use or is
- made available to others at little or no cost. ¶
[https://synagonism.net/dirMcs/dirStn/dirHitp/HitpStnStd000.last.html#idPara6.3]
name::
* McsEngl.working'wikepedia,
Production refers to the economic process of converting of inputs into outputs. Production uses resources to create a good or service that is suitable for exchange. This can include manufacturing, storing, shipping, and packaging. Some economists define production broadly as all economic activity other than consumption. They see every commercial activity other than the final purchase as some form of production.
Production is a process, and as such it occurs through time and space. Because it is a flow concept, production is measured as a “rate of output per period of time”. There are three aspects to production processes:
- the quantity of the good or service produced,
- the form of the good or service created,
- the temporal and spatial distribution of the good or service produced.
A production process can be defined as any activity that increases the similarity between the pattern of demand for goods and services, and the quantity, form, shape, size, length and distribution of these goods and services available to the market place.
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Production_theory_basics]
name::
* McsEngl.working'EVOLUTION,
_2011-04-11:
I merged work (583) and production (528) concepts.
name::
* McsEngl.working'Input,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy364.18.14,
* McsEngl.input-of-work@cptEconomy583.14,
* McsEngl.work-input@cptEconomy583.14,
name::
* McsEngl.working'Relation-to-SelfActualiztion,
In the modern era work again became important as a means to self-actualization.
[Wren, 1987, 377#cptResource127#]
name::
* McsEngl.working'SearchingForWorking,
12 ερωτήσεις - απαντήσεις Πώς μπορείτε να εργαστείτε στις χώρες της Ενωσης Αναζητώντας δουλειά στην Ευρώπη Τι πρέπει να γνωρίζετε, τι λέει η νομοθεσία, τι ισχύει στην πράξη
ΑΛΕΞΙΑ ΚΟΝΑΧΟΥ Οσοι αναζητούν εργασία ή κάποια καλύτερη από αυτήν που έχουν σήμερα δεν θα πρέπει να περιορίζουν τον «ορίζοντά» τους στα στενά ελληνικά πλαίσια. Μπορούν, θεωρητικά, να αναζητήσουν την επαγγελματική καριέρα τους και στις 15 χώρες-μέλη της Ευρωπαϊκής Ενωσης (ΕΕ). Αυτό άλλωστε προβλέπεται στα θεμελιώδη δικαιώματα της ελεύθερης κυκλοφορίας των πολιτών στον χώρο της ΕΕ. Στην πράξη όμως είναι προφανές πως δεν μπορούμε να θεωρήσουμε ότι ένας έλληνας πολίτης μπορεί να κερδίσει εύκολα μια θέση εργασίας, π.χ., ενός Γερμανού ή Γάλλου. Αυτό όμως δεν σημαίνει ότι δεν αξίζει να προασπαθήσει κάποιος να βρει δουλειά σε κάποια από τις άλλες 14 χώρες-μέλη της ΕΕ. Πάντως δεν είναι λίγοι οι πολίτες μιας χώρας-μέλους της ΕΕ που έχουν βρει εργασία σε άλλη χώρα-μέλος της Ενωσης. Και όσο η ενοποίηση της Ευρώπης θα προχωρεί τόσο θα αυξάνεται και ο αριθμός αυτών που θα «ξενιτεύονται» αναζητώντας καλύτερη εργασία. Υπάρχουν όμως ορισμένα ουσιαστικά σημεία που θα πρέπει να γνωρίζει όποιος επιθυμεί να εκμεταλλευθεί τις ευκαιρίες που παρουσιάζονται στην ενωμένη ευρωπαϊκή αγορά εργασίας. Αν λοιπόν θέλετε να γνωρίζετε τα διακαιώματά σας ως πολίτη ενός κράτους- μέλους της ΕΕ που επιθυμεί να εργαστεί σε άλλο κράτος- μέλος, καλό θα ήταν να γνωρίσετε την υπηρεσία «Αμεση Ευρώπη».
Η υπηρεσία «Αμεση Ευρώπη» ενημερώνει και συμβουλεύει τους ευρωπαίους πολίτες σε θέματα πολιτικών της ΕΕ. Μάλιστα δημοσιεύεται από την Επιτροπή και σχετικό βοήθημα. Στα πλαίσια αυτής της πρωτοβουλίας λοιπόν θα πρέπει να έχετε υπόψη σας την πρώτη έκδοση του δελτίου «Διάλογος με τους πολίτες και τις επιχειρήσεις», σκοπός του οποίου είναι να εξηγήσει τα δικαιώματά σας στην ΕΕ και στην Ενιαία Αγορά, καθώς και τον τρόπο άσκησής τους. Πρέπει να αναφερθεί ότι υπάρχει μία σειρά ενημερωτικών δελτίων τα οποία παρέχουν περισσότερες λεπτομέρειες σχετικά με οτιδήποτε αφορά το δικαίωμα κυκλοφορίας, διαμονής και εργασίας των πολιτών της ΕΕ. Κάθε ενημερωτικό δελτίο καλύπτει μια χώρα και περιγράφει τι πρέπει να κάνετε εκεί για να ασκήσετε τα δικαιώματά σας.
Οι 12 ερωτήσεις απαντήσεις που ακολουθούν δίνουν μια εικόνα για τις δυνατότητες, τις ευκαιρίες, τα δικαιώματα αλλά και τις προϋποθέσεις εργασίας των πολιτών της Ευρώπης στο κράτος-μέλος της αρεσκείας τους.
(Εικόνα μεγέθους : 101180 bytes)
1 Μπορώ να αναζητήσω εργασία σε άλλη χώρα της ΕΕ;
Ναι, βάσει των κανόνων της ΕΕ για την ελεύθερη κυκλοφορία, κάθε πολίτης μιας χώρας της ΕΕ μπορεί να αναζητήσει εργασία σε άλλη χώρα της ΕΕ.
2 Μπορώ να ζητήσω να εργαστώ σε οποιαδήποτε θέση;
Ναι, εκτός από ορισμένες θέσεις των δημοσίων υπηρεσιών. Τα κράτη-μέλη μπορούν να διατηρούν ορισμένες θέσεις για τους δικούς τους πολίτες, αν οι θέσεις έχουν σχέση με δραστηριότητες που μετέχουν στην άσκηση δημόσιας εξουσίας και στη διαφύλαξη των γενικών συμφερόντων του κράτους ή των αρχών τοπικής αυτοδιοίκησης (για παράδειγμα, διπλωματικό σώμα, αστυνομία, δικαστήρια, ένοπλες δυνάμεις). Πάντως, οι περισσότερες θέσεις του δημοσίου τομέα, όπως στους τομείς της υγείας, της εκπαίδευσης, της παροχής εμπορικών υπηρεσιών και της έρευνας μη στρατιωτικού χαρακτήρα, είναι ανοικτές για όλους τους πολίτες της ΕΕ και δεν υπόκεινται σε περιορισμούς όσον αφορά την εθνικότητα. Δεδομένου ότι η πρόσβαση σε θέσεις του δημοσίου τομέα διαφέρει από τη μία χώρα στην άλλη, θα πρέπει πάντοτε να ζητάτε συγκεκριμένες πληροφορίες από τις εθνικές αρχές.
3 Υπάρχουν ειδικές προϋποθέσεις για τους αλλοδαπούς;
Η βασική αρχή που διέπει την πρόσβαση στην απασχόληση για εργαζομένους της ΕΕ στα κράτη-μέλη είναι η ίση μεταχείριση με τους ημεδαπούς. Ετσι, οποιοσδήποτε εργαζόμενος της ΕΕ έχει το δικαίωμα να καταλάβει μια θέση εργασίας σε οποιοδήποτε κράτος-μέλος υπό τις ίδιες προϋποθέσεις που ισχύουν για τους υπηκόους της χώρας αυτής. Αυτό σημαίνει ότι, όσον αφορά την πρόσβαση στην απασχόληση, δεν μπορούν να προτιμηθούν από εσάς οι πολίτες της χώρας αυτής μόνο με βάση την εθνικότητά τους. Επιπλέον, αν υπάρχουν μέτρα κινήτρων για την πρόσληψη ημεδαπών εργαζομένων, θεωρείστε και εσείς ημεδαπός όσον αφορά την εφαρμογή των μέτρων αυτών. Πάντως, η πρόσβαση στην απασχόληση μπορεί να εξαρτάται από την κατοχή ορισμένων προσόντων, διπλωμάτων, εμπειρίας ή γλωσσικών γνώσεων. Οσον αφορά το τελευταίο θέμα, μπορεί να απαιτείται ένα ορισμένο επίπεδο γλωσσικών γνώσεων για πρόσβαση σε συγκεκριμένους τύπους απασχόλησης: για παράδειγμα, γνώση της εθνικής γλώσσας επαρκεί για την αντίστοιχη εργασία.
4 Τι πρέπει να κάνω για να αναγνωριστούν τα προσόντα και η εμπειρία μου σε άλλη χώρα της ΕΕ;
Η κοινοτική νομοθεσία αποσκοπεί να εξασφαλίζει ότι τα τυπικά προσόντα και η πρακτική εμπειρία που έχουν αποκτηθεί σε μια χώρα έχουν την ίδια ισχύ σε όλη την ΕΕ. Για «μη νομοθετικά κατοχυρωμένα» επαγγέλματα (επαγγέλματα για τα οποία δεν χρειάζονται πάντοτε συγκεκριμένα τυπικά προσόντα) είστε ελεύθερος να ασκήσετε το επάγγελμά σας σε οποιαδήποτε χώρα της ΕΕ χωρίς πρόσθετες προϋποθέσεις. Για τα «νομοθετικά κατοχυρωμένα» επαγγέλματα (αυτά για τα οποία απαιτούνται τυπικά προσόντα) υπάρχει μια διάκριση ανάμεσα στα επαγγέλματα στα οποία πρέπει να κάνετε αίτηση για αναγνώριση του πτυχίου σας (για παράδειγμα, δάσκαλοι, δικηγόροι ή μηχανικοί), και σ' αυτά στα οποία, κατ' αρχήν, τα πτυχία αναγνωρίζονται αυτομάτως (γιατροί, νοσοκόμοι, οδοντίατροι κτλ.). Για τα επαγγέλματα στα οποία πρέπει να υποβάλετε αίτηση για αναγνώριση των τυπικών προσόντων σας, οι αρμόδιες αρχές είναι υποχρεωμένες να σας απαντήσουν εντός προθεσμίας τεσσάρων μηνών το πολύ. Μην ξεχάσετε να συμπεριλάβετε όλα τα απαραίτητα δικαιολογητικά που απαιτούν οι εθνικές αρχές. Η αίτηση υποβάλλεται γενικά σε μια δημόσια αρχή, π.χ. στο αρμόδιο υπουργείο ή στον αρμόδιο επαγγελματικό φορέα, ανάλογα με το επάγγελμα που θέλετε να ασκήσετε.
5 Αν θέλω να αναζητήσω εργασία στο εξωτερικό, τι πρέπει να κάνω;
Ερευνα από τη χώρα σας με τη βοήθεια των Ευρωπαϊκών Υπηρεσιών Απασχόλησης (European Employment Services EURES). Υπάρχουν πολλοί τρόποι να πάρετε πληροφορίες σχετικά με τις θέσεις απασχόλησης που είναι διαθέσιμες σε άλλες ευρωπαϊκές χώρες: τοπικές εφημερίδες, επαγγελματικά περιοδικά, ιδιωτικά γραφεία ευρέσεως εργασίας και, φυσικά, οι δημόσιες υπηρεσίες απασχόλησης. Μπορείτε επίσης να έλθετε σε επαφή με το EURES.
6 Τι προβλέπεται σε περίπτωση μετακίνησης στο εξωτερικό για εξεύρεση απασχόλησης;
Αν αποφασίσετε να μετακινηθείτε σε άλλη χώρα, μπορείτε να διαμείνετε στη χώρα αυτή ως τρεις μήνες χωρίς διατυπώσεις. Εχετε το δικαίωμα να εγγραφείτε στην εθνική υπηρεσία απασχόλησης, η οποία πρέπει να σας παράσχει την ίδια βοήθεια που προσφέρει στους υπηκόους της χώρας αυτής όσον αφορά την εξεύρεση εργασίας. Δεν χρειάζεστε ειδική θεώρηση ή άδεια διαμονής, αρκεί μόνον ταυτότητα ή διαβατήριο που να είναι σε ισχύ. Μπορείτε επίσης να αναζητήσετε εργασία για ένα «εύλογο χρονικό διάστημα». Δεδομένου ότι δεν υπάρχουν διατάξεις της ΕΕ που καθορίζουν το διάστημα αυτό, τα περισσότερα κράτη-μέλη χορηγούν σήμερα περίοδο έξι μηνών, αν και σε ορισμένα εξακολουθεί να ισχύει περίοδος τριών μηνών.
7 Ποια δικαιώματα κοινωνικής ασφάλισης έχω όσο αναζητώ εργασία;
Οσον αφορά τα δικαιώματα κοινωνικής ασφάλισης, θα πρέπει να έχετε υπόψη σας, πρώτα απ' όλα, ότι τα συστήματα κοινωνικής ασφάλισης στην Ευρωπαϊκή Ενωση εξακολουθούν να διαφέρουν σημαντικά μεταξύ τους: τα κράτη-μέλη είναι ελεύθερα να αποφασίζουν ποιοι καλύπτονται βάσει της νομοθεσίας τους, ποιες παροχές χορηγούνται και υπό ποιες προϋποθέσεις, πώς υπολογίζονται αυτές οι παροχές και ποιες εισφορές πρέπει να καταβάλλονται. Προτού αποφασίσετε να πάτε σε άλλη χώρα, έχει σημασία να γνωρίζετε πού είστε και πού θα είστε ασφαλισμένος. Η κοινοτική νομοθεσία εγγυάται ότι, κατ' αρχήν, είστε ασφαλισμένος μόνο σε μία χώρα: τη χώρα όπου εργάζεστε. Εχετε δικαίωμα σε όλες τις παροχές κοινωνικής ασφάλισης παροχές ασθενείας και μητρότητας, επιδόματα αναπηρίας, συντάξεις , υπό τους ίδιους όρους που ισχύουν για τους υπηκόους της χώρας αυτής. Θα είστε επίσης υποχρεωμένος να καταβάλλετε το ίδιο επίπεδο εισφορών που καταβάλλουν οι υπήκοοι της χώρας υποδοχής.
Αν είστε άνεργος και αναζητείτε εργασία, το επίδομα ανεργίας σας το καταβάλλει η χώρα όπου εργαστήκατε τελευταία. Οταν πηγαίνετε στο εξωτερικό, μπορείτε να λαμβάνετε το επίδομα ανεργίας σας στο κράτος-μέλος στο οποίο αναζητείτε εργασία για τρεις μήνες αλλά υπό ορισμένες προϋποθέσεις: Πρώτον, πρέπει να έχετε αναζητήσει εργασία στη χώρα που ήδη σας καταβάλλει το επίδομα ανεργίας για τουλάχιστον τέσσερις εβδομάδες από τότε που είστε άνεργος και, δεύτερον, να εγγραφείτε στην υπηρεσία απασχόλησης της νέας χώρας το αργότερο επτά ημέρες μετά την αναχώρησή σας. Η εγγραφή γίνεται με την υποβολή του εντύπου Ε 303, το οποίο θα πρέπει να παραλάβετε πριν από την αναχώρησή σας. Το έντυπο αυτό διατίθεται από τον αρμόδιο οργανισμό κοινωνικής ασφάλισης της χώρας που σας καταβάλλει το επίδομα ανεργίας.
Καλό θα είναι να ζητήσετε από την τοπική υπηρεσία κοινωνικής ασφάλισης πληροφορίες για τις συγκεκριμένες συνθήκες σας, ατομικές ή οικογενειακές, και, αν χρειάζεται, να έχετε μαζί σας το κατάλληλο έντυπο Ε (ενημερωτικό δελτίο για την κοινωνική ασφάλιση).
8 Τι είναι τα έντυπα Ε;
Τα έντυπα Ε είναι τυποποιημένα έντυπα που έχουν ουσιαστική σημασία για τη χορήγηση παροχών κοινωνικής ασφάλισης σε άλλη χώρα της ΕΕ, σε εύλογο χρονικό διάστημα. Τα έντυπα διατίθενται από την αρμόδια υπηρεσία κοινωνικής ασφάλισης της χώρας όπου διαμένετε. Τα πιο σημαντικά έντυπα είναι:
σειρά Ε 100 για τα δικαιώματα παροχών ασθενείας και μητρότητας,
σειρά Ε 200 για τον υπολογισμό και την καταβολή συντάξεων,
σειρά Ε 300 για δικαιώματα επιδόματος ανεργίας,
- σειρά Ε 400 για δικαιώματα οικογενειακών επιδομάτων.
9 Τι πρέπει να κάνω όταν βρω εργασία;
Χρειάζεστε κάρτα διαμονής αν προτίθεστε να εργαστείτε στο κράτος-μέλος υποδοχής περισσότερο από τρεις μήνες. Η κάρτα χορηγείται από τις αρμόδιες διοικητικές αρχές (π.χ. το δημαρχείο, την αστυνομία του τόπου διαμονής κτλ.).
Θα σας χορηγηθεί κάρτα διαμονής με ισχύ τουλάχιστον πέντε ετών, εκτός αν προτίθεστε να εργαστείτε στο κράτος-μέλος υποδοχής για διάστημα από τρεις μήνες ως ένα χρόνο. Στην περίπτωση αυτή, θα σας χορηγηθεί κάρτα διαμονής που θα καλύπτει την περίοδο αυτή.
Εχετε δικαίωμα να εργάζεστε ως μισθωτός ή ως αυτοαπασχολούμενος χωρίς να περιμένετε την έκδοση της κάρτας διαμονής σας. Το έγγραφο αυτό αποτελεί απλώς απόδειξη και όχι προϋπόθεση για την ύπαρξη του δικαιώματος διαμονής στη χώρα.
10 Και ποια είναι τα δικαιώματά μου όταν θα έχω βρει εργασία σε άλλη χώρα της ΕΕ;
Οσον αφορά τα δικαιώματα κοινωνικής ασφάλισης, όταν θα βρείτε εργασία σε μια νέα χώρα, κατά κανόνα ασφαλίζεστε στο σύστημα κοινωνικής ασφάλισης της χώρας αυτής.
Δικαιούστε όλες τις παροχές κοινωνικής ασφάλισης, υπό τους ίδιους όρους που ισχύουν για τους υπηκόους της χώρας αυτής. Παύετε να συγκεντρώνετε δικαιώματα στη χώρα προέλευσής σας εν προκειμένω στην Ελλάδα και αρχίζετε να συγκεντρώνετε δικαιώματα στη χώρα υποδοχής. Δεν χάνετε τα δικαιώματα που είχατε συγκεντρώσει στο παρελθόν, εφόσον όλες οι χώρες της ΕΕ λαμβάνουν υπόψη τις περιόδους που έχετε περάσει σε άλλες χώρες της ΕΕ, όσον αφορά τα δικαιώματα σε παροχές. Οσον αφορά τις παροχές κοινωνικής πρόνοιας, εσείς και η οικογένειά σας δικαιούστε τις ίδιες παροχές με αυτές που ισχύουν για τους υπηκόους της χώρας όπου διαμένετε, και αμέσως μόλις αρχίσετε να εργάζεστε στη χώρα αυτή.
11 Ποια δικαιώματα κοινωνικής ασφάλισης έχω όταν επιστρέψω στην πατρίδα μου;
Αν επιστρέψετε στη χώρα που σας καταβάλλει επίδομα ανεργίας πριν από το τέλος των τριών μηνών, θα συνεχίσετε να λαμβάνετε το επίδομα ανεργίας στη χώρα αυτή.
Οταν επιστρέφετε στην Ελλάδα αφού έχετε εργαστεί σε άλλη χώρα, ασφαλίζεστε ξανά βάσει της ισχύουσας νομοθεσίας. Παύετε να συγκεντρώνετε δικαιώματα στην άλλη χώρα και ξαναρχίζετε να συγκεντρώνετε δικαιώματα κοινωνικής ασφάλισης στην πατρίδα σας. Δεν χάνετε αυτά που είχατε μέχρι πρότινος, εφόσον κάθε χώρα της ΕΕ λαμβάνει υπόψη τις περιόδους που έχετε περάσει σε άλλες χώρες της ΕΕ όσον αφορά τα δικαιώματα σε παροχές.
Αυτό είναι ιδιαίτερα σημαντικό όσον αφορά τις συντάξεις. Οταν φθάσετε σε ηλικία συνταξιοδότησης, κάθε χώρα όπου είχατε ασφαλιστεί για ένα έτος τουλάχιστον θα σας καταβάλει σύνταξη γήρατος: για παράδειγμα, αν έχετε εργαστεί σε τρεις χώρες, θα λαμβάνετε τρεις ξεχωριστές συντάξεις γήρατος όταν θα φθάσετε σε ηλικία συνταξιοδότησης.
12 Πού μπορώ να ζητήσω περισσότερες πληροφορίες;
Θα πρέπει να ζητήσετε πληροφορίες και συμβουλές προτού πάτε σε άλλη χώρα της ΕΕ για να αναζητήσετε εργασία. Μπορείτε να λάβετε τα ενημερωτικά δελτία είτε συμπληρώνοντας το έντυπο παραγγελίας είτε καλώντας, ατελώς, την τηλεφωνική υπηρεσία 00800 3212.254.
Μπορείτε επίσης να ζητήσετε μέσω αυτού του αριθμού ατελούς κλήσης, έξι οδηγούς της σειράς εκδόσεων «Πολίτες της Ευρώπης» για την εργασία, τη διαμονή και τις σπουδές σε άλλη χώρα της ΕΕ, καθώς και ζητήματα καταναλωτών, ταξιδιών και ίσων ευκαιριών στην ΕΕ.
Τηλεφωνώντας στον ίδιο αριθμό, μπορείτε ακόμη να έρθετε σε επαφή με την «Υπηρεσία Καθοδήγησης Πολιτών» για πιο συγκεκριμένες συμβουλές σχετικά με την πρακτική άσκηση των δικαιωμάτων σας. Ενας εμπειρογνώμονας θα σας εξηγήσει πώς να ασκήσετε τα δικαιώματά σας και θα σας παραπέμψει σε έναν φορέα που μπορεί να βοηθήσει περισσότερο.
Επίσης, το δίκτυο EURES προσφέρει εξατομικευμένες συμβουλές και καθοδήγηση σχετικά με τον τρόπο εξεύρεσης εργασίας σε άλλη ευρωπαϊκή χώρα και σχετικά με ζητήματα που αφορούν διακινούμενους εργαζομένους.
Μπορείτε να πληροφορηθείτε τη διεύθυνση του πλησιέστερου ευρωσυμβούλου από το τοπικό δημόσιο γραφείο απασχόλησης ή τηλεφωνώντας στον προαναφερόμενο αριθμό ατελούς κλήσης.
Τι είναι το EURES Το EURES είναι ένα δίκτυο συνεργασίας στο οποίο μετέχουν η Ευρωπαϊκή Επιτροπή, οι δημόσιες υπηρεσίες απασχόλησης των χωρών που ανήκουν στον Ευρωπαϊκό Οικονομικό Χώρο (ΕΟΧ), καθώς και άλλοι περιφερειακοί και εθνικοί φορείς που ασχολούνται με ζητήματα απασχόλησης, όπως συνδικαλιστικές οργανώσεις, οργανώσεις εργοδοτών και τοπικές και περιφερειακές αρχές. Μπορείτε να έλθετε σε επαφή με σχεδόν 500 ευρωσυμβούλους, οι οποίοι αποτελούν την κινητήρια δύναμη του δικτύου. Αυτοί βρίσκονται σε όλον τον ΕΟΧ, περιλαμβανομένων και των διασυνοριακών περιφερειών. Ο ρόλος τους είναι να παρέχουν πληροφορίες σχετικά με τα δικαιώματα και τις συνθήκες εργασίας, συμβουλές και βοήθεια για εξεύρεση θέσης σε άτομα που αναζητούν εργασία και εργοδότες που ενδιαφέρονται για τη διεθνή αγορά απασχόλησης.
Χρήσιμες διευθύνσεις Ο κατάλογος των χρήσιμων διευθύνσεων για τους ευρωπαίους εργαζομένους περιλαμβάνει:
* Την Αντιπροσωπεία της Ευρωπαϊκής Επιτροπής στην Ελλάδα: Βασιλίσσης Σοφίας 2,106 74 Αθήνα, τηλ. (01) 7251.000, φαξ (01) 7244.620.
* Το Ευρωπαϊκό Κοινοβούλιο (Γραφείο στην Ελλάδα): Αμαλίας 8, 105 57 Αθήνα, τηλ. (01) 3311.541-7, φαξ (01) 3311.540, (01) 3311.550.
* Κάθε αίτηση σχετικά με την άσκηση των δικαιωμάτων σας στις χώρες του Ευρωπαϊκού Οικονομικού Χώρου που δεν είναι μέλη της Ευρωπαϊκής Ενωσης (Νορβηγία, Ισλανδία, Λίχτενσταϊν) πρέπει να αποστέλλεται στην εξής διεύθυνση: AELE Secritariat, 74, rue de Trives, Β-1040 Brusssels, τηλ. (+32-2) 2861.711.
ΤΟ ΒΗΜΑ, 23-08-1998 Κωδικός άρθρου: B12495E041
name::
* McsEngl.working'skill,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy364.18.13,
name::
* McsEngl.working'technology (with),
* McsEngl.working'technology,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* https://agenda.weforum.org/2015/08/how-technology-will-change-the-way-we-work/,
name::
* McsEngl.working'time,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy364.18.16,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy167,
name::
* McsEngl.work.specific,
* McsEngl.working.specific,
_SPECIFIC: working.alphabetically:
* working.abstract#cptEconomy583.1#
* working.automated#cptEconomy583.10#
* working.capitalism
* working.engineering#cptEconomy212.3#
* working.legal
* working.manual
* working.mental
* working.materialized#cptEconomy583.11#
* working.materializedNo-work#cptCore583.12#
* working.necessary#cptEconomy583.2#
* working.journalism
* working.producer
* working.profession#cptEconomy364.10#
* working.skilled#cptEconomy583.6#
* working.skilledNo#cptEconomy583.9#
* working.surplus#cptEconomy583.3#
* working.Telecomuting#cptIt231#
_SPECIFIC_DIVISION.Materialization:
* working.materialized#cptCore583.11#
* working.nonMaterialized#cptCore583.12#
_SPECIFIC_DIVISION.Economy#cptEconomy323#:
* working.capitalism#cptEconomy583.5#
* working.socialism
_SPECIFIC_DIVISION.Generic:
* working.generic working#cptEconomy583.1#
* working.concrete working
_SPECIFIC_DIVISION.Skill#cptEconomy583.13#:
* working.skilled#cptEconomy583.6#
* working.unskilled#cptEconomy583.9#
_SPECIFIC_DIVISION.Mental:
* working.manual
* working.mental
_SPECIFIC_DIVISION.Profit:
* working.nonProfit
* working.investing (profit)#cptEconomy4.2#
_SPECIFIC_DIVISION.OwnOther:
* working.own
* working.other
[hmnSngo.2011-08-14]
_SPECIFIC:
-------- on mental -------------------
* mental economic-work,
* physical|manual economic-work,
------------------------------------------
* medical-science,
* medicin,
* politics,
name::
* McsEngl.working.SPECIFIC-DIVISION.SEX,
* McsEngl.sexual-division-of-labour,
name::
* McsEngl.working.ABSTRACT,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy364.18.1,
* McsEngl.average-work@cptEconomy583.1,
* McsEngl.generic-work@cptEconomy583.1,
* McsEngl.social-work@cptEconomy583.1,
* McsEngl.abstract-human-labour@cptEconomy583.1@cptMarx,
* McsEngl.abstract-social-work,
* McsEngl.general-social-work,
* McsElln.ΑΦΗΡΗΜΕΝΗ-ΕΡΓΑΣΙΑ,
* McsElln.ΓΕΝΙΚΗ-ΚΟΙΝΩΝΙΚΗ-ΕΡΓΑΣΙΑ,
* McsElln.ΚΟΙΝΩΝΙΚΑ-ΑΝΑΓΚΑΙΑ-ΕΡΓΑΣΙΑ,
ΔΙΠΛΟΣ ΧΑΡΑΚΤΗΡΑΣ ΤΗΣ ΕΡΓΑΣΙΑΣ
ΕΙΝΑΙ ΤΟ ΔΙΠΛΟ ΠΕΡΙΕΧΟΜΕΝΟ ΤΗΣ ΕΡΓΑΣΙΑΣ, ΠΟΥ ΔΗΜΙΟΥΡΓΕΙ ΤΟ ΕΜΠΟΡΕΥΜΑ, ΚΑΙ ΣΥΝΔΕΕΤΑΙ ΜΕ ΤΟ ΟΤΙ Η ΑΞΙΑ ΧΡΗΣΗΣ ΤΟΥ ΕΜΠΟΡΕΥΜΑΤΟΣ ΔΗΜΙΟΥΡΓΕΙΤΑΙ ΜΕ ΤΗ ΣΥΓΚΕΚΡΙΜΕΝΗ-ΕΡΓΑΣΙΑ ΚΑΙ Η ΑΞΙΑ ΤΟΥ ΕΜΠΟΡΕΥΜΑΤΟΣ ΜΕ ΤΗΝ ΑΦΗΡΗΜΕΝΗ-ΕΡΓΑΣΙΑ.
Ο ΔΙΠΛΟΣ ΧΑΡΑΚΤΗΡΑΣ ΤΗΣ ΕΡΓΑΣΙΑΣ ΑΝΑΚΑΛΥΦΘΗΚΕ ΓΙΑ ΠΡΩΤΗ ΦΟΡΑ ΑΠΟ ΤΟΝ Κ. ΜΑΡΞ, ΚΑΙ Η ΑΝΑΚΑΛΥΨΗ-ΤΟΥ ΑΥΤΗ ΑΠΟΤΕΛΕΙ ΤΗΝ ΕΠΙΣΤΗΜΟΝΙΚΗ ΒΑΣΗ ΤΗΣ ΜΑΡΞΙΣΤΙΚΗΣ ΕΡΓΑΣΙΑΚΗΣ ΘΕΩΡΙΑΣ ΤΗΣ ΑΞΙΑΣ.
[ΛΕΞΙΚΟ ΠΟΛΙΤΙΚΗΣ ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΙΑΣ 1983, 114#cptResource172#]
name::
* McsEngl.working.AUTOMATED,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy364.18.10,
name::
* McsEngl.working.CAPITALISM,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy364.18.5,
name::
* McsEngl.working.CONCRETE,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy364.18.7,
name::
* McsEngl.working.EMPLOYEE,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy364.18.4,
* McsEngl.workingEmployee@cptEconomy583.4,
* McsEngl.wage-labour@cptEconomy583.4,
* McsEngl.Wage-labour,
* McsEngl.salaried-work,
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.ΜΙΣΘΩΤΗ-ΕΡΓΑΣΙΑ,
* McsElln.μισθωτη-εργασια@cptEconomy583.4,
_DEFINITION:
ΜΙΣΘΩΤΗ ΕΡΓΑΣΙΑ είναι η ΕΡΓΑΣΙΑ εργαζόμενου στον Καπιταλισμό,
[ΝΙΚΟΣ, ΙΟΥΝ. 1995]
===
7.29 In order to be classified as employed, that is, either as an employee or self-employed, the person must be engaged in an activity that falls within the production boundary of the SNA. The relationship of employer to employee exists when there is a written or oral agreement, which may be formal or informal, between an enterprise and a person, normally entered into voluntarily by both parties, whereby the person works for the enterprise in return for remuneration in cash or in kind. The remuneration is normally based on either the time spent at work or some other objective indicator of the amount of work done. ¶
[https://synagonism.net/dirMcs/dirStn/dirHitp/HitpStnStd000.last.html#idPara7.29]
_WHOLE:
* employee#cptEconomy364.14#
ΣΥΝΤΑΓΜΑ:
ΑΡΘ. 12: ΔΗΜΙΟΥΡΓΙΑ ΣΩΜΑΤΕΙΩΝ.
ΑΡΘ. 22 Ι 1: ΔΙΚΑΙΩΜΑ ΣΤΗΝ ΑΠΑΣΧΟΛΗΣΗ.
ΑΡΘ. 22 Ι 2: ΙΣΗ ΑΜΟΙΒΗ ΓΙΑ ΙΣΗ ΔΟΥΛΕΙΑ, ΑΝΕΞΑΡΤΗΤΑ ΦΥΛΛΟΥ.
ΑΡΘ. 23 ΙΙ: ΔΙΚΑΙΩΜΑ ΑΠΕΡΓΙΑΣ
ΑΣΤΙΚΟΣ ΚΩΔΙΚΑΣ:
ΑΡΘ. 281: ΔΙΚΑΙΩΜΑΤΑ ΤΗΣ ΣΥΜΒΑΣΗ ΕΡΓΑΣΙΑΣ.
Ν-1892-1990: ΩΡΕΣ ΕΡΓΑΣΙΑΣ.
EUROPEAN SOCIAL CHARTER OF 1961.
UN INTERNATIONAL COVENANT OF 1966.
EEC LEGISLATION.
As marx himself stressed: `capital presupposes wage labour; wage labour presupposes capital ... capital and wage labour are two sides of one and the same relation'
[Smirnov et al, 1984, 60#cptResource289#]
name::
* McsEngl.working.Employer,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy364.18.8,
name::
* McsEngl.working.LegalNo,
6.42 There may be no clear borderline between the non-observed economy and illegal production. For example, production that does not comply with certain safety, health or other standards could be described as illegal. Similarly, the evasion of taxes is itself usually a criminal offence. However, it is not necessary for the purposes of the SNA to try to fix the precise borderline between non-observed and illegal production as both are included within the production boundary in any case. It follows that transactions on unofficial markets that exist in parallel with official markets (for example, for foreign exchange or goods subject to official price controls) must also be included in the accounts, whether or not such markets are actually legal or illegal. ¶
6.43 There are two kinds of illegal production:
a. The production of goods or services whose sale, distribution or possession is forbidden by law;
b. Production activities that are usually legal but become illegal when carried out by unauthorized producers; for example, unlicensed medical practitioners. ¶
===
6.44 Examples of activities that may be illegal but productive in an economic sense include the manufacture and distribution of narcotics, illegal transportation in the form of smuggling of goods and of people, and services such as prostitution. ¶
[https://synagonism.net/dirMcs/dirStn/dirHitp/HitpStnStd000.last.html#idPara6.40]
_Externality:
6.47 Illegal production does not refer to the generation of externalities such as the discharge of pollutants. Externalities may result from production processes that are themselves quite legal. Externalities are created without the consent of the units affected and no values are imputed for them in the SNA. ¶
[https://synagonism.net/dirMcs/dirStn/dirHitp/HitpStnStd000.last.html#idPara6.47]
name::
* McsEngl.working.MAN-TIME,
Man-hour
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Contents [hide]
1 Real-world applications
2 Similar units
3 See also
4 References
5 External links
A man-hour or person-hour is the amount of work performed by an average worker in one hour.[1][2] It is used in written "estimates" for estimation of the total amount of uninterrupted labour required to perform a task. For example, researching and writing a college paper might require twenty man-hours. Preparing a family banquet from scratch might require ten man-hours.
Man-hours do not take account of the breaks that people generally require from work, e.g. for rest, eating, and other bodily functions. They only count pure labour. Managers count the man-hours and add break time to estimate the amount of time a task will actually take to complete. Thus, while one college course's written paper might require twenty man-hours to carry out, it almost certainly will not get done in twenty consecutive hours. Its progress will be interrupted by work for other courses, meals, sleep, and other distractions.
[edit]Real-world applications
The advantage of the man-hour concept is that it can be used to estimate the impact of staff changes on the amount of time required for a task. This is done by dividing the number of man-hours by the number of workers available.
This is, of course, appropriate to certain types of activities. It is of most use when considering 'piece-work', where the activity being managed consists of discrete activities having simple dependencies, and where other factors can be neglected. So, adding another man to a packaging team will increase the output of that team in a predictable manner. In transport industry, this concept is superseded by passenger-mile and tonne-mile for better costing accuracy.
In reality, other factors intervene to reduce the simplicity of this model. If some elements of the task have a natural timespan, adding more staff will have a reduced effect: although having two chefs will double the speed of some elements of food preparation, they roast a chicken no faster than one chef. Some tasks also have a natural number of staff associated with them: the time to chop the vegetables will be halved with the addition of the second chef, but the time to carve the chicken will remain the same.
Another example is the old adage, "Just because a woman can make a baby in 9 months, it does not follow that 9 women can make a baby in one month." This adage is often cited in systems development to try and justify the belief that adding more staff to a project does not guarantee it will get done quicker.
Another problem with this model, as Fred Brooks noted, is that organization, training, and co-ordination activities could more than outweigh the potential benefits of adding extra staff to work on a task, especially if considered only over a shorter time period.
[edit]Similar units
The similar concept of a man-day, man-week, man-month, or man-year[3][4] is used on very large projects. It is the amount of work performed by an average worker during one day, week, month, or year, respectively. The number of hours worked by an individual during a year varies greatly according to cultural norm(s) and economics. The average annual hours actually worked per person in employment as reported by OECD countries in 2007, for example, ranged from a minimum of 1389 hours (Netherlands) to a maximum of 2316 hours (South Korea).[5]
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Man-hour]
name::
* McsEngl.working.Materialized,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy364.18.11,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy583.11,
* McsEngl.working.materialized@cptEconomy583.11,
* McsEngl.materialized-work@cptEconomy583.11,
_DEFINITION:
Materialized-work is WORK that happend.
[hmnSngo.2011-04-23]
name::
* McsEngl.working.MaterializedNo,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy364.18.12,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy583.12,
* McsEngl.working.materializedNo@cptEconomy583.12,
* McsEngl.nonMaterialized-work@cptEconomy583.12,
* McsEngl.potential-work@cptEconomy583.12,
_DEFINITION:
NonMaterialized-work is WORK not yet happend.
[hmnSngo.2011-04-23]
name::
* McsEngl.working.Necessary,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy364.18.2,
* McsEngl.workingNecessary@cptEconomy583.2,
* McsEngl.socially-necessary-labour@cptEconomy583.2@cptMarx,
* McsEngl.necessary-labour@cptEconomy583.2@cptMarx,
* McsEngl.necessary-work,
* McsElln.ΑΝΑΓΚΑΙΑ-ΕΡΓΑΣΙΑ,
_DEFINITION:
We have seen that the labourer, during one portion of the labour-process, produces only the value of his labour-power, that is, the value of his means of subsistence. Now since his work forms part of a system, based on the social division of labour, he does not directly produce the actual necessaries which he himself consumes; he produces instead a particular commodity, yarn for example, whose value is equal to the value of those necessaries or of the money with which they can be bought. The portion of his day’s labour devoted to this purpose, will be greater or less, in proportion to the value of the necessaries that he daily requires on an average, or, what amounts to the same thing, in proportion to the labour-time required on an average to produce them. If the value of those necessaries represent on an average the expenditure of six hours’ labour, the workman must on an average work for six hours to produce that value. If instead of working for the capitalist, he worked independently on his own account, he would, other things being equal, still be obliged to labour for the same number of hours, in order to produce the value of his labour-power, and thereby to gain the means of subsistence necessary for his conservation or continued reproduction. But as we have seen, during that portion of his day’s labour in which he produces the value of his labour-power, say three shillings, he produces only an equivalent for the value of his labour-power already advanced[4] by the capitalist; the new value created only replaces the variable capital advanced. It is owing to this fact, that the production of the new value of three shillings takes the semblance of a mere reproduction. That portion of the working day, then, during which this reproduction takes place, I call “necessary” labour time, and the labour expended during that time I call “necessary” labour.[5] Necessary, as regards the labourer, because independent of the particular social form of his labour; necessary, as regards capital, and the world of capitalists, because on the continued existence of the labourer depends their existence also.
[Marx, Capital I, pr3ch9sc1]
ΑΝΑΓΚΑΙΑ ΕΡΓΑΣΙΑ είναι η εργασια που αντιστοιχει στην 'ανταμειβή' που παίρνει ο ερζαζόμενος.
[hmnSngo.1995-04]
Η μορφή του "ΜΙΣΘΟΥ ΕΡΓΑΣΙΑΣ" σβήνει κάθε ίχνος χωρισμου της εργάσιμης ημέρας σε αναγκαία εργασία και υπερεργασια, σε ΠΛΗΡΩΜΕΝΗ & ΑΠΛΗΡΩΤΗ ΕΡΓΑΣΙΑ. Ολη η εργασία παρουσιάζεται σαν πληρωμένη εργασία.
- Στην ΑΓΓΑΡΕΙΑ, η εργασία που ο δουλοπάροικος κάνει για τον εαυτό του και η αναγκαστικη εργασία που κάνει για τον αφέντη της γής ξεχωρίζουν μεταξύ τους χωρικά και χρονικά δηλ. με τον πιο χειροπιαστο τρόπο.
- Στην ΕΡΓΑΣΙΑ ΤΟΥ ΔΟΥΛΟΥ ακόμα και το μέρος εκείνο της εργάσιμης μέρας, που ο δούλος αναπληρώνει απλώς την αξία των δικών του μέσων συντήρησης, παρουσιάζεται σαν απλήρωτη εργασία.
- Αντίθετα στη ΜΙΣΘΩΤΗ ΕΡΓΑΣΙΑ ακόμα και η υπερεργασία δηλ. η απλήρωτη εργασία, παρουσιάζεται σαν πληρωμένη εργασία. Εκεί η σχέση ιδιοχτησίας κρύβει την εργασία που κανει ο δούλος για τον ευατό του, εδώ η χρηματική σχέση κρύβει την απλήρωτη εργασία του μισθωτου εργάτη.
[ΜΑΡΞ ΚΕΦΑΛΑΙΟ Ι, 1867, 557#cptResource118#]
name::
* McsEngl.working.OVERTIME,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy612,
* McsEngl.overtime@cptEconomy612, {2012-04-10}
* McsElln.ΥΠΕΡΩΡΙΑ@cptEconomy612,
_GENERIC:
* working#cptEconomy364.18#
_DESCRIPTION:
ΥΠΕΡΩΡΙΑ είναι ΕΡΓΑΣΙΑ πάνω από τον κανονικό χρόνο εργασίας...
[hmnSngo.1995-05]
ΥΠΕΡΩΡΙΕΣ δικαιούνται οι εργαζόμενοι με πλήρες ΚΑΙ μειωμένο ωράριο. Επίσης οι ημεδαποι και οι αλλοδαποί.
[ΒΗΜΑ, 4 ΔΕΚ. 1994, Ε10]
Το ευρωπαικό δικαστήριο αποφάνθηκε ότι υπερωρίες δικαιούνται ΜΟΝΟ όσοι εργάζονται με πληρες ωράριο και όχι οι εργαζόμενοι με καθεστώς μερικής απασχόλησης.
[ΒΗΜΑ, 5 ΦΕΒ. 1995, Ε7]
name::
* McsEngl.working.Own,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy364.18.15,
* McsEngl.own-working@cptEconomy583.15, {2011-08-14}
* McsEngl.workingOwn@cptEconomy583.15, {2011-08-14}
_DESCRIPTION:
It is working created satisfiers-for-own-use[541.18#cptEconomy541.18#].
[hmnSngo.2011-08-14]
name::
* McsEngl.working.Skilled,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy364.18.6,
* McsEngl.skilled-work@cptEconomy583.6,
Η ΣΥΝΘΕΤΟΤΕΡΗ ΕΡΓΑΣΙΑ σημαίνει μόνο εργασία απλή, ανυψωμένη σε δύναμη ή καλύτερα, πολλαπλασιασμένη ΑΠΛΗ ΕΡΓΑΣΙΑ έτσι, που μια μικρότερη ποσότητα σύνθετης εργασίας να είναι ίση με μια μεγαλύτερη ποσότητα απλής εργασίας.
[ΜΑΡΞ ΚΕΦΑΛΑΙΟ Ι, 1867, 58#cptResource118#]
name::
* McsEngl.working.SkilledNo,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy364.18.9,
* McsEngl.unskilled-work@cptEconomy583.9,
* McsEngl.skilledNo-work@cptEconomy583.9,
ΑΠΛΗ ΕΡΓΑΣΙΑ:
ΕΡΓΑΣΙΑ ΠΟΥ ΔΕΝ ΑΠΑΙΤΕΙ ΑΠΟ ΤΟΝ ΕΡΓΑΤΗ ΕΙΔΙΚΗ ΚΑΤΑΡΤΙΣΗ, ΕΙΔΙΚΟΤΗΤΑ. ΓΕΝΙΚΑ Η ΑΝΕΙΔΙΚΕΥΤΗ ΕΡΓΑΣΙΑ
[ΛΕΞΙΚΟ ΠΟΛΙΤΙΚΗΣ ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΙΑΣ 1983, 49#cptResource172#]
Διαφορες λχ στο υψος μισθου, στηριζονται στην απλη και συνθετη εργασια που παρα το οτι κανουν πολυ ανομοια τη μοιρα των εργατων στις διαφορες σφραιρες παραγωγης, ΔΕΝ θιγουν καθολου το βαθμο εκμεταλευσης της εργασιας σ'αυτες τις διαφορες σφαιρες.
[ΜΑΡΞ ΚΕΦΑΛΑΙΟ ΙΙΙ, 1894, 179#cptResource120#]
name::
* McsEngl.working.Socialism,
_WHOLE:
* symban'societyHumanSocialism'eonomySocialism#cptEconomy323.47#
"Η ΣΧΕΔΙΑΣΜΕΝΗ ΟΡΓΑΝΩΣΗ ΤΗΣ ΕΡΓΑΣΙΑΣ ΣΤΗΝ ΚΛΙΜΑΚΑ ΟΛΟΚΛΗΡΗΣ ΤΗΣ ΚΟΙΝΩΝΙΑΣ, ΣΤΗ ΒΑΣΗ ΤΗΣ ΣΟΣΙΑΛΙΣΤΙΚΗΣ ΙΔΙΟΚΤΗΣΙΑΣ ΣΤΑ ΜΕΣΑ ΠΑΡΑΓΩΓΗΣ, ΠΟΥ ΕΧΕΙ ΣΑΝ ΣΥΝΕΠΕΙΑ Η ΠΡΟΣΩΠΙΚΗ ΕΡΓΑΣΙΑ ΤΟΥ ΚΑΘΕ ΠΑΡΑΓΩΓΟΥ ΝΑ ΣΥΜΜΕΤΕΧΕΙ ΟΧΙ ΠΙΑ ΕΜΜΕΣΑ, ΟΠΩΣ ΣΥΜΒΑΙΝΕΙ ΣΤΟΝ ΚΑΠΙΤΑΛΙΣΜΟ, ΑΛΛΑ ΑΜΕΣΑ, ΣΑΝ ΣΥΣΤΑΤΙΚΟ ΣΤΟΙΧΕΙΟ, ΣΤΗ ΣΥΝΟΛΙΚΗ ΚΟΙΝΩΝΙΚΗ ΕΡΓΑΣΙΑ. ΣΤΗ ΣΟΣΙΑΛΙΣΤΙΚΗ ΚΟΙΝΩΝΙΑ Η ΕΡΓΑΣΙΑ ΤΟΥ ΚΑΘΕ ΕΡΓΑΖΟΜΕΝΟΥ ΣΤΗΝ ΚΟΙΝΩΝΙΚΗ ΠΑΡΑΓΩΓΗ ΕΜΦΑΝΙΖΕΤΑΙ ΑΜΕΣΑ ΣΑΝ ΚΟΙΝΩΝΙΚΗ ΕΡΓΑΣΙΑ"
[ΛΕΞΙΚΟ ΠΟΛΙΤΙΚΗΣ ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΙΑΣ 1983, 23#cptResource172#]
ΤΡΙΧΕΣ, ΚΟΙΝΩΝΙΚΗ ΕΡΓΑΣΙΑ, ΕΙΝΑΙ ΑΥΤΗ ΠΟΥ ΓΙΝΕΤΑΙ ΑΠΟΔΕΚΤΗ ΣΤΗΝ ΑΓΟΡΑ.
[ΝΙΚΟΣ]
name::
* McsEngl.working.SurplusLabour,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy364.18.3,
* McsEngl.workingSurplus@cptEconomy583.3,
* McsEngl.surplus-labour@cptEconomy583.3,
_DESCRIPTION:
During the second period of the labour-process, that in which his labour is no longer necessary labour, the workman, it is true, labours, expends labour-power; but his labour, being no longer necessary labour, he creates no value for himself. He creates surplus value which, for the capitalist, has all the charms of a creation out of nothing. This portion of the working day, I name surplus labour-time, and to the labour expended during that time, I give the name of surplus labour. It is every bit as important, for a correct understanding of surplus value, to conceive it as a mere congelation of surplus labour-time, as nothing but materialised surplus labour, as it is, for a proper comprehension of value, to conceive it as a mere congelation of so many hours of labour, as nothing but materialised labour. The essential difference between the various economic forms of society, between, for instance, a society based on slave-labour, and one based on wage-labour, lies only in the mode in which this surplus labour is in each case extracted from the actual producer, the labourer.[6]
[Marx, Capital I, pr3ch9sc1]
name::
* McsEngl.working.Unit-of-measuring,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy364.18.17,
_DESCRIPTION:
The quantity of labour, however, is measured by its duration, and labour-time in its turn finds its standard in weeks, days, and hours.
[http://www.econlib.org/library/YPDBooks/Marx/mrxCpA1.html#I.I.13]
name::
* McsEngl.worker'doing.working.JOB (ogn-wkr-working|position|θέση-εργασίας),
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy53.2,
* McsEngl.occupation-of-worker,
* McsEngl.career-of-worker,
* McsEngl.job,
* McsEngl.job-of-worker,
* McsEngl.job-position,
* McsEngl.position-of-worker,
* McsEngl.wkr'job,
* McsEngl.work-position,
* McsEngl.work-OF-an-individual-IN-a-company, {2015-06-08}
* McsEngl.work-position@cptEconomy,
* McsEngl.worker'job@cptEconomy,
* McsEngl.wrkskl.JOB,
* McsEngl.human'job,
* McsEngl.human'occupation,
* McsEngl.human'profession,
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.απασχόληση@cptEconomy,
* McsElln.δουλειά@cptEconomy, {2015-05-19}
* McsElln.εργασία@cptEconomy,
* McsElln.θέση-εργασίας@cptEconomy, {2012-12-09}
_GENERIC:
* working#cptEconomy583#
name::
* McsEngl.job'DEFINITION,
JOB is the-working per human per organization needed in this organization.
[hmnSngo.2015-06.]
One worker can have|do many jobs.
[hmnSngo.2015-05-27]
_DEFINITION:
Job is working-of-one-human in relation to an ORGANIZATION that needs this working.
[hmnSngo.2015-06-05]
===
Job is working in relation to an ORGANIZATION that needs this working.
[hmnSngo.2014-02-15]
===
Job is a materialized (existing, nonPotential) profession.
A worker can have more than one jobs, but with different producers.
[hmnSngo.2011-08-11]
noun
1. a paid position of regular employment.
"the scheme could create 200 jobs"
synonyms: position of employment, position, post, situation, place, appointment, posting, placement, day job; occupation, profession, trade, career, work, field of work, line of work, line of business, means of livelihood, means of earning a living, walk of life, mιtier, pursuit, craft; vocation, calling; vacancy, opening; way; informalberth; informalgrip; archaicemploy
"my job involves a lot of travelling"
2. a task or piece of work, especially one that is paid.
"she wants to be left alone to get on with the job"
synonyms: task, piece of work, assignment, project; chore, errand; undertaking, venture, operation, enterprise, activity, business, affair; detail
"a job that will take him three months to complete"
[google dict] {2015-06-05}
name::
* McsEngl.job.cptSna2008v,
_DESCRIPTION:
19.30 Individuals may have more than one source of income from employment because they work for more than one employer or, in addition to working for one or more employers, they work on their own account as self-employed. The agreement between an employee and the employer defines a job and each self-employed person has a job. The number of jobs in the economy thus exceeds the number of persons employed to the extent that some employees have more than one job. An individual with more than one job may do these successively as when the person works for part of the week in one job and the rest of the week in another or in parallel as when the person has an evening job as well as a daytime job. In some cases, too, a single job may be shared by two persons. ¶
[https://synagonism.net/dirMcs/dirStn/dirHitp/HitpStnStd000.last.html#idPara19.10]
name::
* McsEngl.job'analysis,
_DESCRIPTION:
job analysis
Detailed examination of the (1) tasks (performance elements) that make up a job (employee role), (2) conditions under which they are performed, and (3) what the job requires in terms of aptitudes (potential for achievement), attitudes (behavior characteristics), knowledge, skills, and the physical condition of the employee. Its objectives include (a) determination of the most efficient ...
Learn more about this term
Usage Example
Being able to correctly break down the job analysis will let you know how to handle any problems that may arise.
[BusinessDictionary.com term.of.the.day]
name::
* McsEngl.job'autonomy,
_DESCRIPTION:
Human resource management: A degree or level of freedom and discretion allowed to an employee over his or her job. As a general rule, jobs with high degree of autonomy engender a sense of responsibility and greater job satisfaction in the employee(s). Not every employee, however, prefers a job with high degree of responsibility.
[term.of.the.day@businessdictionary.com 2014-08-14]
_SPECIFIC:
* wage
* annualleave
* sickleave
* health-insurance
name::
* McsEngl.job'curriculum-vitae,
* McsEngl.curriculum-vitae@cptEconomy,
* McsEngl.cv@cptEconomy,
* McsEngl.resume@cptEconomy,
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.βιογραφικό@cptEconomy,
_DESCRIPTION:
curriculum vitae
CV. A summary of a job applicant's professional experience and educational background, along with other relevant information regarding the candidate's qualifications. The curriculum vitae is similar to a resume, but is used more frequently by candidates who have published works in journals, such as scientists or academic professionals.
Usage Example
When applying for a job, make sure to include relevant experience in your curriculum vitae that will show how you are a good fit for the open position.
[term.of.the.day@businessdictionary.com, 2014-06-21]
Βρετανία: Στη φυλακή όποιος γράφει ψέματα στο βιογραφικό
Πέμπτη, 03 Ιουλίου 2014 12:49 UPD:12:50
Θέλετε μια δουλειά που απαιτεί βαθμό πτυχίου 7,5 ή 5 χρόνια προϋπηρεσία κι εσείς έχετε μόλις 3 και βαθμό πτυχίου μικρότερο;
«Ας προσθέσω κάτι στα τυπικά μου προσόντα», σκεφτήκατε και δικαιολογήσατε τον εαυτό σας λέγοντας ότι είναι ένα μικρό αθώο ψέμα.
Λάθος! Τα ψέματα στο βιογραφικό είναι πλέον ποινικό αδίκημα στη Μεγάλη Βρετανία.
Το Γραφείο Πρόληψης Απάτης έστειλε οδηγό σε κάθε πανεπιστήμιο της χώρας προειδοποιώντας ότι τα μικρά ψέματα στο βιογραφικό μπορεί να οδηγήσουν στη φυλακή αντί στην πολυπόθητη θέση στην πολυεθνική.
Με τίτλο «Μην τελειώσετε την καριέρα σας πριν καν αρχίσει» ο οδηγός ενημερώνει τους επίδοξους ψεύτες ότι οι ψευδείς πληροφορίες μπορεί να κοστίσουν μέχρι και 10 χρόνια φυλακής για απάτη με ψευδή αναπαράσταση στοιχείων.
Μάλιστα η υπηρεσία πρόληψης απάτης θα κρατάει τους φακέλους για έξι χρόνια. Το 2013 324 άτομα διώχθηκαν για απατηλές αιτήσεις, ενώ το 2012 ο αριθμός τους ήταν 205.
Σκεφτείτε, λοιπόν, δύο φορές πριν... καλλωπίσετε το βιογραφικό σας και το στείλετε για μία θέση στο Σίτυ.
[http://www.naftemporiki.gr/story/828919/bretania-sti-fulaki-opoios-grafei-psemata-sto-biografiko]
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* https://europass.cedefop.europa.eu/editors/en/cv/compose,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* https://agenda.weforum.org/2015/08/7-reasons-this-is-an-excellent-cv-for-someone-with-no-experience/
name::
* McsEngl.job'certificate,
* McsEngl.job'degree,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://www.cio.com/article/3025349/careers-staffing/who-needs-a-computer-science-degree-these-days.html,
name::
* McsEngl.job'evaluation,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://www.weforum.org/agenda/2016/03/3-things-that-make-a-job-great,
name::
* McsEngl.job'health-issue,
name::
* McsEngl.job'stess,
* McsEngl.stress-of-job,
What Are the Most Stressful Occupations?
A low-paying job with irregular hours can be more stressful than an occupation such as a neurosurgeon or astronaut.
Researchers have found that the amount of stress associated with your job
is directly related to whether you feel "in control" and respected in your
work. Brain surgeons and astronauts have very mentally taxing jobs, which
would seem to be stressful. However, scientists at Southern Medical
University in Guangzhou, China, say that service industry jobs, such as
restaurant servers, nursing aides, and customer service clerks, are
typically associated with higher levels of stress. These repetitive and
often thankless jobs frequently come with long and irregular hours, low pay
-- and a greater risk of heart problems and stroke.
Read More: http://www.wisegeek.com/what-is-the-most-stressful-occupation.htm?m, {2018-05-10}
name::
* McsEngl.job'organization,
* McsEngl.job'creator,
* McsEngl.job'organization,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* https://agenda.weforum.org/2015/06/top-25-companies//
1) Google,
2) Bain & Company,
3) Nestle Purina,
4) F5 Networks,
5) Boston Consulting Group,
6) Chevron,
7) H-E-B,
8) In-N-Out Burger,
9) McKinsey & Company,
10) Mayo Clinic,
11) P&G,
12) Brigham & Women's Hospital,
13) Facebook,
14) Qualcomm,
15) Southwest,
16) Slalom Consulting,
17) Genentech,
18) Adobe,
19) MathWorks,
20) Stryker,
21) QuikTrip,
22) Apple,
23) LinkedIn,
24) Gartner,
25) Nike,
name::
* McsEngl.job'permancy,
* McsEngl.job'tenure,
_DESCRIPTION:
In the United States and Canada, tenure is a contractual right that grants teacher or professor permanent position or employment. It is given as a legal protection against summary dismissal without just cause. Tenure encourages the development of ideas and thoughts, even if they are not popular among the community. Tenure is granted to professors and teachers who prove to be exceptionally productive in their careers. [1][2]
[https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tenure]
name::
* McsEngl.job'relation-to-automation,
* McsEngl.job'relation-to-robot,
How Will Automation Impact Number of Jobs?
Experts predict that nearly 45% of all current jobs will be replaced by automation by 2035.
Automation will impact jobs by replacing an estimated 45% of them by 2035,
according to some experts' projections. Researchers predict that the first
occupational fields to be made obsolete by automation will be the ones in
which computers and other automated machines have already been used, such
as construction, transportation, administrative support and production
labor. As technology for artificial intelligence becomes more advanced,
researchers believe that jobs in engineering, science, management and the
arts will be phased out. It is projected that the jobs made obsolete by
automation will be replaced with jobs that previously did not exist.
Read More: http://www.wisegeek.com/how-will-automation-impact-number-of-jobs.htm?m, {2014-01-24}
Τα ρομπότ "θα φάνε" το 50% των θέσεων εργασίας...
ΑΘΗΝΑ 30/05/2014
Σχεδόν το 50% όλων των θέσεων εργασίας στα βιομηχανικά κράτη, όπως είναι η Αυστραλία, κινδυνεύουν να χαθούν μέσα στις επόμενες δύο δεκαετίες, σύμφωνα με την καθηγητή του πανεπιστημίου της Οξφόρδης, Μάικλ Οσμπρν, ο οποίος υποστηρίζει ότι λόγω των ρομπότ ενδέχεται να χαθούν έως και πέντε εκατομμύρια θέσεις εργασίας στην Αυστραλία!
«Εκείνο που βλέπουμε σήμερα και σαφώς διαφέρει από το χτες, είναι ότι όλο και περισσότερες μηχανές εισχωρούν σε τομείς εργασίας που βασίζονται στη σκέψη. Εργάζομαι στον χώρο της τεχνητής ευφυίας και είμαι σε θέση να διαπιστώσω την ιλιγγιώδη εξέλιξη σε πάρα πολλούς χώρους της τεχνολογίας. Μας έχει ζητηθεί να εντοπίσουμε ποια επαγγέλματα ενδέχεται να αντικατασταθούν από τον αυτοματισμό και διαπιστώσαμε ότι 47% των επαγγελμάτων στις ΗΠΑ ανήκουν σ' αυτήν την κατηγορία» τονίζει.
Ο ίδιος λέει ότι το αποτέλεσμα αυτό, ισχύει και για την Αυστραλία, αρκεί να λάβει κανείς υπόψη του ότι 700 ρομπότ το χρόνο, εισάγονται τώρα, στον βιομηχανικό χώρο στην Αυστραλία και πάνω από 1 εκατομμύριο εργάζονται ήδη εντατικά σε διάφορες βιομηχανικές χώρες.
Ο καθηγητής Ντέιβιντ Ντάουϊ, από το Πανεπιστήμιο Monash, συμπληρώνει πως «στην πραγματικότητα, όλα αυτά που ξέραμε και που νομίζαμε ότι μόνο από τον άνθρωπο μπορούν να επιτευχθούν, υπάρχει ενδεχόμενο να γίνουν αυτόματα. Τώρα, πόσο γρήγορα θα γίνει αυτό δεν είμαι σε θέση να γνωρίζω. Νομίζω εντούτοις ότι οφείλουμε να είμαστε προετοιμασμένοι».
Το 85% των ρομπότ στην Αυστραλία εργάζονται έξω από το χώρο της αυτοκινητοβιομηχανίας, όπου κάποτε ήταν το «σπίτι τους». Ένας πολύ φθηνός και ακούραστος εργάτης βρίσκεται παντού. Όπως ο Baxter, το ρομπότ που έχει την ειδικότητα του κτίστη.
Το αφεντικό του, Chris Troman, γενικός διευθυντής της Austral Bricks, της μεγαλύτερης κατασκευαστικής εταιρείας τούβλων στην Αυστραλία, σημειώνει: «Οφείλουμε να υιοθετήσουμε την ανάπτυξη της τεχνολογίας. Εκείνοι οι οποίοι παρακολουθούν την εξέλιξη και υιοθετούν ο,τιδήποτε μπορεί να αποδώσει ταχύτερα και αποτελεσματικότερα, είναι εκείνοι οι οποίοι , σε τελική ανάλυση, θα επιβιώσουν και θα αναπτυχθούν».
Ο ίδιος τονίζει ότι, το γεγονός ότι η εταιρεία Austral βασίζεται κυρίως σε ρομπότ, έχει δραματικά μειώσει τα ατυχήματα στον εργασιακό χώρο, καθώς επίσης και το εργατικό κόστος.
«Ας μη ξεχνάμε ότι είμαστε σ' ένα ιδιαίτερα ανταγωνιστικό κλίμα. Η πίεση να μειώσουμε τα έξοδα της επιχείρησης, είναι συνεχής, κι' αυτό για να μπορέσουμε να προσφέρουμε φθηνότερα τα προϊόντα μας στον καταναλωτή».
Πράγμα στο οποίο φαίνεται να παίζει πρωτεύοντα ρόλο ο Baxter, το ρομπότ που στοιχίζει μόνο 35.000 δολάρια και δεν κουράζεται ποτέ. Ένας φθηνός και ευσυνείδητος εργάτης που σηματοδοτεί την αρχή μιας νέας εποχής, όπου το σκηνικό του εργασιακού χώρου αλλάζει δραματικά και ο ρόλος του ανθρώπου θα πρέπει να προσαρμοστεί ανάλογα.
[http://www.nooz.gr/world/australia-rompot-apeiloin-5-ekat-8eseis-ergasias]
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* {2019-01-15} https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2019/01/humans-wanted-why-automation-wont-kill-off-your-job,
name::
* McsEngl.job'relation-to-parent-job,
ΕΛΣΤΑΤ: Ακολουθούν τα παιδιά τις επαγγελματικές επιλογές των γονιών;
Τι δείχνει η έρευνα για την διαγενεακή επαγγελματική κινητικότητα
ΔΗΜΟΣΙΕΥΣΗ: 2014-09-10 12:57
Πόση σχέση μπορεί να έχει το επάγγελμα του πατέρα ή της μητέρας με αυτό που θα ακολουθήσουν τα παιδιά στη ζωή τους;
Η Στατιστική προσπάθησε να απαντήσει σ΄αυτό το ερώτημα αλλά αυτό που διαπίστωσε είναι ότι μόνο στην περίπτωση που οι γονείς ήταν επαγγελματίες, κατά μία έννοια είχαν δική τους δουλειά (κατάστημα, γραφείο, άλλη επαγγελματική δραστηριότητα) τα παιδιά το ακολούθησαν σε ποσοστό 40%.
Διαγενεακή επαγγελματική κινητικότητα (Ετους 2011)
Σε όλες τις άλλες περιπτώσεις τα ποσοστά που τα παιδιά ακολουθούν την καριέρα του μπαμπά ή της μαμάς τα ποσοστά είναι πολύ χαμηλά (κάτω από 20%). Π.χ. όταν ο πατέρας ήταν διευθυντικό στέλεχος, το παιδί (μέλος του νοικοκυριού), ήταν το 2011:
• Υπάλληλος γραφείου (18,5%)
• Διευθυντικό στέλεχος (16,4%)
πλασιέ ή άνεργος.
Σε κάθε περίπτωση η έρευνα της Ελληνικής Στατιστικής Αρχής για τη «Διαγενεακή επαγγελματική κινητικότητα» που στηρίχθηκε στην μεγάλη έρευνα για τα εισοδήματα και τις συνθήκες διαβίωσης των νοικοκυριών του 2011 παρουσιάζει μεγάλο ενδιαφέρον.
Η έρευνα δεν έχει ξεχωριστή ερώτηση για τους πολιτικούς. Προφανώς τους κατατάσσει στους επαγγελματίες...
[http://www.tovima.gr/finance/article/?aid=630009]
name::
* McsEngl.job'work-life-balance,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* https://www.glassdoor.com/blog/25-jobs-worklife-balance-2015//
name::
* McsEngl.job'workplace,
* McsEngl.job'working-environment,
* McsEngl.workplace@cptEconomy,
_DESCRIPTION:
a place where people work, such as an office or factory.
"health and safety in the workplace"
[google dic]
name::
* McsEngl.job'employer,
* McsEngl.hmn'employer,
* McsEngl.human'employer,
name::
* McsEngl.job'resource,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* https://agenda.weforum.org/2015/08/are-we-heading-towards-a-jobless-future//
name::
* McsEngl.job'doing,
* McsEngl.job'task,
Do Most People Keep Their Long-Term Jobs until Retirement?
The Health and Retirement Study shows that 56% of Americans over 50 leave their jobs before being ready to retire.
The Age Discrimination in Employment Act protects workers in the United States if they’re at least 40 years old.
However, AARP reports that about 67 percent of workers 55 to 65 years old have encountered some sort of discrimination at work -- and when complaints are formally lodged, only 16 percent of the cases are resolved in their favor.
So the results of a 2018 study of 20,000 workers (aged 50 and up) should come as no surprise.
The 26-year study found that an astounding 56 percent of older workers in long-term, full-time positions left their jobs involuntarily, before they were ready to retire.
Read More:
http://www.wisegeek.com/do-most-people-keep-their-long-term-jobs-until-retirement.htm?m {2019-12-05}
name::
* McsEngl.job'doing.FINDING,
* McsEngl.job'finding,
* McsEngl.job'searching,
* McsEngl.job-finding@cptEconomy,
* McsEngl.job-searching@cptEconomy,
* McsEngl.worker'finding-job,
* McsEngl.job-network,
* McsEngl.job-platform,
* McsEngl.job-site,
* McsEngl.job-website,
* McsEngl.website.job,
_DESCRIPTION:
Connect employees and employers.
Connect Job-Seekers and Employers.
Connect job-demanders and job-supplyers
_ADDRESS.WPG:
=== blockchain
* https://chronobank.io/products/laborx,
* https://ethlance.com/,
* https://www.atlas.work/,
* https://canya.io/,
===
* https://recrooit.com/, (with referrals)
* startup: https://angel.co/,
* https://ec.europa.eu/eures/home.jsp,
* http://www.europejobs.org/?gclid=CJb307ft3LgCFUld3godL28Aog/
* http://www.eurojobs.com//
* https://relocateme.eu// (slovenia)
===
* https://www.job.com/
* http://instahire.jobs// The instahire app connects businesses with staff on demand.
* https://www.upwork.com//
* http://careers.stackoverflow.com//
* https://www.freelancer.com// (hire, work)
* https://www.elance.com//
* http://www.simplyhired.com/a/our-company/about-us,
* http://www.skillpages.com//
* http://www.jobsearch.gov.au//
* https://angel.co//
===
Remote OK is a huge job board for remote-friendly jobs ??
Frontend Jobs is for — you guessed it — frontend developers ??
First Dev Job is for developers looking to land their first job ??
Just Junior Jobs is specifically for junior-level positions, and perfect for people fresh out of college or grad school ??
RemoteIndian Job Board is a remote job board for devs based in India ????
Wellpaid is a contract-only job board for roles in tech ??
Relocate will help you find a job that sponsors relocation to 10 different countries ??
HiTechJobs CA is for those looking for a tech job in Canada ????
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* https://www.careernet.gr/,
* freelancer: http://www.freelancer.com//
* recruiter, free: http://www.recruiter.com//
* javaworld: http://www.javaworld.com/jobbank,
* willey: http://www.wileyjobnetwork.com//
name::
* McsEngl.job'finding.DEMAND,
* McsEngl.job'demand,
* McsEngl.job'seeker,
name::
* McsEngl.job'finding.SUPPLY,
* McsEngl.job'board,
* McsEngl.job'supply,
_SPECIFIC:
* beyond.com
* career-builder
* careerJet
* indeed
* jobinventory
* jobisjob
* LinkedIn
* monster
* recruit.net
* SimplyHired
* social-recruiting (Twitter, Facebook, GitHub and Dribbble)
* stackoverflowcareers
* trovit
* us.jobs
name::
* McsEngl.job'finding.doing.BLOCKCHAIN,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://cointelegraph.com/news/tips-for-revamping-your-cryptocurrency-job-search-in-2016,
name::
* McsEngl.job'finding.ogn,
* McsEngl.job'finding.ogn,
_SPECIFIC:
* gr.indeed.com,
* https://gr.jooble.org/,
* https://www.jobfind.gr/
name::
* McsEngl.job'finding.ogn.GLASSDOOR,
* McsEngl.Glassdoor,
* McsEngl.ogn.glassdoor,
_DESCRIPTION:
Glassdoor Mission
We help people find the jobs they love and help companies attract top talent.
[https://www.glassdoor.com/employers/index.htm]
===
Glassdoor is the fastest growing jobs and recruiting site.
Glassdoor holds a growing database of more than 8 million company reviews, CEO approval ratings, salary reports, interview reviews and questions, benefits reviews, office photos and more. Add to that millions of the latest jobs — no other site allows you to see which employers are hiring, what it's really like to work or interview there, and how much you could earn. Glassdoor is also available via its mobile app on iOS and Android platforms.
For employers, Glassdoor offers effective recruiting and employer branding solutions via Glassdoor for Employers. We help more than 2,000 clients and partners promote their employer brand to candidates researching them and advertise their jobs to ideal candidates who may not be aware of them. What differentiates Glassdoor from other recruiting channels is the quality of job candidates we deliver and our influence on candidates' decisions as they research jobs and companies.
Glassdoor is headquartered in Mill Valley, California and was founded by Robert Hohman, Rich Barton and Tim Besse in 2007.
[https://www.glassdoor.com/about/overview.htm]
name::
* McsEngl.job'EVOLUTING,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://www.weforum.org/agenda/2016/01/8-jobs-every-company-will-be-hiring-for-by-2020,
name::
* McsEngl.job.AGGREGATE,
* McsEngl.job.quantity,
* McsEngl.jobs@cptEconomy,
name::
* McsEngl.job.DEMAND,
* McsEngl.job.demand,
* McsEngl.job.openings,
name::
* McsEngl.job.CAREER,
* McsEngl.hmn'career,
* McsEngl.human'career,
_DESCRIPTION:
ca·reer
An occupation undertaken for a significant period of a person's life and with opportunities for progress.
[Google dict]
name::
* McsEngl.job.RELATED-TO-EDUCATION-OF-WORKER,
How Many Recent College Grads Are in Jobs that Correspond to Their Major?
73% of recent college grads are working in a field unrelated to their course of study.
Only an estimated 27% of recent college graduates are in jobs that
correspond to their major, according to 2013 research compiled by the
Federal Reserve Bank of New York. In addition, 38% of college graduates in
the US work in jobs that do not even require a college education. The
probability of US college graduates finding jobs related to their majors
increases by close to 10% if they live in major metropolitan areas. Having
a college degree has been found to significantly improve the likelihood of
having a job--the unemployment rate for recent college graduates in 2013
was 3.3%, compared to 12% for those with just high school diplomas.
Read More: http://www.wisegeek.com/how-many-recent-college-grads-are-in-jobs-that-correspond-to-their-major.htm?m, {2014-07-27}
name::
* McsEngl.job.TELECOMMUTING,
* McsEngl.conceptIt231,
* McsEngl.remote-work,
* McsEngl.TELECOMMUTING,
* McsEngl.telecommuting@cptIt231,
* McsEngl.telework@cptIt231,
* McsEngl.teleworking,
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.ΤΗΛΕΕΡΓΑΣΙΑ,
* McsElln.ΤΗΛΕΡΓΑΣΙΑ,
_DESCRIPTION:
Telecommuting, remote work,[1] or telework is a work arrangement in which employees do not commute to a central place of work. A person who telecommutes is known as a "telecommuter", "teleworker", and sometimes as a "home-sourced," or "work-at-home" employee. Many telecommuters work from home, while others, sometimes called "nomad workers", use mobile telecommunications technology to work from coffee shops or other locations. According to a Reuters poll, approximately "one in five workers around the globe, particularly employees in the Middle East, Latin America and Asia, telecommute frequently and nearly 10 percent work from home every day".[2]
The terms "telecommuting" and "telework" were coined by Jack Nilles in 1973.[3]
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Telecommuting]
ΤΗΛΕΡΓΑΣΙΑ είναι η εργασία στο σπιτι, και όχι στο γραφείο, που μπορεί να γίνει με τη βοήθεια της πληροφοριακής τεχνολογίας.
ΣΥΜΦΩΝΑ ΜΕ ΤΟΝ ΑΛΒΙΝ ΤΟΦΛΕΡ ΣΤΟ ΠΑΣΙΓΝΩΣΤΟ ΒΙΒΛΙΟ ΤΟΥ "ΤΟ ΤΡΙΤΟ ΚΥΜΑ", "ΤΟ ΝΕΟ ΣΥΣΤΗΜΑ ΠΑΡΑΓΩΓΗΣ ΜΠΟΡΕΙ ΝΑ ΒΓΑΛΕΙ ΕΚΑΤΟΜΜΥΡΙΑ ΕΡΓΑΣΙΑΚΕΣ ΑΠΑΣΧΟΛΗΣΕΙΣ ΑΠΟ ΤΑ ΕΡΓΟΣΤΑΣΙΑ ΚΑΙ ΤΑ ΓΡΑΦΕΙΑ ΚΑΙ ΝΑ ΤΙΣ ΜΕΤΑΦΕΡΕΙ ΕΚΕΙ ΑΠΟ ΟΠΟΥ ΑΡΧΙΚΑ ΞΕΚΙΝΗΣΑΝ: ΣΤΟ ΣΠΙΤΙ. ΑΝ ΣΥΜΒΕΙ ΚΑΤΙ ΤΕΤΟΙΟ, ΤΟΤΕ ΟΛΟΙ ΟΙ ΘΕΣΜΟΙ ΠΟΥ ΓΝΩΡΙΖΟΥΜΕ, ΑΠΟ ΤΗΝ ΟΙΚΟΓΕΝΕΙΑ ΩΣ ΤΟ ΣΧΟΛΕΙΟ ΚΑΙ ΤΗΝ ΕΤΑΙΡΙΑ, ΙΣΩΣ ΜΕΤΑΜΟΡΦΩΘΟΥΝ.
[COMPUTER GO, DEC 1993, 84]
ΗΠΑ:
ΣΤΙΣ ΗΠΑ ΟΙ ΤΗΛΕΡΓΑΖΟΜΕΝΟΙ ΞΕΠΕΡΝΟΥΝ ΤΑ 5 ΕΚΚΑΤΟΜΥΡΙΑ.
[ΚΑΘΗΜΕΡΙΝΗ 31 ΙΑΝ 1993]
* ΣΤΙΣ ΑΡΧΕΣ ΤΗΣ ΕΦΕΤΕΙΝΗΣ ΧΡΟΝΙΑΣ ΟΙ ΗΠΑ ΔΙΕΘΕΤΑΝ ΠΕΡΙΣΣΟΤΕΡΟΥΣ ΑΠΟ 6 ΕΚΑ. ΤΗΛΕΡΓΑΖΟΜΕΝΟΥΣ. "ΚΑΤΑ ΤΑ ΤΕΛΗ ΤΟΥ 20ου ΑΙΩΝΑ Ο ΑΡΙΘΜΟΣ ΑΥΤΟΣ ΘΑ ΕΧΕΙ ΑΓΓΙΞΕΙ ΤΑ 25 ΕΚΑΤ. ΑΤΟΜΑ". ΤΟΝΙΖΕΙ Ο ΤΖΑΚ ΝΑΙΛΣ, ΕΝΑΣ ΑΠΟ ΤΟΥΣ ΕΜΠΝΕΥΣΤΕΣ ΤΗΣ ΤΗΛΕΡΓΑΣΙΑΣ.
[ΒΗΜΑ, 7 ΜΑΡΤ 1993, Ε10]
ΣΤΗΝ ΙΣΠΑΝΙΑ ΕΠΙΘΥΜΟΥΝ ΝΑ ΜΕΤΑΤΡΕΨΟΥΝ ΤΟ ΕΔΑΦΟΣ ΤΟΥΣ ΣΕ ΠΡΩΤΟΠΟΡΙΑΚΟ ΚΕΝΤΡΟ ΕΥΡΩΠΑΙΚΗΣ ΤΗΛΕΡΓΑΣΙΑΣ.
... Η ΕΥΡΩΠΑΙΚΗ ΚΟΙΝΟΤΗΤΑ ΧΡΗΜΑΤΟΔΟΤΕΙ ΚΑΤΑ 50% ΕΝΑ ΣΧΕΔΙΟ ΠΟΥ ΘΑ ΜΕΛΕΤΗΣΕΙ ΤΙΣ ΠΙΘΑΝΟΤΗΤΕΣ ΕΓΚΑΤΑΣΤΑΣΗΣ ΣΤΙΣ ΒΑΛΕΑΡΙΔΕΣ ΕΝΟΣ ΓΡΑΦΕΙΟΥ ΔΙΑΚΟΠΩΝ ΤΟ 1994, ΤΟ ΟΠΟΙΟ ΘΑ ΕΠΙΤΡΕΨΕΙ ΣΤΟΥΣ ΕΡΓΑΖΟΜΕΝΟΥΣ ΝΑ ΠΑΡΑΤΕΙΝΟΥΝ ΚΑΤΑ ΔΥΟ ή ΤΡΕΙΣ ΜΗΝΕΣ ΤΗΝ ΠΕΡΙΟΔΟ ΞΕΚΟΥΡΑΣΗΣ ΤΟΥΣ ΣΤΑ ΝΗΣΙΑ.
... ΤΕΛΙΚΟΣ ΣΤΟΧΟΣ ΕΙΝΑΙ Η ΔΗΜΙΟΥΡΓΙΑ ΕΝΟΣ ΤΕΧΝΟΛΟΓΙΚΟΥ ΜΕΓΑΠΑΡΚΟΥ ΠΟΥ ΘΑ ... ΕΝΑ ΕΡΓΟ ΠΟΥ ΑΝΑΜΕΝΕΤΑΙ ΝΑ ΟΛΟΚΛΗΡΩΘΕΙ ΚΑΤΑ ΤΑ ΠΡΟΣΕΧΗ 25 ΧΡΟΝΙΑ.
... ΕΠΙΘΥΜΕΙ ΝΑ ΑΚΟΛΟΥΘΗΣΕΙ ΤΟ ΠΑΡΑΔΕΙΓΜΑ ΤΗΣ ΣΙΓΚΑΠΟΥΡΗΣ, ΤΗΣ ΧΩΡΑΣ ΜΕ ΤΟ ΠΙΟ ΑΝΕΠΤΥΓΜΕΝΟ ΤΗΛΕΠΙΚΟΙΝΩΝΙΑΚΟ ΔΙΚΤΥΟ ΣΤΟΝ ΚΟΣΜΟ.1
[ΒΗΜΑ, 7 ΜΑΡΤ 1993, Ε10]
name::
* McsEngl.job.time.FULLTIME,
* McsEngl.job.fulltime@cptEconomy,
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.μόνιμη-δουλειά@cptEconomy,
* McsElln.σταθερή-δουλειά@cptEconomy,
_DESCRIPTION:
Full-time employment is employment in which a person works a minimum number of hours defined as such by his/her employer. Full-time employment often comes with benefits that are not typically offered to part-time, temporary, or flexible workers, such as annual leave, sickleave, and health insurance. Full-time jobs are often considered careers. They generally pay more than part-time jobs, and usually carry more hours per week.
The Fair Labor Standards Act (FLSA) does not define full-time employment or part-time employment. This is a matter generally to be determined by the employer (US Department of Labor). The definition by employer can vary and is generally published in a company's Employee Handbook. Companies commonly require from 30–35 or 40 hours per week to be defined as full-time and therefore eligible for benefits.
Full-Time status varies between company and is often based on the shift the employee must work during each work week. The "standard" work week consists of five eight-hour days, commonly served between 9:00AM to 5:00PM totaling 40 hours. While a four-day week generally consists of four ten-hour days; it may also consist of as little as nine hours for a total of a 36 hour work week. Twelve-hour shifts are often three days per week, unless the company has the intention of paying out the employee overtime. Overtime is legally paid out anytime an employee works more than 40 hours per week. The legal minimum for overtime starts at Base Pay + One-Half. The increased payout is considered to compensate slightly for the increased fatigue which a person experiences on such long shifts. Shifts can also be very irregular, as in retail, but are still full-time if the required number of hours is reached. There are some situations where a person who needs full-time work is dropped to part-time, which is sometimes a form of constructive dismissal to avoid paying unemployment benefits to a laid-off worker.
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Full-time]
name::
* McsEngl.job.time.FULLTIME.NO,
* McsEngl.job.fulltimeNo@cptEconomy,
_DESCRIPTION:
A part-time contract is a form of employment that carries fewer hours per week than a full-time job. They work in shifts but remain on call while off duty and during annual leave. The shifts are often rotational. Workers are considered to be part-time if they commonly work fewer than 30 or 35 hours per week.[1] According to the International Labour Organization, the number of part-time workers has increased from one-fourth to a half in the past 20 years in most developed countries, excluding the United States.[1] There are many reasons for working part-time, including the desire to do so, having one's hours cut back by an employer and being unable to find a full-time job. The International Labour Organisation Convention 175 requires that part-time workers be treated no less favourably than full-time workers.[2]
In some cases the nature of the work itself may require that the employees be classified part as part-time workers. For example, some amusement parks are closed during winter months and keep only a skeleton crew on hand for maintenance and office work. As a result of this cutback in staffing during the off season, employees who operate rides, run gaming stands, or staff concession stands may be classified as part-time workers owing to the months long down time during which they may be technically employed but unable to work.
"Part-time" can also be used in reference to a student (usually in higher education) who takes only a few courses, rather than a full load of coursework each semester.
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Part-time_contract]
Εργαζόμενοι - λάστιχο: Από τα mini jobs, στις... "εφημερίες"
ΑΘΗΝΑ 19/05/2015
Οι κυβερνήσεις χρειάζονται πολιτικές που να σταματήσουν την καταστροφική τάση των κοινωνιών και των οικονομιών από τη συνεχή μείωση των υπαλλήλων που έχουν πλήρη και μόνιμη απασχόληση, λέει η Διεθνής Οργάνωση Εργασίας (ILO) σε μια εμβληματική ετήσια έκθεση.
Μόνο ένα τέταρτο όλων των εργαζομένων παγκόσμια έχουν σταθερή εργασία, ενώ τρία τέταρτα είτε δεν έχουν κανένα συμβόλαιο, είτε είναι ελεύθεροι επαγγελματίες, με προσωρινά ή βραχυπρόθεσμα συμβόλαια, σύμφωνα με την ετήσια έκθεση "Παγκόσμια Απασχόληση και Κοινωνική Προοπτική".
Η παγκόσμια οικονομική κρίση ώθησε την αύξηση σε δουλειές ημιαπασχόλησης, ιδιαίτερα για τις γυναίκες, και ενέτεινε μια καθοδική τάση σε δουλειές που σχετίζονται με παγκόσμιες αλυσίδες εφοδιασμού.
Οι αλλαγές αυτές και καινούργιες μορφές απασχόλησης, όπως οι "μίνι-δουλειές" στη Γερμανία, τα "συμβόλαια μηδενικών ωρών" στη Βρετανία και οι "εφημερίες" (on-call, όπου κάποιος καλείται σε δουλειά μόνο όταν υπάρχει ανάγκη) στην Ολλανδία, σημαίνουν ότι οι κυβερνήσεις χρειάζεται να σκεφτούν πώς θα εγγυηθούν ασφάλεια εισοδήματος σε όσους δεν έχουν πλήρη μισθωτή εργασία, είπε ο γενικός διευθυντής της ILO, Γκάι Ράιντερ.
Οι κυβερνήσεις θα πρέπει να ανταποκριθούν στην απαίτηση για πλήρη απασχόληση, επεσήμανε, αλλά είναι επίσης απαραίτητο να θέσουν και βασικά ερωτήματα για τις μεταβαλλόμενες τάσεις της αγοράς εργασίας.
"Ίσως το μέλλον και τα θέματα κοινωνικής δικαιοσύνης τα οποία ενστερνίζεται η ILO δεν μπορούν να κατανοηθούν εντελώς (...) - αυτό το συμβόλαιο 9 με 5 που οι γονείς και παππούδες μας θεωρούσαν σχεδόν κληρονομικό δικαίωμα", είπε σε συνέντευξη τύπου στη Γενεύη.
"Το παρομοιάζω μ' αυτό που έχει συμβεί στον τομέα της κοινωνικής ασφάλισης. Κάποτε θεωρούσαμε ότι όλοι έμεναν σε μια οικογένεια με δύο γονείς όπου ο άντρας κέρδιζε τα προς το ζην, και έτσι προγραμματίσαμε και τα συστήματα της κοινωνικής μας ασφάλισης, προς μεγάλη ζημιά τεράστιων τμημάτων της κοινωνίας", πρόσθεσε.
Σύμφωνα με την έκθεση, κάτι παρόμοιο συμβαίνει και με τον κόσμο εργασίας και χρειάζεται τα κράτη να προσαρμοστούν ανάλογα.
Η διάβρωση της ποιότητας στην εργασία και η άνοδος της ανεργίας από την οικονομική κρίση έχουν κοστίσει 3,7 τρισ. δολάρια σε χαμένη ζήτηση, καθώς έχουν επίσης δημιουργήσει όλο και μεγαλύτερη ανισότητα.
[http://www.nooz.gr/economy/enas-stous-4-ergazomenous-die8nos-me-sta8eri-douleia]
Οι αλλαγές αυτές και καινούργιες μορφές απασχόλησης, όπως οι "μίνι-δουλειές" στη Γερμανία, τα "συμβόλαια μηδενικών ωρών" στη Βρετανία και οι "εφημερίες" (on-call, όπου κάποιος καλείται σε δουλειά μόνο όταν υπάρχει ανάγκη) στην Ολλανδία, σημαίνουν ότι οι κυβερνήσεις χρειάζεται να σκεφτούν πώς θα εγγυηθούν ασφάλεια εισοδήματος σε όσους δεν έχουν πλήρη μισθωτή εργασία, είπε ο γενικός διευθυντής της ILO, Γκάι Ράιντερ.
[http://www.nooz.gr/economy/enas-stous-4-ergazomenous-die8nos-me-sta8eri-douleia]
Οι αλλαγές αυτές και καινούργιες μορφές απασχόλησης, όπως οι "μίνι-δουλειές" στη Γερμανία, τα "συμβόλαια μηδενικών ωρών" στη Βρετανία και οι "εφημερίες" (on-call, όπου κάποιος καλείται σε δουλειά μόνο όταν υπάρχει ανάγκη) στην Ολλανδία, σημαίνουν ότι οι κυβερνήσεις χρειάζεται να σκεφτούν πώς θα εγγυηθούν ασφάλεια εισοδήματος σε όσους δεν έχουν πλήρη μισθωτή εργασία, είπε ο γενικός διευθυντής της ILO, Γκάι Ράιντερ.
[http://www.nooz.gr/economy/enas-stous-4-ergazomenous-die8nos-me-sta8eri-douleia]
name::
* McsEngl.worker'doing.LEARNING,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy364.19,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy137,
* McsEngl.employee-education,
* McsEngl.business-education,
* McsEngl.profession'education,
* McsEngl.profession'training@cptEconomy137,
* McsEngl.teaching,
* McsEngl.training@cptEconomy137,
* McsEngl.wkr'learning,
* McsEngl.wkr'teaching,
* McsEngl.wkr'training,
* McsEngl.work-education,
* McsEngl.worker'teaching@cptEconomy,
* McsEngl.worker'training,
* McsEngl.worker-training@cptEconomy53.6,
* McsEngl.wkrlearning@cptEconomy364.19, {2012-12-09}
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.ΕΚΠΑΙΔΕΥΣΗ-ΕΡΓΑΖΟΜΕΝΩΝ,
* McsElln.εξάσκηση@cptEconomy, {2012-12-08}
* McsElln.ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑΤΙΚΗ-ΚΑΤΑΡΤΙΣΗ,
* McsElln.ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑΤΟΣ'ΚΑΤΑΡΤΙΣΗ@cptEconomy137,
* McsElln.ΕΠΙΜΟΡΦΩΣΗ-ΑΝΘΡΩΠΙΝΟΥ-ΔΥΝΑΜΙΚΟΥ,
* McsElln.ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΙΚΗ-ΕΚΠΑΙΔΕΥΣΗ,
* McsElln.ΚΑΤΑΡΤΙΣΗ@cptEconomy137,
_DESCRIPTION:
training
Organized activity aimed at imparting information and/or instructions to improve the recipient's performance or to help him or her attain a required level of knowledge or skill.
Read more: http://www.businessdictionary.com/definition/training.html#ixzz3ySwQhfi5
===
ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑΤΟΣ ΚΑΤΑΡΤΙΣΗ ονομάζω την ΔΙΑΔΙΚΑΣΙΑ ΜΑΘΗΣΗΣ που πρέπει ο ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑΤΙΑΣ να κάνει για να μάθει κάποιο 'επαγγελμα'.
[hmnSngo.1995-04]
===
ΕΚΠΑΙΔΕΥΣΗ ΕΡΓΑΖΟΜΕΝΩΝ ονομάζω την εκπαίδευση που έχουν οι εργαζόμενοι των οικονομικών οργανισμών, στα εκπαιδευτικά ιδρύματα ΑΛΛΑ ΚΑΙ μέσα στις επιχειρήσεις.
[ΝΙΚΟΣ, ΙΟΥΝ. 1994]
name::
* McsEngl.wkrlearning'importance,
Σύμφωνα με τον W. Norris, πρόεδρο της Control Data Corporation, η εκπαίδευση "είναι τόσο σημαντική για την ανάπτυξη της επιχείρησης όσο και η προληπτική συντήρηση του εξοπλισμού, οι καινοτομίες και τα νέα προϊόντα..."
[Κουτρούκης, Θ. Α. "Επαγγελματική Κατάρτιση και το Πρόγραμμα Retex" ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΙΚΑ ΧΡΟΝΙΚΑ (Απρ.-Μάιος 1994): 64]
name::
* McsEngl.wkrlearning'Relation-to-Competition,
West Germany competitive advantage is attributed in part to the investment that companies make in training their workers. Each year abour 500,000 WG companies provide on-the-job training for 1.8 million teenage apprentices, or 6% of the work force. In the US, apprentices, make up a mere 0.3% of the workforce.
[Mondy et al, 1991, 495#cptResource221#]
name::
* McsEngl.wkrlearning'resourceInfHmn,
Behrman J.N., and R.I. Levin, "Are Business Schools Dooing Their Job?" HARVARD BUSINESS REVIEW 62 (Jan-Feb 1984):141.
name::
* McsEngl.wkrlearning'school,
The first was established in 1880 -at the University of Pennsylvania- to educate the sons of rich families.
[Warsh, 1990, G3#cptResource110#]
name::
* McsEngl.wkrlearning'evoluting,
{time.1916}:
...scools of business that grew so rapidly that the Association of Collegiate Schools of Business (the present day American Assembly of Collegiate Schools of Business) was formed in 1916.
[Mondy et al, 1991, 212#cptResource221#]
In 1959, two reports on BUSINESS EDUCATION appeared which would have a significant impact on the development of management thought...
Both reports noted that SCHOOLS OF BUSINESS ADMINISTRATION were in a state of turmoil in trying to define just what should be taught and how it should be done.
Gordon,R.A.,andJ.E.Howell, Higher Education for Business, NY: Columbia Univ. Press, 1959 [Ford Foudation]
Pierson,F.C. The Education of American Businessmen: A Study of University-College Programs in Business Administration. NY: McGraw-Hill Book C., 1959 [Carnegie Corporation]
[Wren, 1987, 351#cptResource127#]
name::
* McsEngl.wkrlearning.specific,
_SPECIFIC:
* knowledging,
* skilling,
===
ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΙΚΗ ΕΚΠΑΙΔΕΥΣΗ ΣΤΗΝ ΕΠΙΧΕΙΡΙΣΗ/training,
ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΙΚΗ ΕΚΠΑΙΔΕΥΣΗ ΕΞΩ ΑΠΟ ΤΗΝ ΕΠΙΧΕΙΡΙΣΗ,
name::
* McsEngl.wkrlearning.CORPORATE,
* McsEngl.corporate-education@cptEconomy, {2012-12-09}
Corporate Education refers to a system of professional development activities provided to educate employees. It may consist of formal university or college training or informal training provided by non-collegiate institutions. The simplest form of corporate education may be training programs designed "in-house" for an organization that may wish to train their employees on specific aspects of their job processes or responsibilities. More formal relationships may further exist where corporate training is provided to employees through contracts or relationships with educational institutions who may award credit, either at the institution or through a system of CEUs (Continuing Education Units).
Many institutions or trainers offering corporate education will provide certificates or diplomas verifying the attendance of the employee. Some employers use corporate and continuing education as part of a holistic human resources effort to determine the performance of the employee and as part of their review systems.
Increasingly organisations appear to be using corporate education and training as an incentive to retain managers and key employees within their organisation. This win-win arrangement creates better educated managers for the organisation and provides the employees with a more marketable portfolio of skills and, in many cases, recognised qualifications.
[edit]The Difference Between Corporate Education and Corporate Training
Most organisations tend to think of corporate education as corporate training. Corporate training programs are often competency based and related to the essential training employees need to operate certain equipment or perform certain tasks in a competent, safe and effective manner. The outcome of a corporate training program is a participant who is either able to operate a piece of equipment or perform a specific task in an effective manner according to pre-determined training criteria.
The primary role of corporate training is to ensure an employee has the knowledge and skills to undertake a specific operation to enable an organisation can continue to operate. Fundamentally, corporate training is centred on knowledge transfer, with an instructor teaching or demonstrating a particular function and the student learning and demonstrating they can apply what they have learnt to a particular operation.
Corporate education, however, adds another dimension and depth to training by involving learners as participants in generating new knowledge that assists an organisation to develop and evolve, rather than maintain the status quo. Corporate education focuses on developing the capability of an organisation to be able to do things and, in particular, the right things in order to be a sustainable and successful organisation.
Corporate education involves a facilitator, rather than an instructor or trainer, to engage participants and encourage them to think about the what, how and why of what they are doing and to challenge their current paradigms. Corporate education is centred on introducing learning techniques to stimulate employees to think about what their organisation does, where it is heading, potential new opportunities for the organisation and new and better ways of doing things. While the role of corporate training is to develop the operational competency of individuals, the purpose of corporate education is to promote the development of capability of both an individual and their organisation.[1]
Increasingly organisations appear to be using corporate education as an incentive to retain managers and key employees within their organisation. This win-win arrangement creates better educated managers and employees for the organisation and gives individual employees a more marketable portfolio of skills and, in many cases, recognised qualifications.[2]
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Corporate_Education]
name::
* McsEngl.wkrlearning.ENTREPRENEURSHIP,
Entrepreneurship education seeks to provide students with the knowledge, skills and motivation to encourage entrepreneurial success in a variety of settings. Variations of entrepreneurship education are offered at all levels of schooling from primary or secondary schools through graduate university programs.[1][2]Entrepreneurship can provide new economic divisions and make good students for the world. So we must learn "How to be a good Entrepreneur"
[edit]Objectives
What makes entrepreneurship education distinctive is its focus on realization of opportunity, where management education is focused on the best way to operate existing hierarchies. Both approaches share an interest in achieving "profit" in some form (which in non-profit organizations or government can take the form of increased services or decreased cost or increased responsiveness to the customer/citizen/client).
Entrepreneurship education can be oriented towards different ways of realizing opportunities:
The most popular one is regular entrepreneurship: opening a new organization (e.g. starting a new business).
Another approach is to promote innovation or introduce new products or services or markets in existing firms. This approach is called corporate entrepreneurship or Intrapreneurship, and was made popular by author Gifford Pinchot in his book of the same name. Newer research indicates that clustering is now a driving factor. Clustering occurs when a group of employees breaks off from the parent company to found a new company but continues to do business with the parent. Silicon Valley is one such cluster, grown very large.[3]
A recent approach involves creating charitable organizations (or portions of existing charities) which are designed to be self-supporting in addition to doing their good works. This is usually called social entrepreneurship or social venturing. Even a version of public sector entrepreneurship has come into being in governments, with an increased focus on innovation and customer service. This approach got its start in the policies of the United Kingdom's Margaret Thatcher and the United States' Ronald Reagan.
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Entrepreneurship_education]
name::
* McsEngl.wkrlearning.EXECUTIVE,
* McsEngl.executive-education@cptEconomy, {2012-12-09}
Executive education (Exec. Ed) refers to academic programs at graduate-level business schools worldwide for executives, business leaders and functional managers. These programs are generally non-credit and non-degree-granting, but sometimes lead to certificates. Estimates by Business Week magazine suggest that executive education in the United States is approximately an $800 million annual business[1] with approximately 80 percent provided by university-based business schools. Key players in university-based executive education span elite[clarification needed] universities, as well as many regional and mid-sized universities and business schools around the world.
Customized programs, which are tailored for and offered to executives of a single company, represent the fastest growing segment of the market.[citation needed] Customized programs help organizations increase management capability by combining the science of business and performance management into specialized programs that enable executives to develop new knowledge, skills and attitudes. Knowledge translates into the capability an organization applies to the products and services it brings to the marketplace. Research shows that a firm with a clearly articulated and understood business and capability strategy will have a higher market-to-book value than a firm that does not.[2]
Customized programs are in high demand as markets shift and organizations must develop and implement responsive business strategies.[citation needed]
Open enrollment programs also are available as part of university-based executive education offerings, which occur throughout the year on selected dates, and are available to participants from different companies and organizations.
Shorter executive education programs tend to focus on specific roles or industries, or on improving specific leadership skills, such as persuasion, negotiation, teambuilding or communication.
Among the most commonly offered subjects in executive education today are strategy, marketing, innovation, project management, and finance and accounting for non-financial managers.[3]
Some executive education providers offer more comprehensive management training options, such as the modular "Advanced Management Program" (AMP) offered independently by several business schools, including Harvard Business School, INSEAD, London Business School and the University of Pennsylvania's Wharton School.
University-based executive education programs, and customized programs in particular, include serious engagement among executives, senior business faculty and researchers who are on the leading edge of current business thought and management theory development. It has been noted[by whom?] that “executive education is the toughest classroom there is” because time-pressed and demanding executives challenge each other in the classroom as much or more as their professors. The programs are credited[by whom?] with offering unique networking and personal career development opportunities for participants, as well as opportunities for universities to build stronger alumni networks that also benefit younger, traditional MBA program graduates through networking, internships and job opportunities.
Not all observers of university-based executive education are positive. There is some debate about the nature of business school education as a form of professional development. Some believe that university-based executive education has caused some business schools to "lose track of their professional mission." This argument is made by Rakesh Khurana among others.[4]
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Executive_Education]
name::
* McsEngl.wkrlearning.LIFE-LONG-LEARNING (L3),
* McsEngl.lifelong-learning@cptEconomy,
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.δια-βίου-μάθηση@cptEconomy,
name::
* McsEngl.wkrlearning.subject.DOING (training-skills),
* McsEngl.training.worker@cptEconomy, {2012-12-09}
* McsEngl.worker'training@cptEconomy, {2012-12-09}
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.κατάρτιση@cptEconomy,
_DESCRIPTION:
Training is the acquisition of knowledge, skills, and competencies as a result of the teaching of vocational or practical skills and knowledge that relate to specific useful competencies. Training has specific goals of improving one's capability, capacity, and performance. It forms the core of apprenticeships and provides the backbone of content at institutes of technology (also known as technical colleges or polytechnics). In addition to the basic training required for a trade, occupation or profession, observers of the labor-market[who?] recognize as of 2008 the need to continue training beyond initial qualifications: to maintain, upgrade and update skills throughout working life. People within many professions and occupations may refer to this sort of training as professional development.
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Training]
name::
* McsEngl.off-the-job-training@cptEconomy, {2012-12-09}
Off-the-job training takes place away from normal work situations — implying that the employee does not count as a directly productive worker while such training takes place. Off-the-job training has the advantage that it allows people to get away from work and concentrate more thoroughly on the training itself. This type of training has proven more effective in inculcating concepts and ideas[citation needed].
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Training]
name::
* McsEngl.OJT@cptEconomy, {2012-12-09}
* McsEngl.on-the-job-training@cptEconomy, {2012-12-09}
OJT is a three letter acronym for "on-the-job training", which is a form of training taking place in a normal working situation.
OJT training, sometimes called direct instruction, is one of the earliest forms of training (observational learning is probably the earliest,). It is a one-on-one training located at the job site, where someone who knows how to do a task shows another how to perform it. In antiquity, the kind of work that people did was mainly unskilled or semiskilled work that did not require specialized knowledge. Parents or other community members, who knew how to do a job necessary for survival, passed their knowledge on to the children through direct instruction.
On-the-job training is still widely in use today. In fact, it is probably the most popular method of training because it requires only a person who knows how to do the task, and the tools the person uses to do the task. It may not be the most effective or the most efficient method at times, but it is normally the easiest to arrange and manage. Because the training takes place on the job, it can be highly realistic and no transfer of learning is required. It is often inexpensive because no special equipment is needed other than what is normally used on the job. The other side is that OJT takes the trainer and materials out of production for the duration of the training time. In addition, due to safety or other production factors, it is prohibitive in some environments.
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/OJT]
A training simulation is a virtual medium through which various types of skills can be acquired.[1] Training simulations can be used in a wide variety of genres; however they are most commonly[2] used in corporate situations to improve business awareness and management skills. They are also common in academic environments as an integrated part of a business or management course.
The word simulation implies an imitation of a real-life process, usually via a computer or other technological device, in order to provide a lifelike experience. This has proven to be a very reliable and successful method of training in thousands of industries worldwide.[3] They can be used both to allow specialization in a certain area, and to educate individuals in the workings of the sectors as a whole, making training simulations incredibly versatile. It is important to emphasize that training simulations are not just games;[4] their aim is to educate and inform in an exciting and memorable way, rather than purely to entertain.
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Training_Simulation]
name::
* McsEngl.wkrlearning.subject.KNOWLEDGE (educating | shooling),
name::
* McsEngl.wkrlearning.subject.KNOWLEDGE.APPLIED (vocational),
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy364.20,
* McsEngl.VET@cptEconomy364.20, {2012-12-09}
* McsEngl.vocational-education@cptEconomy364.20, {2012-12-09}
* McsEngl.vocational-education-and-training@cptEconomy364.20, {2012-12-09}
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.επαγγελματική-εκπαίδευση@cptEconomy364.20, {2012-12-09}
_DESCRIPTION:
Vocational education (also known as vocational education and training or VET) is an education that prepares people for specific trades, crafts and careers at various levels from a trade, a craft, technician, or a professional position in engineering, accountancy, nursing, medicine, and other healing arts, architecture, pharmacy, law etc. Craft vocations are usually based on manual or practical activities, traditionally non-academic, related to a specific trade, occupation, or vocation. It is sometimes referred to as technical education as the trainee directly develops expertise in a particular group of techniques. In the UK some higher technician engineering positions that require 4-5 year apprenticeship require academic study to HNC / HND or higher City and Guilds level.
Vocational education may be classified as teaching procedural knowledge. This can be contrasted with declarative knowledge, as used in education in a usually broader scientific field, which might concentrate on theory and abstract conceptual knowledge, characteristic of tertiary education. Vocational education can be at the secondary, post-secondary level, further education level and can interact with the apprenticeship system. Increasingly, vocational education can be recognised in terms of recognition of prior learning and partial academic credit towards tertiary education (e.g., at a university) as credit; however, it is rarely considered in its own form to fall under the traditional definition of higher education.
Vocational education is related to the age-old apprenticeship system of learning. Apprenticeships are designed for many levels of work from manual trades to high knowledge work.
However, as the labor market becomes more specialized and economies demand higher levels of skill, governments and businesses are increasingly investing in the future of vocational education through publicly funded training organizations and subsidized apprenticeship or traineeship initiatives for businesses. At the post-secondary level vocational education is typically provided by an institute of technology, university, or by a local community college.
Vocational education has diversified over the 20th century and now exists in industries such as retail, tourism, information technology, funeral services and cosmetics, as well as in the traditional crafts and cottage industries.
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vocational_education]
name::
* McsEngl.wkrlearning.subject.KNOWLEDGE.APPLIED.NO (pure),
name::
* McsEngl.worker'doing.MOTIVATING,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy364.22,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy43,
* McsEngl.motivation@cptEconomy43,
* McsEngl.Stimulation,
* McsElln.ΠΑΡΕΧΩ-ΚΙΝΗΤΡΑ,
* McsElln.ΠΑΡΑΚΙΝΗΣΗ@cptEconomy43,
* McsElln.ΠΑΡΑΚΙΝΗΣΗ-ΓΙΑ-ΕΡΓΑΣΙΑ,
_DESCRIPTION:
MOTIVATION is defined as the willingness to put forth effort in the pursuit of organizational goals.
[Mondy et al, 1988, 354#cptResource80#]
Efforts to motivate people fell into three categories and, upon close inspection, appear to have changed only in application, not theory, up to the present day.
- The offering of positive inducements ("the carrot"),
- negative sanctions ("the stick"), and
- efforts to build a new "factory ethos"
became the methods for providing motivation and discipline.
[Wren, 1987, 41#cptResource127#]
BIBLIOGRAPHY
GOALS
IMPORTANCE
INCENTIVES/ΚΙΝΗΤΡΑ
INTERESTS/ΣΥΜΦΕΡΟΝΤΑ
QUALITY OF WORK
TYPES
While motivational schemes ebb and flow and surveys show fluctuating degrees of worker satisfaction, the implications so far are that people work better
if they have specific and challenging goals that they accept
if they are provided information about results and
if they are rewarded for meeting goals.
[Wren, 1987, 381#cptResource127#]
USSR:
"One of the BASIC tasks of planning at the current stage is the formation of a system of relations of production which would enliven the working people's labour zeal and, thereby, result in the acceleration of economic and social development of society and further improve the population's well-being. That is why the main object of research is the system of relations between working people and work collectives and planning methods employed in their development. This, in the main, prededermined the structure of the book".
[Yun, 1988, 7#cptResource270#]
It was stated at the June 1987 Plenary Meeting of the SPSU Central Committee that "the main question of the theory and practice of socialism is how to create on the socialist basis even more powerful stimuli than under capitalism for economic, scientific, technological and social progress and how to best blend planned guidance with the interests of the individual and the work collective. This is the most difficult question that socialist thinking and social practice have been seeking to answer. At this stage of socialism the significance of the question has grown immeasurably".
[Yun, 1988, 16#cptResource270#]
JOB DESIGN becomes an important concept in creating a motivational climate for today's work force.
[Mondy et al, 1988, 375#cptResource80#]
Environmental factors associated with the job can also provide motivation for workers.
[Mondy et al, 1988, 377#cptResource80#]
While job enrichment has its pros and cons, a more global approach has been the "quality of work life" movement... became as important to evolving management thought in the 1970s and 1980s as the hawthorne experiments had been in the 1930s... the results were not immediate but gradually the Tarrytown [general motors] plant reported fewer grievances, less absenteeis, and improved performance as well as more satisfaction for the workers.
[Wren, 1987, 379#cptResource127#]
Locke,E.A., D.B. Feren, V.M. McCaleb, K.N. Shaw, and A.T.Denny," The Relative Effectiveness of Four Methods of Motivating Employee Performance" in K.D. Duncan, M.M. Gruneberg,and D. Wallis (eds) Changes in Working Life, Chichester, England: John Wiley & Sons, Ltd., 1980.
After being in eclipse, money has returned to credibility as a motivational factor.
To illustrate, in an extensive survey of field and experimental studies of motivation, Locke and his associates examined four widely used techniques and their impact on employee productivity. Monetary incentives showed the greatest median increase, followed by goal setting, while job enrichment and participation lagged behind.
[Wren, 1987, 380#cptResource127#]
Herzberg, F., B. Mausner, and B.B. Snyderman, The Motivation to Work NY:John Woley & Sons, 1959. [hugiene-motivation factors]
name::
* McsEngl.worker'doing.VOCATIONAL-GUIDANCE,
* McsEngl.vocational-guidance@cptEconomy,
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.επαγγελματικός-προσανατολισμός@cptEconomy,
_DESCRIPTION:
vocational guidance
1. the process of assisting a student to choose, prepare for, and enter an occupation for which he or she shows aptitude.
[http://dictionary.reference.com/browse/vocational%20guidance]
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* TEST: http://www.eoppep.gr/teens/index.php/tests,
* http://ploigos.eoppep.gr/ekep/external/index.html,
Ο ΠΛΟΗΓΟΣ είναι η Ελληνική Εθνική Βάση Δεδομένων Εκπαιδευτικών Ευκαιριών του Εθνικού Οργανισμού Πιστοποίησης Προσόντων και Επαγγελματικού Προσανατολισμού (Ε.Ο.Π.Π.Ε.Π.) του Υπουργείου Παιδείας και Θρησκευμάτων. Ανάλογα με το τι σε ενδιαφέρει, στον Πλοηγό μπορείς να βρεις πληροφορίες για σπουδές στην Ελλάδα σε όλα τα επίπεδα και όλους τους τύπους εκπαίδευσης (γενική, επαγγελματική εκπαίδευση, αρχική επαγγελματική κατάρτιση, εκπαίδευση ενηλίκων, εξ αποστάσεως εκπαίδευση κλπ).
name::
* McsEngl.worker'EVOLUTING,
{time.1871-2015}
=== AGRICULTURAL-WORKER:
Between 1871 to today the total number of agricultural workers has declined by 95% as new machinery and tools replaced the need for labour, falling from 6.6% of the workforce to 0.2% in 2015.
[https://agenda.weforum.org/2015/08/are-robots-coming-for-your-jobs/]
_WHOLE:
* household#cptEconomy23#
* aggregate-workers-economy#cptEconomy364.6#
name::
* McsEngl.worker'ENVIRONMENT,
_SPECIFIC:
* address
* labor-union
* Product
* relationTo-consumer
_GENERIC:
* entity.body...sysBio.organism.eukaryote.animal.human.hmnEcn#cptEconomy686#
* entity.body...sysBio.organism.eukaryote.animal.human#cptCore401#
* entity.body...sysBio.organism.eukaryote.animal#cptCore501#
* entity.body...sysBio.organism.eukaryote#cptCore1229#
* entity.body.material.whole.system.dynamic.sysBio.organism#cptCore482#
* entity.body.material.whole.system.dynamic.bio#cptCore559#
* entity.body.material.whole.system.dynamic#cptCore742.9#
* entity.body.material.whole.system#cptCore742.7#
* entity.body.material.whole#cptCore742.5#
* entity.body.material#cptCore742#
* entity.body#cptCore538#
* entity#cptCore387#
* member#cptEconomy686.7#
* consumer#cptEconomy686.17#ql:householder@cptEconomy118##
name::
* McsEngl.wkr.specific,
* McsEngl.worker.specific,
* McsEngl.division-of-labor@cptEconomy, {2015-08-12}
_SPECIFIC: wkr.Alphabetically:
* worker.accountant#cptEconomy381.1#
* worker.actuary#cptEconomy364.25#
* worker.art.writer#cptEconomy364.29#
* worker.artist#cptEconomy364.27#
===
* worker.citizen#cptEconomy364.1#
* worker.economist#cptEconomy364.28#
* worker.employed#cptEconomy364.11#
* worker.employedNo#cptEconomy364.12#
* worker.employee#cptEconomy364.14#
* worker.employee.laborer#cptEconomy364.24#
* worker.employee.manager#cptEconomy47.3#
* worker.employer#cptEconomy364.15#
* worker.entrepreneur#cptEconomy364.17#
* worker.epistemologist#cptEconomy364.30#
===
* worker.farmer#cptEconomy364.31#
* worker.film_director#cptEconomy364.32#
* worker.foreign
===
* worker.goverment#cptCore999.8#
===
* worker.historian#cptEconomy364.33#
* worker.household#cptEconomy362.3#
* worker.householdNo#cptEconomy362.4#
===
* worker.information#cptEconomy364.34#
* worker.infoTech#cptEconomy364.35#
* worker.investor#cptEconomy364.16#
===
* worker.journalist##
===
* worker.linguist#cptEconomy364.36#
===
* worker.manager#cptCore999.7#
* worker.mathematician#cptCore89.8#
* worker.medicist#cptEconomy364.37#
* worker.member
* worker.memberNo
* worker.military#cptEconomy364.40#
* worker.music_composer#cptEconomy364.39#
===
* worker.philosopher#cptEconomy364.41#
* worker.physicist#cptEconomy364.42#
* worker.poet#cptEconomy364.43#
* worker.political_theorist#cptEconomy364.44#
* worker.politician#cptCore999.8.3#
* worker.private_sector#cptEconomy364.53#
* worker.public_sector#cptEconomy364.51#
* worker.religion_creator#cptEconomy364.50#
===
* worker.satisfier#cptEconomy541.83#
* worker.scientist#cptEconomy364.45#
* worker.self_employed
* worker.service#cptEconomy541.103.8#
* worker.skilled#cptEconomy364.2#
* worker.skilledNo
* worker.skilledLaw
* worker.slave#cptEconomy364.13#
* worker.slaveNo
* worker.socCapitalism#cptEconomy323.46.11#
* worker.sociologist#cptCore330.1#
* worker.socUSA##
* worker.theorist#cptEconomy364.26#
* worker.theoristNo#cptEconomy364.38#
_SPECIFIC: wkr.Alphabetically.Greek:
* ΕΠΕΝΔΥΤΗΣ/investor#cptEconomy364.16#
* ΕΠΙΣΤΗΜΟΝΑΣ/scientist#cptEconomy364.45: attSpe#
* ΓΙΑΤΡΟΣ/medicist#cptEconomy364.37#
* ΓΛΩΣΣΟΛΟΓΟΣ/linguist#cptEconomy364.36#
* ΘΡΗΣΚΕΙΑΣ ΙΔΡΥΤΗΣ/religion-creator#cptEconomy364.50#
* ΙΣΤΟΡΙΚΟΣ/historian##cptEconomy364.33#: attSpe#
* ΚΑΛΙΤΕΧΝΗΣ/artist#cptEconomy15#
* ΚΟΙΝΩΝΙΟΛΟΓΟΣ/sociologist#cptCore330.1: attSpe#
* ΛΟΓΟΤΕΧΝΗΣ/art-writer##cptEconomy364.29#: attSpe#
* ΜΑΘΗΜΑΤΙΚΟΣ/mathematician#cptCore89.8#
* ΜΟΥΣΙΚΟΣΥΝΘΕΤΗΣ/music-composer#cptEconomy364.39: attSpe#
* ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΟΛΟΓΟΣ/economist#cptEconomy364.28: attSpe#
* ΠΟΙΗΤΗΣ/poet#cptEconomy364.43#
* ΠΟΛΙΤΙΚΟΣ/politician#cptCore999.8.3: attSpe#
* ΠΟΛΙΤΙΚΟΣ-ΕΠΙΣΤΗΜΟΝΑΣ/political-theorist#cptEconomy364.44#
* ΣΚΗΝΟΘΕΤΗΣ/film-director#cptEconomy364.32: attSpe#
* ΣΤΡΑΤΙΩΤΙΚΟΣ/military-officer#cptEconomy364.40#
* ΦΙΛΟΣΟΦΟΣ/philosopher##cptEconomy364.41#: attSpe#
* ΦΥΣΙΚΟΣ/physicist#cptEconomy364.42#
_SPECIFIC: wkr.SPECIFIC_DIVISION.Employment:
* worker.economically-active:
* employed-professional#cptEconomy364.11#
* unemployed#cptEconomy364.12#
* worker.non_economically_active (does not want to work)
===
κριτήριο είναι αν εξασκεί επάγγελμα που του δίνει εισόδημα.
[hmnSngo.1995-05]
_SPECIFIC: wkr.SPECIFIC_DIVISION.CITIZENSHIP:
* worker.citizen
* worker.citizenNo
_SPECIFIC_DIVISION.Membership:
* worker.member
* worker.memberNo
_SPECIFIC: wkr.SPECIFIC_DIVISION.ΚΛΑΣΗ ΑΓΑΘΩΝ ΠΟΥ ΜΠΟΡΕΙ ΝΑ ΠΑΡΑΓΕΙ:
* worker.theorist#cptEconomy364.26#
* worker.theoristNo#cptEconomy364.38#
===
(ΕΜΠΕΙΡΙΚΟ ονομάζω αυτόν που δημιουργεί αγαθά απο την πρακτικη του μόνο ενασχόλιση χωρίς θεωρητική ανάλυση αυτών που κάνει)
wkr.WIKIPEDIA:
* http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lists_of_people_by_occupation:
name::
* McsEngl.worker.SPECIFIC-DIVISION.employment,
_SPECIFIC:
* worker.employed#cptEconomy362#
* worker.employedNo#cptEconomy363#
name::
* McsEngl.worker.SPECIFIC-DIVISION.income,
_SPECIFIC:
* worker.amateur#cptEconomy364.9#
* worker.professional#cptEconomy364.9#
name::
* McsEngl.worker.SPECIFIC-DIVISION.time,
_SPECIFIC:
* full-time-worker##
* part-time-worker##
===
* permanent-worker
* temporary-worker
name::
* McsEngl.worker.SPECIFIC-DIVISION.organization,
_SPECIFIC:
* worker.administering
* worker.household
* worker.producing
name::
* McsEngl.worker.QUANTITY (any),
* McsEngl.wkr.aggregate,
* McsEngl.worker.generic@cptEconomy,
name::
* McsEngl.worker.quantity.ECONOMY (workforce),
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy364.6,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy50,
* McsEngl.workforce,
* McsEngl.aggregate-workers,
* McsEngl.aggregate-professionals,
* McsEngl.aggregate.professionals@cptEconomy50,
* McsEngl.economy-workforce,
* McsEngl.HUMAN-RESOURCES,
* McsEngl.labor-force,
* McsEngl.labour-force,
* McsEngl.PEOPLE.work,
* McsEngl.PERSONNEL,
* McsEngl.quantity-of-economy-potential-workers,
* McsEngl.workerAgggregateEconomyTP@cptEconomy364.6,
* McsEngl.workerAgggregateTPEconomy@cptEconomy364.6,
* McsEngl.workerEconomyAgggregateTP@cptEconomy364.6, {2011-07-08}
* McsEngl.workerEconomyTPAgggregate@cptEconomy364.6, {2011-07-08}
* McsEngl.workerTPAgggregateEconomy@cptEconomy364.6,
* McsEngl.workerTPEconomyAgggregate@cptEconomy364.6, {2011-07-08}
* McsEngl.workforce, {2011-08-23}
* McsEngl.wkrAggr@cptEconomy364.6, {2012-06-05}
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.εργασιακός-πληθυσμός@cptEconomy,
* McsElln.ΕΡΓΑΤΙΚΟ-ΔΥΝΑΜΙΚΟ-ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΙΑΣ,
* McsElln.ΕΡΓΑΤΙΚΟ'ΔΥΝΑΜΙΚΟ'ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΙΑΣ@cptEconomy50,
* McsElln.ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΙΚΑ-ΕΝΕΡΓΟΣ-ΠΛΗΘΥΣΜΟΣ,
* McsElln.ΠΟΣΟΤΗΤΑ-ΔΥΝΑΜΕΙ-ΕΡΓΑΖΟΜΕΝΩΝ-ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΙΑΣ,
* McsElln.ΣΥΝΟΛΟ-ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑΤΙΩΝ,
* McsElln.ΣΥΝΟΛΟ'ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑΤΙΩΝ@cptEconomy50,
_GENERIC:
* aggregate#cptCore88.19#
_WHOLE:
* sympan'societyHuman'economy#cptEconomy323#
_DESCRIPTION:
ΣΥΝΟΛΟ ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑΤΙΩΝ ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΙΑΣ είναι το 'συνολο' των 'επαγγελματιών#cptEconomy364#'.
[hmnSngo.1995-04]
===
ΤΟ ΣΥΝΟΛΟ ΤΩΝ ΕΡΓΑΤΩΝ#cptEconomy362# ΚΑΙ ΑΝΕΡΓΩΝ#cptEconomy363# ΤΗΣ ΚΟΙΝΩΝΙΑΣ.
[hmnSngo.1993-09]
_PART:
* aggregate-employed#cptEconomy362.5# +
* aggregate-un-employed#cptEconomy363.1#
name::
* McsEngl.workforce'Evolution,
_QUERY:
* History#ql:[Field FdTimeSubject:workforce]#, viewTime: {WORKFORCE}
name::
* McsEngl.workforce.SocEU,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://euskillspanorama.ec.europa.eu//
Welcome to the EU Skills Panorama
Access here national, European and international research findings on skills and jobs
name::
* McsEngl.workforce.SocGreece,
_DESCRIPTION:
Of the 3 million people constituting Greece’s labour force, 1,3 million are jobless.
[http://yanisvaroufakis.eu/2014/03/01/what-you-should-know-about-greeces-present-state-of-affairs-an-update/]
H Ελλάδα σε αριθμούς: Τι δουλειά κάνουν οι περισσότεροι, πού βρίσκονται οι πιο πολλοί συνταξιούχοι
9/3/2014 11:36:47 PM
Οι περισσότεροι Ελληνες απασχολούνται στο εμπόριο- χονδρικό και λιανικό- και τη δημόσια διοίκηση, οι ξένοι πολίτες που ζουν στη χώρα είναι ανειδίκευτοι εργάτες κατά κύριο λόγο, ενώ η Ηπειρος είναι η περιφέρεια με το μεγαλύτερο ποσοστό συνταξιούχων. Αυτά είναι μερικά μόνο από τα στοιχεία της ΕΛΣΤΑΤ, που αποκαλύπτουν τα οικονομικά χαρακτηριστικά του μόνιμου πληθυσμού της Ελλάδας.
Από αυτά προκύπτει ότι, σε επίπεδο Ευρωπαϊκής Ενωσης, η Ελλάδα είναι πρώτη στον κλάδο «Χονδρικό και λιανικό εμπόριο, μεταφορά και αποθήκευση, στέγαση και υπηρεσίες εστίασης», με ποσοστό 30,5%, ενώ έχει την τελευταία θέση στη Διαχείριση ακίνητης περιουσίας (0,2%). Οσο για τη δημόσια διοίκηση, την άμυνα, την υγεία και την κοινωνική μέριμνα, η Ελλάδα δεν είναι πρώτη, καθώς εκεί προηγείται η Δανία (33%).
Η πιο «γερασμένη» περιφέρεια είναι η Ηπειρος, καθώς- σύμφωνα με την απογραφή του 2011- έχει το μεγαλύτερο ποσοστό συνταξιούχων (27,9%) στο σύνολο του μόνιμου πληθυσμού της, ενώ αντίθετα το μικρότερο ποσοστό (18,5%) εμφανίζεται στην περιφέρεια Νοτίου Αιγαίου.
Ειδικότερα, από τα οικονομικά χαρακτηριστικά του μόνιμου πληθυσμού της χώρας, που δημοσιοποίησε η ΕΛΣΤΑΤ, προκύπτουν τα εξής:
Ο οικονομικά ενεργός πληθυσμός ανήλθε το 2011 σε 4.586.636 άτομα (42,4% του συνόλου του μόνιμου πληθυσμού) ενώ ο οικονομικά μη ενεργός πληθυσμός ανήλθε σε 6.229.650 άτομα (57,6% του συνόλου του μόνιμου πληθυσμού).
Από το σύνολο του οικονομικά ενεργού πληθυσμού, 3.727.633 άτομα δήλωσαν «απασχολούμενοι» και 859.003 άτομα δήλωσαν «άνεργοι». Το μεγαλύτερο ποσοστό του οικονομικά ενεργού πληθυσμού (59%) είναι άντρες, ενώ οι γυναίκες αποτελούν το υπόλοιπο 41%.
Το 46,2% του συνόλου των απασχολουμένων ανήκει στην ομάδα ηλικίας 30- 44 ετών, ακολουθούμενο από ποσοστό 36,2 % που ανήκει στην ομάδα 45- 64 ετών. Ο μέσος αριθμός απασχολουμένων ανά νοικοκυριό είναι 0,9.
Στα ζευγάρια (έγγαμα ή συμβιούντα) με τουλάχιστον ένα παιδί (κάτω των 18 ετών), το 52,4% των μητέρων είναι απασχολούμενες, ενώ το αντίστοιχο ποσοστό των απασχολούμενων πατέρων ανέρχεται στο 84,9%. Σε ό,τι αφορά στις μόνες μητέρες με τουλάχιστον ένα παιδί κάτω των 18 ετών, το 61,2% αυτών είναι απασχολούμενες, ενώ το αντίστοιχο ποσοστό των μόνων πατέρων με τουλάχιστον ένα παιδί κάτω των 18 ετών, ανέρχεται στο 74,9%.
Στην περιφέρεια της Πελοποννήσου, ο κλάδος «Γεωργία, Δασοκομία και Αλιεία» εμφανίζει τη μεγαλύτερη ποσοστιαία συμμετοχή (25,6%) στο σύνολο των απασχολουμένων της, ενώ στην περιφέρεια Νοτίου Αιγαίου τη μεγαλύτερη ποσοστιαία συμμετοχή (23,9%) καταγράφει ο κλάδος «Δραστηριότητες παροχής υπηρεσιών καταλύματος και υπηρεσιών εστίασης».
Το 10,5% (391.398 άτομα) του συνόλου των απασχολουμένων έχει ξένη υπηκοότητα (συμπεριλαμβανομένων των ατόμων με αδιευκρίνιστη ή χωρίς υπηκοότητα).
Από τη μελέτη των στοιχείων, προκύπτει, επίσης, ότι το μεγαλύτερο ποσοστό των απασχολουμένων με ελληνική υπηκοότητα (18,2%) εργάζεται στον κλάδο «Χονδρικό και Λιανικό Εμπόριο- Επισκευή μηχανοκίνητων οχημάτων και μοτοσικλετών», ακολουθούμενο από ποσοστό 10,7% που εργάζεται στον κλάδο «Δημόσια Διοίκηση και “Αμυνα- Υποχρεωτική κοινωνική ασφάλιση». Το μεγαλύτερο ποσοστό (18,8%) των απασχολουμένων με ξένη υπηκοότητα (συμπεριλαμβανομένων αυτών με αδιευκρίνιστη ή χωρίς υπηκοότητα) εργάζεται στον κλάδο «Κατασκευές», ακολουθούμενο από ποσοστό 18,2% που εργάζεται στον κλάδο «Γεωργία, Δασοκομία και Αλιεία». Σε όσους δήλωσαν ανειδίκευτοι εργάτες, χειρώνακτες και μικροεπαγγελματίες, το 59,1% είναι Έλληνες και το 40,9% είναι άτομα με ξένη υπηκοότητα (συμπεριλαμβανομένων αυτών με αδιευκρίνιστη ή χωρίς υπηκοότητα).
Στο σύνολο των απασχολουμένων, το μεγαλύτερο ποσοστό (30,8%) είναι απόφοιτοι Λυκείου (Γενικού, Εκκλησιαστικού, Επαγγελματικού κ.λπ.). Όσον αφορά στον τόπο εργασίας το μεγαλύτερο ποσοστό (61,7%) των απασχολουμένων εργάζεται στον δήμο της μόνιμης κατοικίας του.
Ευρωπαϊκή Ενωση
Σε επίπεδο Ευρωπαϊκής Ενωσης, σύμφωνα με τα στοιχεία της Eurostat, στον κλάδο «Γεωργία, δασοκομία και αλιεία», η Ρουμανία έχει το υψηλότερο ποσοστό (28,4%) και το Ηνωμένο Βασίλειο το χαμηλότερο (1%). Στον κλάδο «Μεταποιητικές βιομηχανίες, ορυχεία και λατομεία, και άλλοι κλάδοι», η Τσεχία έχει το υψηλότερο ποσοστό (25,4%), ενώ το Λουξεμβούργο το χαμηλότερο (6,4%). Στον κλάδο «Κατασκευές», η Κύπρος έχει το υψηλότερο ποσοστό (10,5%), ενώ η Ιρλανδία το χαμηλότερο (4,8%). Στον κλάδο «Χονδρικό και λιανικό εμπόριο, μεταφορά και αποθήκευση, στέγαση και υπηρεσίες εστίασης», η Ελλάδα έχει το υψηλότερο ποσοστό (30,5%) και το Λουξεμβούργο το χαμηλότερο (16,6%). Στον κλάδο «Ενημέρωση και επικοινωνία», η Γερμανία έχει το υψηλότερο ποσοστό (5%), ενώ η Ρουμανία το χαμηλότερο (1,8%). Στον κλάδο «Χρηματοπιστωτικές και ασφαλιστικές δραστηριότητες», το Λουξεμβούργο έχει το υψηλότερο ποσοστό (9,3%), ενώ η Ρουμανία το χαμηλότερο (1,5%). Στον κλάδο «Διαχείριση ακίνητης περιουσίας», η Λετονία έχει το υψηλότερο ποσοστό (2,5%) και Ελλάδα και Ρουμανία τα χαμηλότερα (0,2%). Στον κλάδο «Επαγγελματικές, επιστημονικές και τεχνικές δραστηριότητες, διοικητικές δραστηριότητες και δραστηριότητες υποστήριξης», η Ολλανδία έχει το υψηλότερο ποσοστό (15,3%), ενώ η Ρουμανία το χαμηλότερο (5%). Στον κλάδο «Δημόσια διοίκηση, άμυνα, εκπαίδευση, δραστηριότητες σχετικές με την ανθρώπινη υγεία και την κοινωνική μέριμνα» η Δανία έχει το υψηλότερο ποσοστό με 33%, ενώ η Ρουμανία το χαμηλότερο με 14,2%. Τέλος, στον κλάδο «Ἀλλες υπηρεσίες», η Κύπρος έχει το υψηλότερο ποσοστό (11,6%) και η Πολωνία το χαμηλότερο (3%).
[http://tvkosmos.gr/article.asp?newsid=2368575]
Το προφίλ του πληθυσμού στην Ελλάδα
ΑΘΗΝΑ 03/09/2014
Ως ανειδίκευτοι εργάτες, χειρώνακτες και μικροεπαγγελματίες, εμφανίζονται τα περισσότερα άτομα με ξένη υπηκοότητα, που ζουν στην Ελλάδα και απογράφηκαν στην απογραφή πληθυσμού- κατοικιών του 2011.
Από την πλευρά των Ελλήνων, οι περισσότεροι απασχολούνται στο χονδρικό και λιανικό εμπόριο, καθώς και στη δημόσια διοίκηση και άμυνα.
Σε επίπεδο Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης, με βάση την ποσοστιαία κατανομή των απασχολουμένων κατά ομάδες κλάδων οικονομικής δραστηριότητας, η Ελλάδα είναι στην 1η θέση στον κλάδο «Χονδρικό και λιανικό εμπόριο, μεταφορά και αποθήκευση, στέγαση και υπηρεσίες εστίασης» με ποσοστό 30,5% και κατέχει την τελευταία θέση (ποσοστό 0,2%) στον κλάδο «Διαχείριση ακίνητης περιουσίας.
Παράλληλα, παρά τα καιρούς γραφόμενα, στον κλάδο «Δημόσια διοίκηση, άμυνα, εκπαίδευση, δραστηριότητες σχετικές με την ανθρώπινη υγεία και την κοινωνική μέριμνα» δεν είναι πρώτη η χώρα μας, αλλά η Δανία με ποσοστό 33%.
Ενδιαφέρον είναι και το στοιχείο, ότι, σε ελλαδικό επίπεδο, η Ήπειρος είναι η περιφέρεια με το μεγαλύτερο ποσοστό συνταξιούχων (27,9%) στο σύνολο του μόνιμου πληθυσμού της, ενώ αντίθετα το μικρότερο ποσοστό συνταξιούχων (18,5%) εμφανίζεται στην περιφέρεια Νοτίου Αιγαίου.
Ειδικότερα, από τα οικονομικά χαρακτηριστικά του μόνιμου πληθυσμού της χώρας, που δημοσιοποίησε χθες η ΕΛΣΤΑΤ, προκύπτουν τα εξής:
Ο οικονομικά ενεργός πληθυσμός ανήλθε το 2011 σε 4.586.636 άτομα (42,4% του συνόλου του μόνιμου πληθυσμού) ενώ ο οικονομικά μη ενεργός πληθυσμός ανήλθε σε 6.229.650 άτομα (57,6% του συνόλου του μόνιμου πληθυσμού).
Από το σύνολο του οικονομικά ενεργού πληθυσμού, 3.727.633 άτομα δήλωσαν «απασχολούμενοι» και 859.003 άτομα δήλωσαν «άνεργοι». Το μεγαλύτερο ποσοστό του οικονομικά ενεργού πληθυσμού (59%) είναι άντρες, ενώ οι γυναίκες αποτελούν το υπόλοιπο 41%.
Το 46,2% του συνόλου των απασχολουμένων ανήκει στην ομάδα ηλικίας 30- 44 ετών, ακολουθούμενο από ποσοστό 36,2 % που ανήκει στην ομάδα 45- 64 ετών. Ο μέσος αριθμός απασχολουμένων ανά νοικοκυριό είναι 0,9.
Στα ζευγάρια (έγγαμα ή συμβιούντα) με τουλάχιστον ένα παιδί (κάτω των 18 ετών), το 52,4% των μητέρων είναι απασχολούμενες, ενώ το αντίστοιχο ποσοστό των απασχολούμενων πατέρων ανέρχεται στο 84,9%. Σε ό,τι αφορά στις μόνες μητέρες με τουλάχιστον ένα παιδί κάτω των 18 ετών, το 61,2% αυτών είναι απασχολούμενες, ενώ το αντίστοιχο ποσοστό των μόνων πατέρων με τουλάχιστον ένα παιδί κάτω των 18 ετών, ανέρχεται στο 74,9%.
Στην περιφέρεια της Πελοποννήσου, ο κλάδος «Γεωργία, Δασοκομία και Αλιεία» εμφανίζει τη μεγαλύτερη ποσοστιαία συμμετοχή (25,6%) στο σύνολο των απασχολουμένων της, ενώ στην περιφέρεια Νοτίου Αιγαίου τη μεγαλύτερη ποσοστιαία συμμετοχή (23,9%) καταγράφει ο κλάδος «Δραστηριότητες παροχής υπηρεσιών καταλύματος και υπηρεσιών εστίασης».
Το 10,5% (391.398 άτομα) του συνόλου των απασχολουμένων έχει ξένη υπηκοότητα (συμπεριλαμβανομένων των ατόμων με αδιευκρίνιστη ή χωρίς υπηκοότητα).
Από τη μελέτη των στοιχείων, προκύπτει, επίσης, ότι το μεγαλύτερο ποσοστό των απασχολουμένων με ελληνική υπηκοότητα (18,2%) εργάζεται στον κλάδο «Χονδρικό και Λιανικό Εμπόριο- Επισκευή μηχανοκίνητων οχημάτων και μοτοσικλετών», ακολουθούμενο από ποσοστό 10,7% που εργάζεται στον κλάδο «Δημόσια Διοίκηση και 'Αμυνα- Υποχρεωτική κοινωνική ασφάλιση».
Το μεγαλύτερο ποσοστό (18,8%) των απασχολουμένων με ξένη υπηκοότητα (συμπεριλαμβανομένων αυτών με αδιευκρίνιστη ή χωρίς υπηκοότητα) εργάζεται στον κλάδο «Κατασκευές», ακολουθούμενο από ποσοστό 18,2% που εργάζεται στον κλάδο «Γεωργία, Δασοκομία και Αλιεία».
Σε όσους δήλωσαν ανειδίκευτοι εργάτες, χειρώνακτες και μικροεπαγγελματίες, το 59,1% είναι Έλληνες και το 40,9% είναι άτομα με ξένη υπηκοότητα (συμπεριλαμβανομένων αυτών με αδιευκρίνιστη ή χωρίς υπηκοότητα).
Στο σύνολο των απασχολουμένων, το μεγαλύτερο ποσοστό (30,8%) είναι απόφοιτοι Λυκείου (Γενικού, Εκκλησιαστικού, Επαγγελματικού κ.λπ.).
Όσον αφορά στον τόπο εργασίας το μεγαλύτερο ποσοστό (61,7%) των απασχολουμένων εργάζεται στον δήμο της μόνιμης κατοικίας του.
[http://www.nooz.gr/greece/to-profil-tou-pli8usmoi-stin-ellada]
Φεύγουν οι Σκοπιανοί που εργάζονται στην Ελλάδα
ΑΘΗΝΑ 05/06/2012
Πολίτες της ΠΓΔΜ που εργάζονται εποχικά στην Ελλάδα επιστρέφουν στη χώρα τους, λόγω της οικονομικής κρίσης στην Ελλάδα, αναφέρει δημοσίευμα της εφημερίδας των Σκοπίων Dnevnik.
Όπως σημειώνεται στο δημοσίευμα, από τη νέα κατάσταση που έχει δημιουργήσει η οικονομική κρίση στην Ελλάδα έχουν πληγεί κυρίως οι κάτοικοι του Μοναστηρίου (Μπίτολα) και των περιοχών κοντά στα σύνορα Ελλάδας-ΠΓΔΜ, οι οποίοι εργάζονταν στην Ελλάδα βοηθώντας σε γεωργικές και κτηνοτροφικές εργασίες, αλλά και φροντίζοντας ηλικιωμένους σε Φλώρινα, Έδεσσα και τα γειτονικά χωριά.
Στο δημοσίευμα εκτιμάται ότι, πιθανόν, φέτος θα είναι μικρότερος και ο αριθμός των νέων από την ΠΓΔΜ που θα εργαστούν ως σερβιτόροι στα ελληνικά νησιά, αλλά και ως γεωργοί στις φυτείες ροδάκινων.
Οι περισσότεροι Σλαβομακεδόνες που εργάζονται στην Ελλάδα είναι ανασφάλιστοι και ο μισθός τους κυμαίνεται από 350 έως 500 ευρώ το μήνα, υποστηρίζει το δημοσίευμα, προσθέτοντας ότι, εξαιτίας της οικονομικής κρίσης, οι εργοδότες στην Ελλάδα είτε μείωσαν τα μεροκάματα είτε απέλυσαν κάποιους από αυτούς.
Τέλος, στο δημοσίευμα υπογραμμίζεται ότι δεν είναι γνωστός ο ακριβής αριθμός των Σλβομακεδόνων που εργάζονται ως εποχικοί στην Ελλάδα, ωστόσο σύμφωνα με ανεπίσημους υπολογισμούς, πριν από την οικονομική κρίση, ο αριθμός αυτός ήταν περίπου 30.000.
[http://www.nooz.gr/greece/epistrefoun-oi-polites-tis-pgdm-pou-ergazontai-stin-ellada]
name::
* McsEngl.workforce.SocWORLD,
* McsEngl.global-workforce,
* McsEngl.workforce.global,
{time.2017}:
=== 3.49 billion
[https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SL.TLF.TOTL.IN?end=2017&start=1990&view=chart]
{time.2014}
Σχεδόν τα 2/3 (περίπου 1,8 δισεκατομμύρια άνθρωποι) από τον παγκόσμιο εργασιακό πληθυσμό των περίπου 3 δισεκατομμυρίων ανθρώπων εργάζονται στην παραοικονομία, όπως προκύπτει από την έκθεση της flexibility@work 2014, η οποία περιλαμβάνει μία νέα μελέτη σχετικά με την παραοικονομία από το Πανεπιστήμιο του Sheffield και την Regioplan Policy Research και την παρουσιάζει η Randstad - κορυφαία εταιρεία στην παροχή υπηρεσιών ανθρώπινου δυναμικού στην Ελλάδα.
[http://www.nooz.gr/economy/ta-23-tou-pagkosmiou-ergasiakoi-pli8usmoi-ergazontai-stin-paraoikonomia, 2014-04-23]
name::
* McsEngl.worker.quantity.PRODUCER,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy364.7,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy51,
* McsEngl.aggregate-business-worker,
* McsEngl.aggregate.business-worker@cptEconomy51,
* McsEngl.aggregate-employee-of-a-business,
* McsEngl.PERSONNEL,
* McsEngl.WORKFORCE,
* McsEngl.WORKERS,
* McsElln.ΑΠΑΣΧΟΛΟΥΜΕΝΟΙ,
* McsElln.ΕΡΓΑΤΙΚΟ-ΔΥΝΑΜΙΚΟ-ΕΠΙΧΕΙΡΙΣΗΣ,
* McsElln.ΕΡΓΑΤΙΚΟ'ΔΥΝΑΜΙΚΟ'ΕΤΑΙΡΙΑΣ@cptEconomy51,
* McsElln.ΣΥΝΟΛΟ-ΕΡΓΑΖΟΜΕΝΩΝ-ΕΤΑΙΡΙΑΣ,
* McsElln.ΣΥΝΟΛΟ'ΕΡΓΑΖΟΜΕΝΩΝ'ΕΤΑΙΡΙΑΣ@cptEconomy51,
_GENERIC:
* aggregate#cptCore88.19#
_DESCRIPTION:
ΣΥΝΟΛΟ ΕΡΓΑΖΟΜΕΝΩΝ ΕΤΑΙΡΙΑΣ είναι το ΣΥΝΟΛΟ των 'εργαζομενων-εταιριας#cptEconomy192#'.
[hmnSngo.1995-04]
===
ΑΠΑΣΧΟΛΟΥΜΕΝΟΙ ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΙΚΟΥ ΟΡΓΑΝΙΣΜΟΥ είναι το 'συνολο' των 'ΑΠΑΣΧΟΛΟΥΜΕΝΩΝ#cptEconomy362#' ΜΙΑΣ ΕΠΙΧΕΙΡΗΣΗΣ.
[hmnSngo.1993-09]
name::
* McsEngl.worker.QUANTITY.NO,
* McsEngl.wkr.individual,
* McsEngl.worker.individual,
name::
* McsEngl.worker.age.OLD,
* McsEngl.worker.old,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* {2018-12-28} Peter-Gosselin, If You’re Over 50, Chances Are the Decision to Leave a Job Won’t be Yours, https://www.propublica.org/article/older-workers-united-states-pushed-out-of-work-forced-retirement,
name::
* McsEngl.worker.age.UNDERAGE,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy364.56,
* McsEngl.underage-worker@cptEconomy364.56, {2013-01-25}
* McsEngl.worker.child,
* McsEngl.worker.underage,
* McsEngl.wkr.child,
* McsEngl.wkr.underage,
_DESCRIPTION:
But the International Labour Organization estimates that 168 million child labourers and 21 million forced labourers are toiling away in the global economy.
[https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2016/03/child-labour-what-are-we-missing?]
===
Apple fires supplier after audit uncovers underage workers
Apple found 74 underage workers at one company and then reported the labor agency to local authorities, it says in its latest Supplier Responsibility report. more
[http://news.cnet.com/ 2013-01-25]
name::
* McsEngl.worker.CITIZEN,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy364.1,
* McsEngl.workerCitizen@cptEconomy364.1,
* McsEngl.workerMember@cptEconomy364.1, {2012-12-16}
* McsEngl.citizen.professional@cptEconomy364.1,
* McsEngl.professional-citizen@cptEconomy364.1,
* McsEngl.professional.citizen@cptEconomy364.1,
_GENERIC:
* entity.whole.systemBio.organism.animal.human.worker#cptEconomy364#
_DEFINITION:
citizen-professional is a CITIZEN (685) who can practice a profession #cptEconomy53#.
[hmnSngo.2011-04-02]
name::
* McsEngl.worker.CITIZEN.NO (migrant),
* McsEngl.wkr.migrant,
_DESCRIPTION:
More than 200 million people today work outside their home countries. As rich countries age, they need more workers. At the same time, people from developing countries are more productive in a developed country. Easing restrictions on migration would allow young people from developing countries to expand industrialized economies’ diminishing workforces – and generate the taxes needed to pay for care for the elderly.
Such migration would also be good for the developing countries, because migrant workers send home remittances. In total, every dollar spent on increased migration would produce more than $45 of social good – possibly more than $300. While in today’s political climate, increasing migration might be difficult to achieve, it is worth pointing out how effectively it could help the world’s poorest.
[http://www.project-syndicate.org/commentary/best-ways-to-fight-extreme-poverty-by-bj-rn-lomborg-2015-07]
name::
* McsEngl.worker.EMPLOYED,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy362,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy364.11,
* McsEngl.professional.employed@cptEconomy362,
* McsEngl.employed@cptEconomy362,
* McsEngl.worker.employed@cptEconomy362,
* McsEngl.wkrEmpld@cptEconomy362, {2012-05-19}
=== _OLD:
* McsEngl.worker@old,
* McsElln.ΕΡΓΑΖΟΜΕΝΟΣ-362@old,
* McsElln.ΕΡΓΑΤΗΣ@old,
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.απασχολούμενος,
* McsElln.θεση-εργασιας@cptEconomy362,
====== lagoEsperanto:
* McsEngl.laborista@lagoEspo,
* McsEspo.laborista,
* McsEngl.laborulo@lagoEspo,
* McsEspo.laborulo,
* McsEngl.laboranto@lagoEspo,
* McsEspo.laboranto,
* McsEngl.laboristo@lagoEspo,
* McsEspo.laboristo,
_GENERIC:
* entity.whole.systemBio.organism.animal.human.worker#cptEconomy364#
_WHOLE:
* aggregate-employed#cptEconomy190#
* org-household#cptEconomy23#
_DefinitionSpecific:
* worker is an employed PROFESSIONAL (686.2).
[hmnSngo.2011-04-02]
_DefinitionGeneric:
worker = citizen-worker + foreigner-worker.
[hmnSngo.2011-04-01]
ΕΡΓΑΖΟΜΕΝΟΣ είναι ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑΤΙΑΣ που ΕΡΓΑΖΕΤΑΙ.
ΠΡΟΣΟΧΗ: κάθε εργαζομενος που ασκει κάποιο επάγγελμα δεν σημαίνει και ότι είναι γνώστης του επαγγέλματος, με αποτέλεσμα η ποιότητα των προϊόντων του να είναι αντίστοιχη με την ικανότητα εξασκήσεως του επαγγέλματος.
[hmnSngo.1995-04]
ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΙΚΑ ΑΠΑΣΧΟΛΟΥΜΕΝΟΣ ΕΙΝΑΙ ΤΟ ΑΤΟΜΟ ΤΟΥ ΝΟΙΚΟΚΥΡΙΟΥ ΠΟΥ 'ΕΡΓΑΖΕΤΑΙ'
[NIKOS, SEP 1993]
name::
* McsEngl.wrkEmpld'ENVIRONMENT,
name::
* McsEngl.wrkEmpld'Citizenship,
name::
* McsEngl.wkrEmpld.specific,
_SPECIFIC: Alphabetically:
* farmer#cptEconomy364.31#
* employer#cptEconomy364.15#
* employee#cptEconomy364.14#
* employee laborer#cptEconomy364.24#
* employee manager#cptEconomy47.3#
* household worker#cptEconomy362.3#
* householdNo worker#cptEconomy362.4#
* manager#cptCore999.7#
* private-sector worker##
* PRODUCTION-ORGANIZATION WORKER#cptEconomy391#
* worker#cptEconomy364#
* public-sector worker#cptEconomy364.51#
* slave#cptEconomy364.13#
name::
* McsEngl.wrkEmpld.SPECIFIC-DIVISION.Time,
_List:
* worker in timePoint,
* worker in timeInterval
worker increase
worker decrease
name::
* McsEngl.wrkEmpld.SPECIFIC-DIVISION.Household,
List:
* household worker##cptEconomy362.3#: attSpe#
* nonHousehold worker##cptEconomy362.4#: attSpe#
name::
* McsEngl.wrkEmpld.ΚΛΑΣΗ ΛΕΙΤΟΥΡΓΙΑΣ,
manager/ΜΑΝΑΤΖΕΡ-ΕΡΓΑΖΟΜΕΝΟΣ#cptCore999.7#
producer/ΠΑΡΑΓΩΓΟΣ ΕΡΓΑΖΟΜΕΝΟΣ#cptEconomy364.24#
name::
* McsEngl.wrkEmpld.SPECIFIC-DIVISION.ECONOMY,
Η ταξινομηση γίνεται ουσιαστικά ως προς τη σχέση τους ως προς τα 'μεσα παραγωγης'.
[hmnSngo.1995-04]
name::
* McsEngl.wrkEmpld.SPECIFIC-DIVISION.Public-sector,
ΔΗΜΟΣΙΟΣ-ΥΠΑΛΛΗΛΟΣ#cptEconomy364.51# εργοδότης το δημοσιο
ΙΔΙΩΤΙΚΟΣ ΥΠΑΛΛΗΛΟΣ#εργοδότης όχι το δημοσιο#
name::
* McsEngl.wrkEmpld.AGGREGATE,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy362.7,
* McsEngl.workerAggregateEmployed@cptEconomy362.7, {2012-04-05}
* McsEngl.workerEmployedAggregate@cptEconomy362.7, {2012-04-05}
name::
* McsEngl.wrkEmpld.Aggregate.ECONOMY,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy362.5,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy190,
* McsEngl.employment@cptEconomy362.5,
* McsEngl.workerAggregateEconomyEmployed@cptEconomy362.5, {2011-07-08}
* McsEngl.workerAggregateEmployedEconomy@cptEconomy362.5, {2011-07-08}
* McsEngl.workerEconomyAggregateEmployed@cptEconomy362.5, {2011-07-08}
* McsEngl.workerEconomyEmployedAggregate@cptEconomy362.5, {2011-07-08}
* McsEngl.workerEmployedAggregateEconomy@cptEconomy362.5, {2011-07-08}
* McsEngl.workerEmployedEconomyAggregate@cptEconomy362.5, {2011-07-08}
* McsEngl.aggregate.employed@cptEconomy190,
* McsEngl.employment.economy@cptEconomy362.5,
* McsEngl.employment,
* McsEngl.jobs@cptEconomy,
* McsEngl.payrolls@cptEconomy362.5,
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.ΑΠΑΣΧΟΛΗΣΗ, {2011-07-08}
* McsElln.ΘΕΣΕΙΣ-ΕΡΓΑΣΙΑΣ@cptEconomy362.5, {2011-07-08}
* McsElln.ΑΠΑΣΧΟΛΟΥΜΕΝΟΙ,
* McsElln.ΣΥΝΟΛΟ-ΑΠΑΣΧΟΛΟΥΜΕΝΩΝ-ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΙΑΣ,
=== _OLD:
* McsEngl.worker-quantity@old,
* McsEngl.economy-worker-quantity@old,
* McsEngl.aggregate-employee@old,
* McsEngl.aggregate-workers@old,
* McsElln.ΠΟΣΟΤΗΤΑ-ΕΡΓΑΖΟΜΕΝΩΝ-ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΙΑΣ@old,
* McsElln.ΣΥΝΟΛΟ-ΕΡΓΑΖΟΜΕΝΩΝ@old,
_GENERIC:
* aggregate#cptCore88.19#
_WHOLE:
* aggregate-economy-worker#cptEconomy364.6#
_DEFINITION:
ΑΠΑΣΧΟΛΟΥΜΕΝΟΙ ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΙΑΣ ειναι ΟΛΟΙ ΟΙ 'ΑΠΑΣΧΟΛΟΥΜΕΝΟΙ#cptEconomy362#' ΣΤΟΥΣ ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΙΚΟΥΣ ΟΡΓΑΝΙΣΜΟΥΣ, ΔΙΕΥΘΥΝΟΝΤΕΣ ΚΑΙ ΔΙΕΥΘΥΝΟΜΕΝΟΙ.
[hmnSngo.1993-09]
name::
* McsEngl.employment'structure,
aggregate'laborers & aggregate'managers,
#cptEconomy364.14.1##
ΠΟΣΟΤΗΤΑ-ΕΡΓΑΖΟΜΕΩΝ-ΕΠΙΧΕΙΡΗΣΗΣ#cptEconomy51: attPar#
ΠΟΣΟΤΗΤΑ ΑΓΡΟΤΩΝΑ,
ΠΟΣΟΤΗΤΑ ΚΑΠΙΤΑΛΙΣΤΩΝ,
ΠΟΣΟΤΗΤΑ-ΜΙΣΘΩΤΩΝ#cptEconomy465###
name::
* McsEngl.employment'OTHER-VIEW,
O KEYNES ΕΔΕΙΞΕ ΜΕ ΤΗΝ ΑΝΑΛΥΣΗ-ΤΟΥ ΟΤΙ ΔΕΝ ΥΠΑΡΧΟΥΝ ΑΥΤΟΜΑΤΟΙ ΜΗΧΑΝΙΣΜΟΙ ΠΟΥ ΟΔΗΓΟΥΝ ΤΗΝ ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΙΑ ΣΕ ΠΛΗΡΗ ΑΠΑΣΧΟΛΗΣΗ ΚΑΙ ΩΣ ΕΚ ΤΟΥΤΟΥ ΜΠΟΡΕΙ ΝΑ ΥΠΑΡΞΗ ΙΣΟΡΡΟΠΙΑ ΣΕ ΕΠΙΠΕΔΟ ΧΑΜΗΛΟΤΕΡΟ ΤΟΥ ΕΠΙΠΕΔΟΥ ΠΛΗΡΟΥΣ ΑΠΑΣΧΟΛΗΣΕΩΣ, ΜΕ ΠΡΟΙΟΝ ΜΙΚΡΟΤΕΡΟ ΤΟΥ ΜΕΓΙΣΤΟΥ ΔΥΝΑΤΟΥ ΠΡΟΙΟΝΤΟΣ ΚΑΙ ΜΕ ΣΗΜΑΝΤΙΚΗ ΑΝΕΡΓΙΑ.
[ΠΕΤΡΑΚΗ, 1977, 20#cptResource288#]
name::
* McsEngl.employment'Evolution,
_QUERY:
* ΙΣΤΟΡΙΑ/history#ql:[Field FdTimeSubject:workforce]#, viewTime: {WORKFORCE}
name::
* McsEngl.employment'relation-to-jobs,
_DESCRIPTION:
One worker can have more than one job. Then must be defined what someone means with 'employment' and 'jobs'.
[hmnSngo.2014-09-05]
name::
* McsEngl.employment.ReportedNo,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy362.6,
* McsEngl.reportedNo-employment@cptEconomy362.6,
* McsElln.αδήλωτη-εργασία@cptEconomy362.6,
_SPECIFIC:
Θραύση κάνει η αδήλωτη εργασία στην Ελλάδα, με τις διανομές κατ' οίκον (60%), τη νυχτερινή διασκέδαση (55%) και τα καφέ μπαρ (50%) να κρατούν τα πρωτεία.
H αδήλωτη εργασία στην Ελλάδα αντιστοιχεί στο 20% του ΑΕΠ, με 500.000 εργαζομένους, σύμφωνα με έρευνα της Ευρωπαϊκής Επιτροπής, γεγονός που την κατατάσσει στη δεύτερη θέση της σχετικής λίστας μεταξύ των χωρών της Ε.Ε. των 27 (με πρώτη τη Βουλγαρία).
[http://www.tovima.gr/finance/article/?aid=409856&h1=true, 2011-07-07]
name::
* McsEngl.employment.society.GREECE,
{time.2012-08-12}:
Yanis Varoufakis
3,816,900 Greeks have jobs (9.9m population). And that number is falling fast. Our nation isn't working. Falling wages will not change this.
[http://twitter.com/yanisvaroufakis]
name::
* McsEngl.employment.society.UK,
{time.2012-12-12}:
UK employment hits record levels
Number of people in work rises to 29.6m
[http://www.ft.com/home/europe, 2012-12-12]
name::
* McsEngl.employment.society.USA,
{time.2014.08}
=== US jobs growth disappoints
The pace of US jobs growth slowed to a disappointing 142,000 in August in a weak report that clashes with a wealth of other recent data on the world’s largest economy.
It breaks a six month run of jobs growth above 200,000 and came in well below analyst expectations of 230,000 new jobs. The unemployment rate fell slightly from 6.2 to 6.1 per cent.
[FINANCIAL TIMES, Friday September 05 2014, BREAKING NEWS]
name::
* McsEngl.wrkEmpld.CITIZEN,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy362.1,
* McsEngl.workerEmployedCitizen@cptEconomy362.1, {2011-07-07}
* McsEngl.workerCitizenEmployed@cptEconomy362.1, {2011-07-07}
* McsEngl.citizen--employed-professional@cptEconomy362.1,
* McsEngl.citizen-worker@cptEconomy362.1,
* McsEngl.member-worker@cptEconomy362.1,
_DEFINITION:
Member-worker is a worker who is member (685) of the economy.
[hmnSngo.2011-04-01]
name::
* McsEngl.wrkEmpld.EcnCAPITALISM,
_SPECIFIC:
* employer#cptEconomy364.15#
* employee#cptEconomy364.14#
* self-employed
name::
* McsEngl.wrkEmpld.HOMEWORKER,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy362.2,
* McsEngl.homeworker@cptEconomy362.2,
* McsEngl.worker.home@cptEconomy362.2,
Over 4% of US workers worked at home at least one day a week in 2010 - an increase of 35% since 2000.
wiseGEEK <learn@wisegeeknewsletter.com>
2013-01-20 9:51 AM (3 hours ago)
Over 4% of US workers worked at home at least one day a week in 2010 - an
increase of 35% since 2000.
About 13.4 million US workers work-at-home at least one day per week,
according to the 2010 US Census. That is about 4% of all US workers. The
number of Americans working from home -- also referred to as telecommuting
-- grew more than 35% between 2000 and 2010. This increase is attributed
mainly to advances in information and communication technology that allows
for easy interaction between people in and out of physical office
locations. Employers who allow employees to work from home typically cite
increased productivity and lower office maintenance costs as reasons, along
with and lower levels of absenteeism and staff turnover.
http://www.wisegeek.com/how-many-us-workers-work-at-home-at-least-one-day-per-week.htm?m
name::
* McsEngl.wrkEmpld.HOUSEHOLD,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy362.3,
* McsEngl.household-worker,
* McsEngl.wrkEmpld.househod@cptEconomy362.3,
* McsElln.ΕΡΓΑΖΟΜΕΝΟΣ-ΝΟΙΚΟΚΥΡΙΟΥ,
* McsElln.ΕΡΓΑΖΟΜΕΝΟΣ.ΝΟΙΚΟΚΥΡΙΟΥ@cptEconomy362.3,
_DEFINITION:
ΕΡΓΑΖΟΜΕΝΟ ΝΟΙΚΟΚΥΡΙΟΥ ονομάζω ΕΡΓΑΖΟΜΕΝΟ που κάνει δουλειές μέσα σε νοικοκυριο (κυρίως γυναίκες).
[hmnSngo.1995-04]
name::
* McsEngl.wrkEmpld.HOUSEHOLD.NO,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy362.4,
* McsEngl.production-organization-worker,
* McsEngl.worker'production'organization@cptEconomy391,
* McsElln.ΕΡΓΑΖΟΜΕΝΟΣ-ΟΡΓΑΝΙΣΜΟΥ-ΠΑΡΑΓΩΓΗΣ,
* McsElln.ΕΡΓΑΖΟΜΕΝΟΣ'ΟΡΓΑΝΙΣΜΟΥ'ΠΑΡΑΓΩΓΗΣ@cptEconomy391,
_DESCRIPTION:
ΕΡΓΑΖΟΜΕΝΟΣ ΟΡΓΑΝΙΣΜΟΥ-ΠΑΡΑΓΩΓΗΣ είναι ΕΡΓΑΖΟΜΕΝΟΣ 'οργανισμου-παραγωγης'.
[hmnSngo.1995-04]
_SPECIFIC:
BUSINESS-WORKER#cptEconomy192#
BUSINESS-ASSISTANT WORKER#cptEconomy538#
name::
* McsEngl.wrkEmpld.TELECOMMUTER,
* McsEngl.telecommuter@cptEconomy362,
_DESCRIPTION:
Telecommuters spend at least part of their workday at home or a telecottage, using computers or other telecommunications equipment. Most telecommuters live on the fringe of large cities and in the suburbs and exurbs, in what is known as the "two-hour telecommuting ring". Nowadays, they are being used by almost every office and organization. They are especially useful because they help one to work and do office stuff whilst sitting at home or any far away distance. Nevertheless, the main disadvantage for the home office is the inability to keep close watch over the employee's activities. For the telecommuter, the main disadvantage is the physical distance between the worker and the home office. Work materials are less accessible and coordinating communications can be awkward when many telecommuters work different schedules. Another disadvantage, again regarding office work, is that the boss or some other colleague might be ringing you for some urgent work, but you are fast asleep or not available, as most people who use the telecommuting method have their own timings on everything. For the telecommuter, this ability to set a more convenient schedule might be the most rewarding benefit of telecommuting.
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Telecommuter]
name::
* McsEngl.worker.employed.SELF,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy364.4,
* McsEngl.workerSelfEmployed@cptEconomy364.4,
* McsEngl.worker.self-employed,
* McsEngl.selfEmployed-worker@cptEconomy364.4,
_Remuneration:
7.31 The remuneration of the self-employed is treated as mixed income. ¶
[https://synagonism.net/dirMcs/dirStn/dirHitp/HitpStnStd000.last.html#idPara7.31]
_SPECIFIC:
7.33 Self-employed persons may be divided into two groups: those who do and those who do not engage paid employees on a continuous basis.
Those who do engage employees on a continuous basis are described as employers and those without paid employees are described as own-account workers. The distinction is used for purposes of subsectoring the household sector. Own-account workers may be further subdivided into outworkers who are under some kind of formal or informal contract to supply goods or services to a particular enterprise, and ordinary own-account workers who may be engaged in either market production or production for own final consumption or own capital formation. ¶
[https://synagonism.net/dirMcs/dirStn/dirHitp/HitpStnStd000.last.html#idPara7.33]
name::
* McsEngl.worker.employed.EMPLOYEE,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy364.14,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy467,
* McsEngl.employee@cptEconomy467,
* McsEngl.wage-worker@cptEconomy467,
* McsEngl.wage-worker,
* McsEngl.worker.wage@cptEconomy467,
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.απασχολούμενος,
* McsElln.ΕΡΓΑΖΟΜΕΝΟΣ.ΜΙΣΘΩΤΟΣ,
* McsElln.ΜΙΣΘΩΤΟΣ@cptEconomy467,
* McsElln.μισθωτός@cptEconomy467,
_GENERIC:
* entity.whole.systemBio.organism.animal.human.worker#cptEconomy364#
_WHOLE:
* capitalism#cptEconomy323.46#
_DESCRIPTION:
ΜΙΣΘΩΤΟΣ είναι ο ΕΡΓΑΖΟΜΕΝΟΣ που αμείβεται ανάλογα με το 'επαγγελμά του' και βασικά δεν έχει 'μέσα παραγωγης'.
[hmnSngo.1995-04]
name::
* McsEngl.employee'ENVIRONMENT,
name::
* McsEngl.employee'doing,
name::
* McsEngl.employee'attrition,
_DESCRIPTION:
1. The unpredictable and uncontrollable, but normal, reduction of work force due to resignations, retirement, sickness, or death.
2. Loss of a material or resource due to obsolescence or spoilage.
Learn more about this term
Usage Example
To keep your company's attrition rate low it is imperative to listen to and address employee's concerns and suggestions to ensure your employee's are happy.
[term.of.the.day@businessdictionary.com, 2014-10-29]
name::
* McsEngl.employee'evoluting,
{time.1349}:
=== {time.ENGLAND; Economy#cptEconomy323#; WORKFORCE; Law#cptCore23#}:
ΑΓΓΛΙΑ:
ΝΟΜΟΘΕΣΙΑ ΓΙΑ ΜΙΣΘΩΤΗ ΕΡΓΑΣΙΑ, ΕΓΚΑΙΝΙΖΕΤΑΙ ΣΤΗΝ ΑΓΓΛΙΑ ΜΕ ΤΟ STATUTE OF LABOURERS ΤΟΥ ΕΔΟΥΑΡΔΟΥ Γ'. ΕΞΑΡΧΗΣ ΑΠΕΒΛΕΠΕ ΣΤΗΝ ΕΚΜΕΤΑΛΕΥΣΗ ΤΟΥ ΕΡΓΑΤΗ.
[ΜΑΡΞ, ΤΟ ΚΕΦΑΛΑΙΟ 1, 763#cptResource118#]
name::
* McsEngl.employee'vacation,
More than 35 countries legally require paid employee leave of at least 3
weeks a year. The US requires none.
Vacation time is legally required for employees in 70 countries, and more
than 35 countries legally require a minimum of three weeks paid time off.
Austria requires the most paid vacation days, about 42 days as of 2011, and
Brazil and France each required 30 days of paid time off. Under the Fair
Labor Standards Act (FLSA), no one in the US is legally required to be paid
for any time not worked, making the country the only developed country that
requires no paid time off. China and Hong Kong require the least amount of
vacation time of those that mandate it, with five days off required as of
2011.
http://www.wisegeek.com/is-vacation-time-legally-required.htm?m, {2013-07-18}
_SPECIFIC: employee.Alphabetically:
* employee-administrator#cptEconomy47.3#
* employee-administratorNo#cptEconomy364.24#
name::
* McsEngl.employee.AGGREGATE,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy364.14.1,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy465,
* McsEngl.aggregate-employees,
* McsEngl.aggregate.employees@cptEconomy465,
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.ΠΟΣΟΤΗΤΑ-ΜΙΣΘΩΤΩΝ,
* McsElln.ΣΥΝΟΛΟ-ΜΙΣΘΩΤΩΝ-ΕΡΓΑΖΟΜΕΝΩΝ/ΕΡΓΑΤΩΝ,
_GENERIC:
* aggregate#cptCore88.19#
_DESCRIPTION:
ΣΥΝΟΛΟ ΜΙΣΘΩΤΩΝ-ΕΡΓΑΖΟΜΕΝΩΝ είναι το ΣΥΝΟΛΟ των 'μισθωτών εργαζομένων' οικονομίας.
[hmnSngo.1995-05]
Η τάξη των μισθωτών εργατών που γεννήθηκε στο δεύτερο μισό του 14ου αιώνα αποτελούσε τότε και τον επόμενο αιώνα μονάχα ένα πολύ μικρό κομμάτι του λαού, που η θέση του προστατευόταν πολύ από το αυτοτελές αγροτικό νοικοκυριό στο χωριό και από τη συντεχνιακή οργάνωση της πόλης.
[ΜΑΡΞ ΚΕΦΑΛΑΙΟ Ι, 1867, 762#cptResource118#]
Το πιό μεγάλο μέρος των μισθωτών ανήκουν στην εργατική τάξη σήμερα. Οι τοπμανατζερς που είναι μισθωτοί, φυσικά δεν ανήκουν.
[hmnSngo.1995-05]
name::
* McsEngl.worker.employed.employee.LABORER,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy364.24,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy451,
* McsEngl.employee-laborer,
* McsEngl.laborer@cptEconomy451,
* McsEngl.laborer,
* McsEngl.proletarian@cptEconomy451@cptMarx,
* McsEngl.blue-colar@cptEconomy451,
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.ΔΟΥΛΕΥΤΗΣ@cptEconomy451,
* McsElln.ΠΡΟΛΕΤΑΡΙΟΣ,
_GENERIC:
* entity.whole.systemBio.organism.animal.human.worker#cptEconomy364#
* employee#cptEconomy364.14#
_WHOLE:
* aggregate laborer#cptEconomy466#
_DESCRIPTION:
ΠΑΡΑΓΩΓΟ ονομαζω τον ΕΡΓΑΖΟΜΕΝΟ που δεν είναι 'μανατζερ'.
[hmnSngo.1995-04]
===
ΔΟΥΛΕΥΤΗ ΟΝΟΜΑΖΩ ΚΑΘΕ 'ΑΠΑΣΧΟΛΟΥΜΕΝΟ#cptEconomy362#' ΠΟΥ ΔΕΝ ΕΙΝΑΙ 'ΜΑΝΑΤΖΕΡ'.
[ΝΙΚΟΣ, ΔΕΚΕ 1993]
name::
* McsEngl.laborer'Working-skill,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy364.24.1,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy128,
* McsEngl.JOB,
* McsEngl.labor,
* McsEngl.profession-labor,
* McsEngl.profession.business-labor@cptEconomy128,
* McsEngl.labour,
* McsEngl.working-skills.Producer-labor,
* McsElln.ΔΟΥΛΕΙΑ-ΕΤΑΙΡΙΑΣ,
* McsElln.ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑ-ΔΟΥΛΕΙΑ,
* McsElln.ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑ'ΔΟΥΛΕΙΑ@cptEconomy128,
_GENERIC:
* entity.economic.satisfierWorking.servicing.working_skill#cptEconomy364.10#
_DESCRIPTION:
ΔΟΥΛΕΙΑ ΕΤΑΙΡΙΑΣ ονομάζω το ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑ σε μια 'εταιρια' το συμπληρωματικο του 'μανατζμεντ'.
[hmnSngo.1995-05]
===
ΔΟΥΛΕΙΑ ονομάζω την κάθε εργασία σ'ενα οικονομικό οργανιμό πέρα απο το μάνατζμεντ.
[hmnSngo.1994-04]
COST
IMPORTANCE
JOB SECURITY
MANUAL LABOR/ΧΕΙΡΟΝΑΚΤΙΚΗ ΔΟΥΛΕΙΑ
TRAINING
RELATION TO SELF ACTUALIZATION
ΣΤΗΝ ΚΡΟΝΕ, ΚΑΤΑΣΚΕΥΑΖΕΙ ΤΗΛΕΠΙΚΟΙΝΩΝΙΑΚΟ ΥΛΙΚΟ ΥΨΗΛΗΣ ΤΕΧΝΟΛΟΓΙΑΣ ΣΤΟ ΒΕΡΟΛΙΝΟ, ΕΙΝΑΙ 5% ΤΟΥ ΣΥΝΟΛΙΚΟΥ ΚΟΣΤΟΥΣ ΤΩΝ ΠΡΟΙΟΝΤΩΝ.
[ΒΗΜΑ 28 ΦΕΒΡ 1993]
The most critical factor in the PRODUCTION PROCESS is LABOR.
[Mondy et al, 1988, 582#cptResource80#]
* Η ΓΕΡΜΑΝΙΑ ΦΗΜΙΖΕΤΑΙ ΓΙΑ ΤΗΝ ΑΡΤΙΟΤΗΤΑ ΤΗΣ ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑΤΙΚΗΣ ΤΗΣ ΕΚΠΑΙΔΕΥΣΗΣ. Η ΚΡΟΝΕ, ΠΟΥ ΣΥΝΔΙΑΖΕΙ ΔΟΥΛΕΙΑ ΚΑΙ ΣΧΟΛΕΙΟ ΤΑΥΤΟΧΡΟΝΑ ΣΤΗΝ ΕΚΠΑΙΔΕΥΣΗ, ΔΙΑΠΙΣΤΩΝΕΙ ΣΑΦΗ ΠΛΕΟΝΕΚΤΗΜΑΤΑ ΓΙΑ ΤΟΥΣ ΓΕΡΜΑΝΟΥΣ ΕΡΓΑΤΕΣ ΕΝΑΝΤΙ ΤΩΝ ΣΥΝΑΔΕΛΦΩΝ ΤΟΥΣ ΤΗΣ ΑΥΣΤΡΑΛΙΑΣ ή ΤΗΣ ΒΡΕΤΑΝΙΑΣ.
[ΒΗΜΑ 28 ΦΕΒΡ 1993]
USSR:
"Being of low productivity, manual labour accounts for an insignificant share of the goods produced, but is is still substantial as regards its numerical strength: some 50 million or merely 40 per cent of all workers employed in the national economy are engaged in it".
[Yun, 1988, 38#cptResource270#]
name::
* McsEngl.laborer.AGGREGATE,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy466,
* McsEngl.aggregate.laborers@cptEconomy466,
* McsElln.ΣΥΝΟΛΟ-ΔΟΥΛΕΥΤΩΝ,
_GENERIC:
* aggregate#cptCore88.19#
_DEFINITION:
ΣΥΝΟΛΟ ΠΑΡΑΓΩΓΩΝ είναι το ΣΥΝΟΛΟ των 'παραγωγων'.
[hmnSngo.1995-04]
name::
* McsEngl.worker.employed.employee.SLAVE,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy364.13,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy277,
* McsEngl.slave,
* McsEngl.satisfier.human@cptEconomy277, {2012-08-20}
* McsEngl.slave@cptEconomy277,
* McsEngl.worker.slave@cptEconomy277,
* McsEngl.wkr.slave,
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.ΔΟΥΛΟΣ,
* McsElln.δούλος@cptCore277, {2012-08-20}
* McsElln.ΣΚΛΑΒΟΣ,
* McsElln.σκλάβος@cptCore277, {2012-08-20}
_DESCRIPTION:
ΔΟΥΛΟΣ είναι ο ΠΑΡΑΓΩΓΟΣ που είναι ιδιοκτησια του 'οργανισμου'.
[hmnSngo.1995-04]
===
"ΣΤΗΝ ΠΑΛΙΑ ΕΠΟΧΗ, ΒΕΒΑΙΑ, ΣΕ ΜΕΡΙΚΕΣ ΠΟΛΕΙΣ, ΟΙ ΤΕΧΝΙΤΕΣ ΚΙ ΟΙ ΞΕΝΟΙ ΑΝΗΚΑΝ ΣΤΗΝ ΤΑΞΗ ΤΩΝ ΔΟΥΛΩΝ, ΚΑΙ ΓΙ'ΑΥΤΟ ΠΟΛΛΟΙ ΑΠ'ΑΥΤΟΥΣ ΕΙΝΑΙ ΚΑΙ ΣΗΜΕΡΑ ΔΟΥΛΟΙ"
[ΑΡΙΣΤΟΤΕΛΟΥΣ ΠΟΛΙΤΙΚΑ, 1989, 259#cptResource222#]
===
"ΑΦΟΥ ΑΝΑΓΚΑΣΤΙΚΑ ΟΙ ΓΕΩΡΓΟΙ ΕΙΝΑΙ ή ΔΟΥΛΟΙ, ή ΒΑΡΒΑΡΟΙ ΠΟΥ ΜΕΝΟΥΝ ΕΚΕΙ ΚΟΝΤΑ"
[ΑΡΙΣΤΟΤΕΛΟΥΣ ΠΟΛΙΤΙΚΑ, 1989, 649#cptResource222#]
===
"ΓΙΑΤΙ ΟΙ ΑΠΟΡΟΙ ΑΝΑΓΚΑΖΟΝΤΑΙ ΝΑ ΧΡΗΣΙΜΟΠΟΙΟΥΝ ΚΑΙ ΤΙΣ ΓΥΝΑΙΚΕΣ ΚΑΙ ΤΑ ΠΑΙΔΙΑ ΓΙΑ ΤΙΣ ΔΟΥΛΕΙΕΣ ΤΟΥΣ, ΑΦΟΥ ΔΕΝ ΕΧΟΥΝ ΔΟΥΛΟΥΣ"
[ΑΡΙΣΤΟΤΕΛΟΥΣ ΠΟΛΙΤΙΚΑ, 1989, 601#cptResource222#]
name::
* McsEngl.wkrSlave.MODERN,
* McsEngl.slave.modern,
* McsEngl.modern-slavery,
_DESCRIPTION:
MODERN SLAVERY AND HUMAN TRAFFICKING: MYTHS & FACTS
Modern slavery is all around us, but most people don't even realize it. Learn the truth about these common myths and then sign up to end modern slavery for good.
[http://50forfreedom.org/modern-slavery/]
{time.2013}:
=== The number of people enslaved around the world is estimated to be 27 million - about the population of Texas.
wiseGEEK <learn@wisegeeknewsletter.com>
2013-05-18 9:50 AM (1 hour ago)
The number of people enslaved around the world is estimated to be 27
million - about the population of Texas.
It is estimated that 27 million people are enslaved worldwide. That is
about 0.3% of the world's population, or the equivalent of the population
of Texas. There is no definitive method of tracking the number of people
engaged in forced labor, so the exact number is not known. "Enslaved" tends
to be an umbrella term that refers to a person being forced to perform a
job to which he or she did not consent and from which he or she is unable
to escape. This occurs globally but is thought to be most prevalent in
Southeast Asia, Africa and Latin America. The majority of forced labor
tends to be for individuals or private enterprises, such as hereditary
collateral-debt bondage. This is when a person is used as a means of paying
back a debt. Other types of enslavement include government-forced labor
prison camps and sex trafficking, in which people are forced into
prostitution.
http://www.wisegeek.com/how-many-people-around-the-world-are-enslaved.htm?m
{time.Bce3000 :
=== ΜΕΣΟΠΟΤΑΜΙΑ:
ΣΕ ΣΟΥΜΕΡΙΑΝΑ ΑΝΑΓΛΥΦΑ ΠΑΡΙΣΤΑΝΟΝΤΑΙ ΑΙΧΜΑΛΩΤΟΙ ΔΕΜΕΝΟΙ, ΠΡΟΟΡΙΣΜΕΝΟΙ ΓΙΑ ΔΟΥΛΟΙ.
[#na194#Bernal, 1965, 170]
name::
* McsEngl.worker.employed.EMPLOYER,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy364.15,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy392,
* McsEngl.capitalist,
* McsEngl.employer,
* McsEngl.emr,
* McsEngl.hirer,
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.ΕΡΓΟΔΟΤΗΣ@cptEconomy392,
* McsElln.εργοδότης@cptEconomy392, {2012-11-29}
* McsElln.ΚΕΦΑΛΑΙΟΚΡΑΤΗΣ@cptEconomy392,
_GENERIC:
* worker.investor#cptEconomy364.16#
* entity.whole.systemBio.organism.animal.human.worker#cptEconomy364#
* organization manager##cptCore999.7##
_WHOLE:
* system.humans.economic.reproducing#cptEconomy7#
_DESCRIPTION:
ΚΕΦΑΛΑΙΟΚΡΑΤΗΣ είναι ο ΜΑΝΑΤΖΕΡ 'εταιριας' που είναι και ιδιοκτήτης των μέσων παραγωγής.
[hmnSngo.1995-04]
name::
* McsEngl.employer'law,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://www.tovima.gr/society/article/?aid=630660,
ΥΠΟΧΡΕΩΣΗ ΝΑ ΔΗΛΩΣΕΙ ΣΕ 8 ΜΕΡΕΣ ΛΥΣΗ ΑΠΑΣΧΟΛΗΣΗΣ ΜΙΣΘΩΤΟΥ:
Σημειώνεται πως με το ν. 1846/1951 θεσπίστηκε η υποχρέωση του εργοδότη να αναγγέλλει στον ΟΑΕΔ την για οποιονδήποτε λόγο αποχώρηση μισθωτού του εντός προθεσμίας οκτώ ημερών από την αποχώρηση του μισθωτού από την εργασία του.
[http://www.tovima.gr/society/article/?aid=630660]
name::
* McsEngl.employer.specific,
_SPECIFIC: employer.Alphabetically:
* foreign-employer
* member-employer
* self-employer
_SPECIFIC: employer.SPECIFIC_DIVISION.Member:
* foreign-employer
* foreignNo-employer
_SPECIFIC: employer.SPECIFIC_DIVISION.Employee:
* self-employer
* selfNo-employer
name::
* McsEngl.worker.EMPLOYED.NO,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy364.12,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy363,
* McsEngl.employable@cptEconomy363,
* McsEngl.looking-for-work@cptEconomy364.12, {2012-12-09}
* McsEngl.workerEmployedNo@cptEconomy363, {2011-07-06}
* McsEngl.professional.unemployed@cptEconomy363,
* McsEngl.UNEMPLOYED-professional,
* McsEngl.unemployed@cptEconomy363,
* McsEngl.worker.employedNo@cptEconomy363,
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.ΑΝΕΡΓΟΣ-ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑΤΙΑΣ,
* McsElln.ΑΝΕΡΓΟΣ@cptEconomy363,
* McsElln.ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑΤΙΑΣ'ΑΝΕΡΓΟΣ@cptEconomy363,
Noun
* S: (n) unemployed people, unemployed (people who are involuntarily out of work (considered as a group)) "the long-term unemployed need assistance"
Adjective
* S: (adj) unemployed (not engaged in a gainful occupation) "unemployed workers marched on the capital"
[wn, 2007-11-22]
_GENERIC:
* entity.whole.systemBio.organism.animal.human.worker#cptEconomy364#
_WHOLE:
* org-household#cptEconomy23#
* unemployment#cptEconomy364.12.1#
_DESCRIPTION:
* ΑΝΕΡΓΟΣ είναι ο ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑΤΙΑΣ που δε μπορεί να βρεί δουλειά.
[hmnSngo.1995-04]
===
* ΑΝΕΡΓΟΣ ΕΙΝΑΙ ο 'καταναλωτης' ΠΟΥ ΜΠΟΡΕΙ ΝΑ ΔΟΥΛΕΨΕΙ ΑΛΛΑ ΔΕΝ ΜΠΟΡΕΙ ΝΑ ΒΡΕΙ ΕΡΓΑΣΙΑ.
name::
* McsEngl.unemployment-insurance@cptEconomy,
_DESCRIPTION:
unemployment insurance
Government welfare scheme under which employable persons who are unemployed through no fault of their own (but are available for work and are actively seeking paying jobs) are given monthly sums (called unemployment benefit) for sustenance.
[term.of.the.day@businessdictionary.com, 2014-07-31]
name::
* McsEngl.wrkEmpldN.specific,
_SPECIFIC: Alphabetically:
* aggregate
* timeInterval
* timePoint
name::
* McsEngl.wrkEmpldNo.Aggregate.ECONOMY,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy364.12.1,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy163,
* McsEngl.workerAggregateEconomyEmployedNo@cptEconomy163, {2011-07-07}
* McsEngl.workerAggregateEmployedNoEconomy@cptEconomy163, {2011-07-07}
* McsEngl.workerEconomyAggregateEmployedNo@cptEconomy163, {2011-07-07}
* McsEngl.workerEconomyEmployedNoAggregate@cptEconomy163, {2011-07-07}
* McsEngl.workerEmployedNoAggregateEconomy@cptEconomy163, {2011-07-07}
* McsEngl.workerEmployedNoEconomyAggregate@cptEconomy163, {2011-07-07}
* McsEngl.aggregate.unemployed@cptEconomy163,
* McsEngl.unemployment@cptEconomy363.1,
* McsEngl.jobless@cptEconomy363.1,
* McsEngl.joblessness,
* McsElln.ΑΝΕΡΓΙΑ@cptEconomy163,
* McsElln.ανεργία@cptEconomy,
* McsElln.ΣΥΝΟΛΟ-ΑΝΕΡΓΩΝ-ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΙΑΣ,
_GENERIC:
* aggregate#cptCore88.19#
* problem#cptCore1.8.1#
_WHOLE:
* aggregate-economy-worker#cptEconomy364.6#
_DEFINITION:
ΑΠΟΘΕΜΑ:
ΑΝΕΡΓΙΑ είναι ΤΟ ΣΥΝΟΛΟ ΤΩΝ 'ΑΝΕΡΓΩΝ#cptEconomy363#' ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΙΑΣ.
[ΝΙΚΟΣ]
name::
* McsEngl.unemployment'OTHER-VIEW,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy402,
* McsEngl.views-on-unemployment,
* McsEngl.views.unemployment@cptEconomy402,
* McsElln.ΑΠΟΨΕΙΣ/ΘΕΩΡΙΕΣ-ΓΙΑ-ΤΗΝ-ΑΝΕΡΓΙΑ,
* McsElln.ΑΠΟΨΕΙΣ'ΓΙΑ'ΑΝΕΡΓΙΑ@cptEconomy402,
_GENERIC:
* other-view#cptCore505#
_DESCRIPTION:
ΑΠΟΨΕΙΣ ΓΙΑ ΤΗΝ ΑΝΕΡΓΙΑ είναι κάθε ΑΠΟΨΗ#cptEconomy505.1# για την 'ανεργία'.
[hmnSngo.1995-05]
Πώς η Πορτογαλία "εξαφανίζει" τους ανέργους
ΑΘΗΝΑ 01/05/2015
Μέχρι πρόσφατα τα ποσοστά ανεργίας, που ανακοίνωνε κάθε μήνα η εθνική στατιστική υπηρεσία της Πορτογαλίας, μειώνονταν συνεχώς προς μεγάλη ικανοποίηση της κυβέρνησης. Εδώ και δύο μήνες όμως το ποσοστό άρχισε πάλι να έχει ανοδική πορεία και να ξεπερνάει το 14%.
Η στατιστική αρχή προειδοποιεί μάλιστα ότι η ανεργία «με την ευρύτερη έννοια» ανέρχεται περίπου στο 22%.
Μετά το 2011 οι στατιστικές αρχές των ευρωπαϊκών χωρών δεν μπορούν πλέον να προσμετρούν στα ποσοστά ανεργίας τους ανέργους που βρίσκονται σε προγράμματα εκπαίδευσης και εύρεσης εργασίας. Έτσι δημιουργήθηκαν οι άνεργοι με τη «στενή» και την «ευρεία» έννοια.
Στις εφημερίδες αναφέρονται συνήθως αυτοί με την «στενή» έννοια, γιατί τα συγκεκριμένα νούμερα είναι χαμηλότερα.
Στην Πορτογαλία ο αριθμός των ανέργων που συμμετέχει σε προγράμματα έχει αυξηθεί σημαντικά από το 2013. Έτσι στο τέλος της περασμένης χρονιάς 170.000 άνεργοι «εξαφανίστηκαν» από τις στατιστικές με αποτέλεσμα το επίσημο ποσοστό να βρίσκεται περίπου τρεις με έξι ποσοστιαίες μονάδες χαμηλότερα από το πραγματικό.
Αριθμοί που τροποποιούνται εύκολα
Ο οικονομολόγος και κοινωνιολόγος Κάρλος Κάλντας, ο οποίος εργάζεται στο «Κέντρο για Κοινωνικές Στατιστικές» του Πανεπιστημίου της Κοΐμπρα, επισημαίνει τις αντιφάσεις των μελετών: «Τα ποσοστά ανεργίας μπορούν να μειωθούν μόνο σε μία αναπτυσσόμενη οικονομία. Επομένως είναι πολύ παράξενο να μειώθηκε το ποσοστό ανεργίας στην Πορτογαλία ενώ η οικονομία μένει στάσιμη.»
Η εθνική στατιστική υπηρεσία δουλεύει με εξαιρετικά αμφίλεγόμενα μέσα, υποστηρίζει ο επιστήμονας.
Περίπου 300.000 ως επί το πλείστον νέοι και ειδικευμένοι Πορτογάλοι έφυγαν από τη χώρα εν καιρώ κρίσης ενώ υπάρχουν και αρκετοί που έχουν εγκαταλείψει την προσπάθεια αναζήτησης. Αυτές οι δύο ομάδες ανέργων, όπως επίσης και εκείνοι που αναγκάζονται να δουλεύουν σε καθεστώς ημιαπασχόλησης ή περιστασιακά επειδή δεν βρίσκουν μια θέση πλήρους απασχόλησης, δεν λαμβάνονται υπόψη στον υπολογισμό.
Ο Κάστρο Κάλντας επισημαίνει ότι για τα ποσοστά ανεργίας ευθύνεται κυρίως η κακή οικονομική κατάσταση της χώρας. Τα νούμερα αυτά όμως τροποποιούνται εύκολα. Η πραγματική κατάσταση στην Πορτογαλία, όμως, είναι διαφορετική. «Ένας στους πέντε Πορτογάλους που είναι ικανοί να εργαστούν, δεν έχει δουλειά. Ενδεχομένως και ένας στους τέσσερις. Αυτοί οι αριθμοί αντικατοπτρίζουν την πραγματικότητα», εξηγεί ο Κάλντας.
Πάντως η στατιστική υπηρεσία αναγκάστηκε να διορθώσει ακόμη και το ποσοστό ανέργων «με τη στενή έννοια» τον περασμένο Δεκέμβριο, αυξάνοντάς το κατά 0,5%. Κατά συνέπεια η ανεργία στην Πορτογαλία στο τέλος του 2014 δεν μειώθηκε - όπως έσπευσε να πανηγυρίσει η κυβέρνηση- αλλά αντίθετα αυξήθηκε.
Ακόμη και με τη στενή έννοια της λέξης.
Πηγή: DW, Jochen Faget / Αλεξάνδρα Κοσμά
[http://www.nooz.gr/economy/portogalia-eksafanizoun-anergous-gia-na-meionetai-to-pososto]
ΣΥΜΦΩΝΑ ΜΕ ΤΗΝ ΚΛΑΣΣΙΚΗ ΘΕΩΡΙΑ,
ΤΟ ΕΠΙΠΕΔΟ ΤΩΝ ΤΙΜΩΝ ΣΕ ΜΙΑ ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΙΑ ΠΡΟΣΔΙΩΡΙΖΕΤΟ ΑΠΟ ΤΗΝ ΥΠΑΡΧΟΥΣΑ ΠΟΣΟΤΗΤΑ ΧΡΗΜΑΤΟΣ,
ΤΟ ΠΡΟΙΟΝ ΗΤΑΝ ΔΕΔΟΜΕΝΟ ΚΑΙ ΕΞΗΡΤΑΤΟ ΑΠΟ ΤΗΝ ΠΟΣΟΤΗΤΑ ΤΩΝ ΠΑΡΑΓΩΓΙΚΩΝ ΣΥΝΤΕΛΕΣΤΩΝ ΣΤΗΝ ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΙΑ
ΚΑΙ ΜΑΚΡΟΧΡΟΝΙΑ ΑΝΕΡΓΙΑ ΗΤΑΝ ΑΔΥΝΑΤΗ ΑΝ ΥΠΗΡΧΕ ΠΛΗΡΗΣ ΕΛΕΥΘΕΡΙΑ ΤΟΥ ΠΑΝΤΟΔΥΝΑΜΟΥ ΜΗΧΑΝΙΣΜΟΥ ΤΗΣ ΑΓΟΡΑΣ.
ΩΣ ΕΚ ΤΟΥΤΟΥ, ΣΥΜΦΩΝΑ ΜΕ ΤΗ ΘΕΩΡΙΑ ΑΥΤΗ ΔΕΝ ΥΠΗΡΧΑΝ ΣΟΒΑΡΑ ΜΑΚΡΟΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΙΚΑ ΠΡΟΒΛΗΜΑΤΑ ΓΙΑ ΕΞΕΤΑΣΗ.
[ΠΕΤΡΑΚΗ, 1977, 20#cptResource288#]
O keynes, με το πρωτοποριακό του έργο <The General Theory of Employment, Interest and Money" διατυπώνει το 1935 τη θεωρία ότι για να έχουμε ΠΛΗΡΗ ΑΠΑΣΧΟΛΗΣΗ και συγχρόνως ΝΟΜΙΣΜΑΤΙΚΗ ΣΤΑΘΕΡΟΤΗΤΑ χρειάζεται ενος ορισμένου μεγέθους ΣΥΝΟΛΙΚΗ ΕΝΕΡΓΟΣ ΖΗΤΗΣΗ που, στο δεδομενο επιπεδο τιμών, ν'απορροφάει ολόκληρο το προϊον που μπορεί να παραχθεί με την ολοκληρωτική αξιοποίηση των διαθέσιμων μέσων παραγωγής.
[ΚΑΡΑΓΙΩΡΓΑΣ, 1979, 85#cptResource121#]
O KEYNES ΕΔΕΙΞΕ ΜΕ ΤΗΝ ΑΝΑΛΥΣΗ-ΤΟΥ ΟΤΙ ΔΕΝ ΥΠΑΡΧΟΥΝ ΑΥΤΟΜΑΤΟΙ ΜΗΧΑΝΙΣΜΟΙ ΠΟΥ ΟΔΗΓΟΥΝ ΤΗΝ ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΙΑ ΣΕ ΠΛΗΡΗ ΑΠΑΣΧΟΛΗΣΗ ΚΑΙ ΩΣ ΕΚ ΤΟΥΤΟΥ ΜΠΟΡΕΙ ΝΑ ΥΠΑΡΞΗ ΙΣΟΡΡΟΠΙΑ ΣΕ ΕΠΙΠΕΔΟ ΧΑΜΗΛΟΤΕΡΟ ΤΟΥ ΕΠΙΠΕΔΟΥ ΠΛΗΡΟΥΣ ΑΠΑΣΧΟΛΗΣΕΩΣ, ΜΕ ΠΡΟΙΟΝ ΜΙΚΡΟΤΕΡΟ ΤΟΥ ΜΕΓΙΣΤΟΥ ΔΥΝΑΤΟΥ ΠΡΟΙΟΝΤΟΣ ΚΑΙ ΜΕ ΣΗΜΑΝΤΙΚΗ ΑΝΕΡΓΙΑ.
[ΠΕΤΡΑΚΗ, 1977, 20#cptResource288#]
"Keynes' theory of `full employment' for examle, is closely bound up with the theory of reproduction and his ideas on money, credit, and finance;"
[Smirnov et al, 1984, 9#cptResource289#]
ΑΜΕΣΗ ΑΙΤΙΑ ΕΙΝΑΙ Η ΑΝΟΔΟΣ ΤΗΣ <ΟΡΓΑΝΙΚΗΣ ΣΥΝΘΕΣΗΣ ΤΟΥ ΚΕΦΑΛΑΙΟΥ> ΣΤΗ ΔΙΑΔΙΚΑΣΙΑ ΤΗΣ ΣΥΣΣΩΡΕΥΣΗΣ ΤΟΥ.
[ΛΕΞΙΚΟ ΠΟΛΙΤΙΚΗΣ ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΙΑΣ 1983, 35#cptResource172#]
"The relative reduction in demand for labour power caused by growth of the organic composition of capital is the main cause of unemployment".
[Smirnov et al, 1984, 82#cptResource289#]
name::
* McsEngl.unemployment'evaluation,
Από την στιγμή που ο φόβος της ανεργίας ενισχύει το χάσμα μεταξύ:
(α) της οικονομικής αξίας της πρσπάθειας που αφιερώνεται στην παραγωγή από τους εργάτες και
(β) της αξίας του χρόνου τους (δηλαδή, του μισθού τους),
η ανεργία παίζει κεντρικό ρυθμιστικό ρόλο στην παραγωγή κέρδους και συνεπώς στην συσσώρευση κεφαλαίου.
[Βαρουφάκης, Πολιτική Οικονομία, 2007, 264]
“Η υπερβολικά υψηλή ανεργία είναι ένα από τα χαρακτηριστικά γνωρίσματα της ύφεσης – της αδυναμίας ανάπτυξης δηλαδή ενός κράτους. Μόνιμη ή προσωρινή, επιδεινούμενη ή όχι, δεν υπάρχει αμφιβολία ότι η ανεργία αποτελούσε πάντοτε μάστιγα – ενώ η δυνατότητα εξάλειψης της ήταν ανέκαθεν μέρος των ισχυρισμών περί της (δήθεν) ανωτερότητας του κομμουνιστικού καθεστώτος. (J.Schumpeter).
[http://www.casss.gr/PressCenter/Articles/2556.aspx]
Το θέμα της ανεργίας έχει γίνει πλέον ΣΤΡΑΤΗΓΙΚΟ ΖΗΤΗΜΑ για όλες τις χώρες του κόσμου και ιδιαίτερα για τις βιομηχανικές και μεταβιομηχανικές κοινωνιες.
[ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΙΚΑ ΧΡΟΝΙΚΑ, ΦΕΒΡ 1994, 3]
Unemployment is an indicator whose big advantages are that it very closely follows developments in the economic cycle, it is easily understandable, and it is easily and promptly measurable.
[http://yanisvaroufakis.eu/2014/06/16/a-proposal-for-federal-unemployment-benefits-in-the-e-zone-by-eu-commissioner-laszlo-andor/]
name::
* McsEngl.unemployment'Effect,
Ξεψύχησε όταν απολύθηκε
Τρίτη, 18 Σεπ 2012 10:01
Μια τραγωδία χωρίς προηγούμενο συγκλονίζει τα τελευταία 24ωρα χωριό του νομού Ηρακλείου με την μοίρα να αποδεικνύεται σκληρή για μια οικογένεια της περιοχής. Ανδρας 49 ετών ξεψύχησε έχοντας υποστεί ανακοπή την ώρα που ο εργοδότης του ανακοίνωσε ότι απολύεται.
Το περιστατικό σημειώθηκε πριν από μερικές ημέρες. Ο 49χρονος πατέρας δυο παιδιών 7 και 14 ετών εργαζόταν σε γραφείο που ωστόσο λόγω κρίσης αποφάσισε να προχωρήσει σε περικοπές.
Όταν του ανακοινώθηκε ότι απολύεται ο 49χρονος αισθάνθηκε δυσφορία και κατέρρευσε μέσα στο γραφείο. Όταν μεταφέρθηκε στο κέντρο υγείας ήταν πια αργά.
Πληροφορίες αναφέρουν πως ο άτυχος πατέρας είχε οικονομικές εκκρεμότητες και με τον μισθό του και εκείνον της συζύγου του τα έβγαζαν πέρα οριακά.
[http://www.gazzetta.gr/koinonia/article/326443-ksepsyxise-otan-apolythike]
Οι ψυχολογικές επιπτώσεις της ανεργίας
ΑΘΗΝΑ 31/05/2015
Η ανεργία προκαλεί ψυχολογικά φαινόμενα ανάλογα με αυτά της απώλειας, όπως ο θάνατος, το διαζύγιο ή το τέλος μιας σχέσης, τονίζουν σε επιστημονική μελέτη ο Γρηγόρης Ποταμιάνος, καθηγητής Κλινικής Ψυχολογίας στο Πάντειο Πανεπιστήμιο και ο Βασίλης Γκιτάκος, με μεταπτυχιακές σπουδές κοινωνιολογίας στο Παρίσι, ο οποίος διδάσκει σε σεμινάρια του Παντείου.
Η δραματική αυτή διαπίστωση υπάρχει στον πρόλογο του πονήματος με τίτλο «Το βίωμα της ανεργίας- οι άνθρωποι πίσω από τους αριθμούς» που εκδόθηκε πρόσφατα από τις εκδόσεις Παπαζήση.
Μια ομάδα ανέργων ηλικίας 25-55 ετών, που έζησαν την έλλειψη εργασίας περισσότερο από έξι μήνες, κλήθηκαν να περιγράψουν την εμπειρία και τους μηχανισμούς αντιμετώπισης της νέας κατάστασης στη ζωή τους, καθώς και να απαντήσουν σε ερωτήσεις σχετικά με τις αλλαγές που έχει επιφέρει η ανεργία στην εικόνα τους και τι σκέφτονται για το μέλλον. Η επεξεργασία των δεδομένων από την Έλλη Αβραμίδου, τον Γρηγόρη Αναγνωστάκο και τον Χρήστο Γκούμα, ολοκληρώθηκε το καλοκαίρι του 2014 και τα αποτελέσματα είναι πρόκληση για το κοινωνικό μας σύστημα.
Σύμφωνα και με αντίστοιχες διεθνείς μελέτες (Brenner,1977 ), μια αύξηση της ανεργίας προμηνύει στην προοπτική μιας πενταετίας αύξηση των αυτοκτονιών κατά 4, 1%, επισκέψεις σε ψυχιατρικές κλινικές κατά 3,3 %, δολοφονίες 4%, θνητότητα από αλκοολισμό 1,9 % και γενικό δείκτη θνησιμότητας κατά 1, 9 %.
Η Ελλάδα, διανύοντας τον έκτο χρόνο ύφεσης, σύμφωνα με τα στοιχεία της Ελληνικής Στατιστικής Αρχής, είχε ανεργία 25, 5 % (τέλος 2014) με τον αριθμό των ανέργων να φθάνει σε 1.229.370 άτομα. Το πιο ανησυχητικό είναι ότι το ποσοστό των μακροχρόνια ανέργων εκτινάχθηκε στο 75, 4 % και των νέων ανέργων ανέβηκε στο 25,5 %. Ειδικά στις νέες γυναίκες φθάνει το 56,6 %.
Ποιο είναι το βασικό μηνιαίο επίδομα ανεργίας; Είναι 360 ευρώ και καταβάλλεται για… έναν χρόνο! Με αποτέλεσμα- όπως επισημαίνουν οι ερευνητές- αν σκεφθούμε τη μείωση του κράτους πρόνοιας που επέβαλαν οι διεθνείς θεσμοί, οι άνεργοι, μετά από ένα χρόνο, υποχρεώνονται να καλύπτουν μόνοι τους το κόστος της υγειονομικής τους περίθαλψης.
Με τη μέθοδο της ημιδομημένης συνέντευξης 25 λεπτών, στην οποία ο ερωτών υποβάλλει με προδιαγεγραμμένες ερωτήσεις ακολουθώντας ενδιαμέσως τη ροή του λόγου των ερωτώμενων, οι οποίοι βρίσκονται στον προσωπικό τους χώρο και γνωρίζουν ότι ηχογραφούνται, προέκυψαν οι εξής απαντήσεις αυτομομφής:
-«Κλείνομαι στο εαυτό μου. Δε θέλω να βλέπω άνθρωπο. Νοιώθω ότι δεν ζω. Έχω νεύρα, λιγότερη αυτοπεποίθηση. Δεν έχω να προσφέρω».
-«Συγκρίνομαι με τους άλλους και λέω γιατί οι άλλοι έχουν δουλειά και εγώ δεν έχω; Μήπως τελικά δεν αξίζω; Μήπως μειονεκτώ σε σχέση με τους άλλους;».
-«Έχω ενοχές ότι πήρα λάθος αποφάσεις και έκανα λάθος κινήσεις. Το έχω πάρει βαρέως και όσο περνάει ο καιρός αισθάνομαι μειονεκτικά που οι άλλοι δουλεύουν».
-«Ακόμη και ο περίγυρός μου με βλέπει με οίκτο. Νοιώθω στιγματισμένος».
-«Τελικά νοιώθω οτι η ανεργία είναι ασθένεια».
Στο κεφάλαιο των συμπερασμάτων αναφέρεται ότι υπάρχουν άνεργοι που παραμελούν ακόμη και την εξωτερική τους εμφάνιση οδηγούμενοι στην παραίτηση, αλλά υπάρχουν και άλλοι που αντιμετωπίζουν το πρόβλημα με ενεργητικότητα αποστέλλοντας βιογραφικά, διαβάζοντας αγγελίες εργασίας σε εφημερίδες, ερευνώντας στο διαδίκτυο.
'Αλλοι έχοντας επιλεκτική στάση ως προς το αντικείμενο της δουλειάς και το μισθό που τους προσφέρει ο εργοδότης και άλλοι συμβιβάζονται με οποιαδήποτε εργασία και αμοιβή. Η διαφορά έγκειται στη ψυχική δύναμη του καθενός και της κάθε μιας, αλλά και στην υποστήριξη από κοινωνικά δίκτυα και από το κοντινό τους περιβάλλον…
Κώστας Μαρδάς (ΑΠΕ – ΜΠΕ)
[http://www.nooz.gr/entertainment/oi-psuxologikes-epiptoseis-tis-anergias]
name::
* McsEngl.unemployment'Evolution,
_QUERY:
* History#ql:[Field FdTimeSubject:workforce ]#, viewTime: {WORKFORCE ΑΝΕΡΓΙΑ/ΑΝΕΡΓΟΙ}
{time.2013}:
=== WORLD:
202 εκατομμύρια άνεργοι παγκοσμίως
ΑΘΗΝΑ 20/01/2014
Η απασχόληση παγκοσμίως δεν έχει επωφεληθεί από την αδύναμη οικονομική ανάπτυξη, επισημαίνει στην ετήσια έκθεσή του ο Διεθνής Οργανισμός Εργασίας (ILO), ο οποίος υπογραμμίζει ότι ο αριθμός των ανέργων έφτασε τα 202 εκατομμύρια παγκοσμίως το 2013 και ότι η ανεργία μεταξύ των νέων είναι ιδιαίτερα ανησυχητική.
Στην έκθεση του ILO για τις παγκόσμιες τάσεις της απασχόλησης το 2014 αποκαλύπτεται επίσης ότι η ανάπτυξη του τομέα της απασχόλησης παραμένει αδύναμη και ότι η ανεργία συνεχίζει να αυξάνεται, κυρίως μεταξύ των νέων, όπως και ότι πολλοί αποθαρρυμένοι εργαζόμενοι (23 εκατομμύρια) παραμένουν εκτός αγοράς εργασίας.
Με τον σημερινό ρυθμό, 200 εκατομμύρια επιπλέον θέσεις εργασίας θα έχουν δημιουργηθεί ως το 2018, σύμφωνα με την έκθεση του ILO. Ωστόσο ο αριθμός αυτός είναι κατώτερος από αυτόν που απαιτείται για να απορροφηθεί ο αυξανόμενος αριθμός των νεοαφιχθέντων στην αγορά εργασίας.
"Αυτό που έχουμε αμέσως ανάγκη είναι να ξανασκεφτούμε τις πολιτικές μας. Οφείλουμε να αυξήσουμε τις προσπάθειές μας για να επιταχυνθεί η δημιουργία θέσεων εργασίας και να υποστηριχθούν οι επιχειρήσεις που δημιουργούν θέσεις εργασίας", υπογραμμίζει στην έκθεση αυτή ο Γενικός Διευθυντής του ILO, Γκάι Ράιντερ.
Σχεδόν 74,5 εκατομμύρια άνθρωποι της ηλικιακής ομάδας 15-24 ετών είναι άνεργοι και το ποσοστό της ανεργίας μεταξύ των νέων ανήλθε σε 13,1% το 2013, δηλαδή είναι σήμερα το υπερδιπλάσιο του ποσοστού της ανεργίας για όλες τις ηλικιακές ομάδες παγκοσμίως.
Η παγκόσμια ανάκαμψη των αγορών εργασίας αναχαιτίζεται από ένα έλλειμμα στην παγκόσμια ζήτηση. Σε πολλές ανεπτυγμένες οικονομίες, οι δραστικές μειώσεις των δημοσίων δαπανών και οι αυξήσεις των φόρων εισοδήματος και των φόρων κατανάλωσης βαραίνουν πολύ τις ιδιωτικές επιχειρήσεις και τα νοικοκυριά, επισημαίνει τέλος στην έκθεσή του ο διεθνής οργανισμός.
[http://www.nooz.gr/economy/i-apasxolisi-den-exei-epofeli8ei-apo-tin-adinami-oikonomiki-anaptuksi]
{time.1967-1977: ΕΟΚ#cptCore13#
ΑΝΡΓΟΙ ΝΕΟΙ. Απο 21% έγιναν 35%.
[ΣΟΚΟΛΟΒΑ et al, 1978, 95#cptResource200#]
{time.1980}: ΑΓΓΛΙΑ#cptEconomy517#
ΞΕΠΕΡΑΣΑΝ 2.000.000
[ΒΟΣΤΡΙΚΟΦ, 1986, 85#cptResource162#]
{time.1981-1986: ΕΛΛΑΔΑ#cptCore18#
ΣΥΜΦΩΝΑ ΜΕ ΣΤΟΙΧΕΙΑ ΠΟΥ ΕΔΩΣΕ Ο ΥΠΟΥΡΓΟΣ ΕΡΓΑΣΙΑΣ ΓΕΝΝΗΜΑΤΑΣ, Η ΑΝΕΡΓΙΑ ΑΥΞΗΘΗΚΕ ΚΑΤΑ 93,2%.
Η ΑΠΑΣΧΟΛΗΣΗ ΜΕΤΑΒΛΗΘΗΚΕ ΚΑΤΑ ΤΟΜΕΙΣ. ΣΤΟΝ ΠΡΩΤΟΓΕΝΗ ΜΕΙΩΘΗΚΕ ΚΑΤΑ 5,3%, ΣΤΟ ΔΕΥΤΕΡΟΓΕΝΗ ΜΕΙΩΘΗΚΕ 1% ΚΑΙ ΣΤΙΣ ΥΠΗΡΕΣΙΕΣ ΑΥΞΗΘΗΚΕ ΚΑΤΑ 9,7%
[ΡΙΖ 20 ΑΥΓΟ 1988]
{time.1982}: ΗΠΑ#cptCore227#
ΑΝΕΡΓΙΑ. 11.000.000
[ΡΙΖ 20 ΟΚΤΩ 1982]
{time.1986}: ΕΛΛΑΔΑ#cptCore18#
ΣΥΜΦΩΝΑ ΜΕ ΥΠ ΕΡΓΑΣΙΑΣ ΤΟ ΠΟΣΟΣΤΟ ΗΤΑΝ 6,1% (109822) ΕΝΑΝΤΙ 5,1% ΤΟ 1985 (88.973). ΑΥΞΗΣΗ 23,3%. ΟΙ ΑΠΑΣΧΟΛΟΥΜΕΝΟΙ ΗΤΑΝ 1.694.400 ΚΑΙ 1.647.300 ΤΟ 1985.
[ΚΑΘΗΜΕΡΙΝΗ 21 ΙΑΝΟ 1987]
EOK#cptCore13#
ΣΥΜΦΩΝΑ ΜΕ ΤΗ ΣΤΑΤΙΣΤΙΚΗ ΥΠΗΡΕΣΙΑ ΤΗΣ ΕΟΚ Ο ΑΡΙΘΜΟΣ ΤΩΝ ΕΓΓΕΓΡΑΜΕΝΩΝ ΑΝΕΡΓΩΝ ΑΥΞΗΘΗΚΕ ΚΑΤΑ 14,8% ΣΤΟ ΔΙΑΣΤΗΜΑ ΝΟΕΜ 85/ΝΟΕΜ 86.
[ΡΙΖ 17 ΙΑΝΟ 1987]
{time.1986}: ΚΙΝΑ#cptCore180#
Η ΑΝΕΡΓΙΑ ΕΙΝΑΙ ΤΟ 10% ΤΟΥ ΕΝΕΡΓΟΥ ΠΛΗΘΥΣΜΟΥ.
[ΠΡΩΤΗ 10 ΣΕΤΠ 1986]
{time.1986}: ΜΕΞΙΚΟ#cptEconomy534#
ΑΝΕΡΓΙΑ. 3,5 ΕΚ. ΑΤΟΜΑ.
[ΡΙΖ, ΜΑΗΣ 1986]
{time.1986}: ΕΛΒΕΤΙΑ#cptCore115#
ΑΝΕΡΓΙΑ. ΣΗΜΕΡΑ ΥΠΑΡΧΟΥΝ 32.000 ΑΝΕΡΓΟΙ. Ο ΠΛΗΘΩΡΙΣΜΟΣ 3-4% ΤΟ ΧΡΟΝΟ. Ο ΡΟΛΟΣ ΤΟΥ ΚΡΑΤΟΥΣ ΕΙΝΑΙ ΑΡΚΕΤΑ ΠΕΡΙΟΡΙΣΜΕΝΟΣ. ΣΤΟ ΚΟΙΝΟΒΟΥΛΙΟ ΠΛΕΙΟΨΗΦΟΥΝ ΟΙ ΑΡΙΣΤΕΡΕΣ ΔΥΝΑΜΕΙΣ. 25% ΤΗΣ ΕΡΓΑΤΙΚΗΣ ΔΥΝΑΜΗΣ ΕΙΝΑΙ ΞΕΝΟΙ ΕΡΓΑΤΕΣ. ΓΙΑ ΝΑ ΓΙΝΕΙ ΔΗΜΟΨΗΦΙΣΜΑ ΧΡΕΙΑΖΟΝΤΑΙ 50.000 ΥΠΟΓΡΑΦΕΣ. Σ'ΟΛΟΚΛΗΡΗ ΤΗ ΜΕΤΑΠΟΛΕΜΙΚΗ ΠΕΡΙΟΔΟ ΕΓΙΝΑΝ ΜΟΝΟ ΜΕΡΙΚΕΣ ΑΠΕΡΓΙΕΣ. ΣΤΙΣ ΥΠΗΡΕΣΙΕΣ ΑΣΧΟΛΟΥΝΤΑΙ 55% ΤΟΥ ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΙΚΑ ΕΝΕΡΓΟΥ ΠΛΗΘΥΣΜΟΥ.
[ΠΡΟΒΛΗΜΑΤΑ..., ΑΠΡΙ 1986, #cptResource180#]
{time.1986}: ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑ#cptEconomy536#
ΑΝΕΡΓΙΑ 4 ΕΚΑΤΟΜΥΡΙΑ
[ΠΡΟΒΛΗΜΑΤΑ..., ΙΟΥΝ 1986, #cptResource180#]
{time.1986}: ΑΓΓΛΙΑ#cptEconomy517#
ΠΛΗΘΩΡΙΣΜΟΣ 3,4%. ΑΝΕΡΓΙΑ 11% ΤΟΥ ΠΛΗΘΥΣΜΟΥ. ΡΥΘΜΟΣ ΑΝΑΠΤΥΞΗΣ ΗΤΑΝ 2,6% ΤΟ ΚΑΛΥΤΕΡΟ ΑΝΑΜΕΣΑ ΣΤΙΣ ΑΝΑΠΤΥΓΜΕΝΕΣ ΔΥΤΙΚΕΣ ΧΩΡΕΣ. ΜΕΤΟΧΕΣ ΕΙΝΑΙ 8,5 ΕΚΑΤ. 1 ΣΤΟΥΣ 5 ΨΗΦΟΦΟΡΟΥΣ ΕΧΕΙ ΜΕΤΟΧΕΣ.
[ΡΙΖ, 13 ΙΟΥΝ 1987]
{time.1986}: ΙΑΠΩΝΙΑ#cptEconomy528#
ΑΝΕΡΓΙΑ ΗΤΑΝ 1.820.000 ΑΤΟΜΑ
[ΡΙΖ 9 ΜΑΙΟ 1987]
{time.1987}: ΕΟΚ#cptCore13#
ΑΝΕΡΓΙΑ, ΞΕΠΕΡΑΣΑΝ ΤΑ 17 ΕΚΑΤ. ΣΤΙΣ 12 ΧΩΡΕΣ, ΑΝΑΚΟΙΝΩΣΕ ΧΤΕΣ ΤΟ ΣΤΑΤΙΣΤΙΚΟ ΓΡΑΦΕΙΟ ΤΗΣ ΚΟΙΝΟΤΗΤΑΣ.
[ΡΙΖ 7 ΑΠΡΙ 1987]
{time.1987}: ΛΙΒΑΝΟΣ#cptEconomy537#
ΑΝΕΡΓΙΑ: 25%
[ΡΙΖ, 23 ΣΕΠΤ 1987]
{time.1987}: Ν.ΑΦΡΙΚΗ#cptEconomy538#
ΑΝΕΡΓΙΑ: 40% ΓΙΑ ΤΟΥΣ ΜΑΥΡΟΥΣ, 10% ΓΙΑ ΤΟΥΣ ΛΕΥΚΟΥΣ.
[ΡΙΖ, 9 ΣΕΠΤ 1987]
{time.1987}: ΙΣΠΑΝΙΑ#cptCore119#
ΑΝΕΡΓΙΑ 21,5% ΤΟΥ ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΙΚΑ ΕΝΕΡΓΟΥ ΠΛΗΘΥΣΜΟΥ, ΗΤΟΙ 3.000.000 ΑΤΟΜΑ.
[ΡΙΖ, 23 ΜΑΙΟ 1987]
{time.1987}: ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑ#cptEconomy536#
ΑΝΕΡΓΙΑ: 16%
[ΡΙΖ, 6 ΔΕΚ 1987]
{time.1988}: ΕΛΛΑΔΑ#cptCore18#
ΑΝΕΡΓΙΑ. ΣΥΜΦΩΝΑ ΜΕ ΕΠΙΣΗΜΑ ΣΤΟΙΧΕΙΑ ΠΟΥ ΠΑΡΟΥΣΙΑΣΕ Ο ΥΠΟΥΡΓΟΣ ΕΡΓΑΣΙΑΣ ΓΕΝΝΗΜΑΤΑΣ Ο ΑΡΙΘΜΟΣ ΤΩΝ ΑΝΕΡΓΩΝ ΑΥΞΗΘΗΚΕ ΚΑΤΑ 93,2%
[ΡΙΖ 20 ΑΥΓΟ 1988]
{time.1988}: ΗΠΑ#cptCore227#
ΑΝΕΡΓΙΑ 5,6%. ΣΕ ΑΝΑΚΟΙΝΩΣΗ ΤΟΥ ΥΠΟΥΡΓΕΙΟΥ Ο ΑΡΙΘΜΟΣ ΤΩΝ ΑΠΑΣΧΟΛΟΥΜΕΝΩΝ ΚΑΙ ΑΥΤΩΝ ΠΟΥ ΨΑΧΝΟΥΝ ΓΙΑ ΕΡΓΑΣΙΑ ΔΡΑΣΤΗΡΙΑ ΕΙΝΑΙ 122,7 ΕΚΑΤ.
[ΡΙΖ 4 ΙΟΥΝ 1988]
{time.1988}: WORLD#cptEconomy323.38#
ΑΝΕΡΓΙΑ: 100 ΕΚ ΣΤΙΣ ΜΗ-ΣΟΣΙΑΛΙΣΤΙΚΕΣ ΧΩΡΕΣ ΣΕ ΠΑΓΚΟΣΜΙΑ ΚΛΙΜΑΚΑ ΣΥΜΦΩΝΑ ΜΕ ΤΗΝ ΕΚΘΕΣΗ ΤΗΣ ΔΙΕΘΝΟΥΣ ΟΡΓΑΝΩΣΗΣ ΕΡΓΑΣΙΑΣ. ΣΤΙΣ ΑΝΑΠΤΥΓΜΕΝΕΣ ΚΑΠΙΤΑΛΙΣΤΙΚΕΣ ΧΩΡΕΣ ΕΙΝΑΙ ΠΙΟ ΚΑΤΩ ΑΠΟ 30 ΕΚ (ΟΟΣΑ)
[ΡΙΖ 21 ΑΥΓ 1988]
{time.1993}: ΙΑΠΩΝΙΑ#cptEconomy528#
ΑΝΕΡΓΙΑ. ΑΝΕΡΧΕΤΑΙ ΣΤΟ 2,3%
[ΚΑΘΗΜΕΡΙΝΗ, 11 ΑΠΡΙ 1993, 55]
{time.1993}: ΣΟΥΗΔΙΑ#cptEconomy401#
Η ΑΝΕΡΓΙΑ, ΠΟΥ Η ΕΝΝΟΙΑ-ΤΗΣ ΕΚΕΙ ΕΙΝΑΙ ΤΟΣΟ ΑΠΕΧΘΗΣ ΟΣΟ Ο ΠΛΗΘΩΡΙΣΜΟΣ ΣΤΗ ΓΕΡΜΑΝΙΑ, ΕΙΝΑΙ 7%.
ΦΕΤΟΣ ΑΝΑΜΕΝΕΤΑΙ ΝΑ ΜΕΙΩΘΕΙ ΤΟ ΑΕΠ.
[ΚΑΘΗΜΕΡΙΝΗ, 18 ΙΟΥΛ 1993, 46]
{time.1993}: ΑΓΓΛΙΑ#cptEconomy517#
ΑΝΕΡΓΙΑ. 10,8% ΔΗΛΑΔΗ ΣΧΕΔΟΝ 3 ΕΚΑΤΟΜΥΡΙΑ ΠΟΛΙΤΕΣ
[ΚΑΘΗΜΕΡΙΝΗ, 14 ΜΑΡΤ 1993, 28]
{time.1993, MAR: ΕΟΚ#cptCore13#
ΑΝΕΡΓΙΑ. 11%
[CNN, 14 MAR 1993]
{time.1993, JUN: ΚΙΝΑ#cptCore180#
ΠΑΝΩ ΑΠΟ 150 ΕΚ ΚΙΝΕΖΟΙ ΦΤΩΧΟΙ ΚΑΙ ΑΝΕΡΓΟΙ ΠΑΡΑΔΕΡΝΟΥΝ ΣΤΟΥΣ ΔΡΟΜΟΥΣ ΣΕ ΑΝΑΖΗΤΗΣΗ ΔΟΥΛΕΙΑΣ.
[ΒΗΜΑ, 13 ΙΟΥΝ 1993, Α24]
{time.1994}: ΠΑΓΚΟΣΜΙΑ#cptEconomy323.38#
ΑΝΕΡΓΙΑ:
830 εκ. ανεργοι σε ολο τον κόσμο.
20 εκ. στην Ευρωπαικη ένωση#cptCore13#
15 εκ. στην Αμερικη
[ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΙΚΑ ΧΡΟΝΙΚΑ, ΦΕΒΡ 1994, 3]
name::
* McsEngl.unemployment'ratio-to-workforce,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy163.1,
* McsEngl.unemployment'rate@cptEconomy163.1,
* McsEngl.rate-of-unemployment@cptEconomy163.1,
_DEFINITION:
rate = unemployment / potential-worker-members #cptEconomy364#
[hmnSngo.2011-04-01]
===
The unemployment rate is
- the ratio
- of those out of work (but seeking work)
- and the labour force (those in work and the unemployed looking for work).
[http://yanisvaroufakis.eu/2014/05/10/invigorated-joblessness-and-a-government-deficit-despite-growing-arrears-greeces-non-recovery-continues/]
name::
* McsEngl.unemployment'ΜΕΤΡΑ ΑΝΤΙΜΕΤΩΠΙΣΗΣ ΑΝΕΡΓΙΑΣ που έχουν παρθεί,
Η αντιμετώπιση της ανεργιας αποδείχτηκε ανεπιτυχης παρά τα μέτρα που έχουν ληφθει κατά καιρούς όπως:
- η αύξηση των δημοσίων επενδύσεων,
- η εφαρμογή της μερικής απασχόλησης,
- η πρόωρος έξοδος στη σύνταξη,
- η εντατική εκπαίδευση για εξεύρεση απασχόλησης στους τομείς αυξημένης ζήτησης,
- η επιδότηση των επιχειρήσεων για σχηματισμό νέων θέσεων εργασίας,
- ο σχηματισμός κεφαλαίων και με εισφορές εργαζομένων,
- ο σχηματισμος κεφαλαίων για εντατική εκπαίδευση και επανεκπαίδευση των εργαζομένων.
[ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΙΚΑ ΧΡΟΝΙΚΑ, ΦΕΒΡ 1994, 3]
name::
* McsEngl.unemployment'ΤΙ ΠΡΕΠΕΙ ΝΑ ΓΙΝΕΙ,
Το πρόβλημα δεν μπορεί να αντιμετωπισθεί από τα επιμέρους κράτη ή ενώσεις κρατών, αντίθετα επιβάλλεται η αντιμετώπισή του σε παγκόσμιο επίπεδο.
Μετά από την απελευθέρωση του διεθνούς εμπορίου είναι αναγκαία μια νέα διεθνής συμφωνία περί της λεγόμενης "κοινωνικής ρήτρας", που θα προβλέπει το σεβασμό του δικαιώματος του συνόλου των πολιτών στην εργασία και θα ΜΕΙΩΝΕΙ ΣΕ ΠΑΓΚΟΣΜΙΟ ΕΠΙΠΕΔΟ ΤΗΝ ΕΒΔΟΜΑΔΙΑΙΑ ΑΠΑΣΧΟΛΗΣΗ ΣΤΙΣ 35 ΩΡΕΣ.
Παράλληλα τα επιμέρους κράτη θα πρέπει να εντείνουν τις προσπάθειές τους για αύξηση των δημοσίων επενδύσεων στον τομέα των υποδομών, προκειμένου να δημιουργήσουν τις προϋποθέσεις αύξησης και των ιδιωτικών επενδύσεων, που θα περιορίσουν στο ελάχιστο την ανεργία.
[ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΙΚΑ ΧΡΟΝΙΚΑ, ΦΕΒΡ 1994, 3]
name::
* McsEngl.unemployment.SPECIFIC,
_SPECIFIC: Alphabetically:
* capitalism-unemployment#cptEconomy363.3#
* eu-unemployment#cptEconomy363.2#
name::
* McsEngl.unemployment.age.25UNDER,
How Many Young People are Unemployed?
In the US, workers under 25 have unemployment rates that are twice the national average.
15% of young people are unemployed in the US, which is approximately twice
the national average. This is equivalent to over four million people under
the age of 25 reportedly being willing and able to work but unable to find
jobs, according to 2013 numbers from the US Bureau of Labor Statistics. An
additional four million young people are underemployed, in which they work
part-time when they desire full-time jobs, or in jobs that are below their
employment qualifications. This decline in employment rates for young
people is thought to be the result of less job opportunities for those
without college degrees, which could be due to the increasing cost of
higher education.
Read More: http://www.wisegeek.com/how-many-young-people-are-unemployed.htm?m, {2014-07-28}
name::
* McsEngl.unemployment.CYCLICAL,
_DESCRIPTION:
The scheme should clearly focus on cyclical unemployment caused by a drop in aggregate demand, as opposed to structural unemployment caused by skills mismatches, less efficient labour market institutions and the like.
[http://yanisvaroufakis.eu/2014/06/16/a-proposal-for-federal-unemployment-benefits-in-the-e-zone-by-eu-commissioner-laszlo-andor/]
name::
* McsEngl.unemployment.societyCapitalism,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy363.3,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy585,
* McsEngl.unemployment.capitalism@cptEconomy585,
* McsEngl.capitalist-unemployment,
* McsElln.ΑΝΕΡΓΙΑ-ΣΤΟΝ-ΚΑΠΙΤΑΛΙΣΜΟ,
* McsElln.ΑΝΕΡΓΙΑ'ΚΑΠΙΤΑΛΙΣΤΙΚΗ@cptEconomy585,
* McsElln.ΒΙΟΜΗΧΑΝΙΚΟΣ-ΕΦΕΔΡΙΚΟΣ-ΣΤΡΑΤΟΣ,
_WHOLE:
capitalism economy#cptEconomy323.46#
_DEFINITION:
ΚΑΠΙΤΑΛΙΣΤΙΚΗ ΑΝΕΡΓΙΑ είναι η ΑΝΕΡΓΙΑ στον 'καπιταλισμο'.
[hmnSngo.1995-04]
ΟΣΟ ΜΕΓΑΛΥΤΕΡΟΣ είναι ο κοινωνικός πλούτος, το κεφάλαιο που λειτουργεί, η έκταση και η ένταση της αύξησής του, επομένως το απόλυτο μέγεθος του προλεταριάτου και η παραγωγική δύναμη της εργασίας του, ΤΟΣΟ ΜΕΓΑΛΥΤΕΡΟΣ είναι ο βιομηχανικός εφεδρικός στρατός. Η αύξηση της διαθέσιμης εργατικής δύναμης προκαλείται από τις ίδιες αιτίες που προκαλούν την αύξηση της επεκτατικής δύναμης του κεφαλαίου. Επομένως, το σχετικό μέγεθος του βιομηχανικού εφεδρικού στρατού αυξάνει μαζί τις δυνάμεις του πλούτου...
Αυτός είναι ο απόλυτος, γενικός νόμος της κεφαλαιοκρατικής συσσώρευσης.
[ΜΑΡΞ ΚΕΦΑΛΑΙΟ Ι, 1867, 667#cptResource118#]
name::
* McsEngl.unemployment.societyEU,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy363.2,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy481,
* McsEngl.eu-unemployment@cptEconomy481,
* McsEngl.unemployment.eu@cptEconomy481,
* McsElln.ΑΝΕΡΓΙΑ'ΕΕ@cptEconomy481,
* McsElln.ΕΥΡΩΠΑΙΚΗΣ-ΕΝΩΣΗΣ-ΑΝΕΡΓΙΑ,
_WHOLE:
* sympan'societyHuman.european_union#cptCore13#
_DESCRIPTION:
ΑΝΕΡΓΙΑ ΕΥΡΩΠΑΙΚΗΣ ΕΝΩΣΗΣ είναι η ΑΝΕΡΓΙΑ της ΕΕ#cptCore13.1#.
[hmnSngo.1995-05]
{time.2012}:
Eurozone jobless rises for 10th month
[http://www.ft.com/home/europe, 2012-04-02]
===
17 εκατομμύρια άνεργοι στην ευρωζώνη τον Φεβρουάριο
Τελευταία ενημέρωση: 02/04/2012 17:12
Τουλάχιστον 17 εκατομμύρια άνθρωποι έχουν βγει στην ανεργία στα κράτη-μέλη της ευρωζώνης. Το ποσοστό των ανέργων αυξήθηκε τον Φεβρουάριο στο 10,8%, στο υψηλότερο δηλαδή επίπεδο από την εισαγωγή του ενιαίου νομίσματος το 1999. Το υψηλότερο ποσοστό της ανεργίας βρίσκεται σταθερά στην Ισπανία, ενώ το χαμηλότερο στην Αυστρία και στην Ολλανδία.
[http://www.tanea.gr/]
name::
* McsEngl.EURES@cptEconomy363.2i,
_DESCRIPTION:
To EURES είναι ευρωπαϊκό δίκτυο που θα επιτρέψει σε όσους ζητούν εργασία ΚΑΙ σε όσους προσφέρουν εργασία να έρχονται σε επαφή σε ΕΥΡΩΠΑΙΚΟ ΕΠΙΠΕΔΟ. Η λειτουργία του αρχίζει σε λίγο. Στηρίζεται σε 250 "ευρωσυμβούλους εργασίας" εγκατεστημένους στα κυριότερα ευρωπαϊκά κέντρα (και στην Ελλάδα), που θα μπορούν να προσφέρουν κάθε πληροφορία σχετικά με την αγορά της εργασίας αλλά και τις συνθήκες ζωής, τις αποδοχές, τα κοινωνικά επιδόματα σε όλες τις χώρες. Κρίθηκε απαραίτητο, και για την αντιμετώπιση της ανεργίας που μαστίζει την Ευρώπη αλλά και για να μπορέσουν οι εργαζόμενοι, όπως το δικαιούνται, να κινούνται ελεύθερα σε όλη την ευρωπαϊκή αγορά.
[ΒΗΜΑ, 17 ΙΟΥΛ. 1994]
_TIME:
=== 2012-04-02: 1 347 224 job vacancies, 827 140 CVs and 26 829 employers registered.
name::
* McsEngl.unemployment.societyGERMANY,
{time.2012-2013}:
Σε επίπεδα - ρεκόρ ανήλθε ο αριθμός των εργαζομένων στη Γερμανία, για έβδομη συνεχή χρονιά, το 2013, αν και η άνοδος ήταν μικρότερη σε σχέση με τα δύο προηγούμενα έτη, όπως προκύπτει από τα στοιχεία της στατιστικής υπηρεσίας της χώρας.
Συγκεκριμένα, οι εργαζόμενοι στη μεγαλύτερη οικονομία της Ευρώπης έφτασαν πέρυσι στα 41,8 εκατομμύρια, με τη δημιουργία 232 χιλ. νέων θέσεων εργασίας. Η αύξηση των θέσεων εργασίας, ωστόσο, περιορίστηκε σχεδόν στο μισό του μέσου όρου των ετών 2012 και 2011.
Το ποσοστό ανεργίας στη Γερμανία διατηρείται σταθερό τα τελευταία δύο χρόνια μόλις κάτω από το 7%.
[http://www.naftemporiki.gr/finance/story/748473]
name::
* McsEngl.unemployment.societyGreece,
{time.2011.01-2012.01}:
Στο 21,8% η ανεργία τον Ιανουάριο
Στο 21,8% σκαρφάλωσε το ποσοστό ανεργίας τον Ιανουάριο του 2012 από 14,8% που ήταν τον Ιανουάριο του 2011 και 21,2% το Δεκέμβριο του 2011, σύμφωνα με τα στοιχεία που δημοσιοποίησε σήμερα η ΕΛ.ΣΤΑΤ. Στα 1.084.668 άτομα οι άνεργοι.
[http://www.naftemporiki.gr/ 2012-04-12]
name::
* McsEngl.unemployment.societySPAIN,
From WORLD Apr 27, 2012
Spain jobless rate rises near one in four
Minister warns of ‘crisis of enormous proportions’
[http://www.ft.com/cms/s/0/73402b46-9049-11e1-8cdc-00144feab49a.html#ixzz1tQTEF7dU]
name::
* McsEngl.unemployment.societyUSA,
{time.2012.12}:
US adds 155,000 jobs in December
The US added 155,000 jobs in December in a sign that the economy shrugged off concerns about the fiscal cliff and continued to grow at a modest pace.
The unemployment rate rose slightly, from 7.7 to 7.8 per cent, which was unchanged after slight revisions to the previous month and in line with market expectations.
http://link.ft.com/r/WDI4RR/20VB8M/GKIV3K/62L2YK/EKJUJA/N9/h?a1=2013&a2=1&a3=4
name::
* McsEngl.unemployment.STRUCTURAL,
_DESCRIPTION:
The scheme should clearly focus on cyclical unemployment caused by a drop in aggregate demand, as opposed to structural unemployment caused by skills mismatches, less efficient labour market institutions and the like.
[http://yanisvaroufakis.eu/2014/06/16/a-proposal-for-federal-unemployment-benefits-in-the-e-zone-by-eu-commissioner-laszlo-andor/]
The Economist explains
The three types of unemployment
Aug 17th 2014, 23:50 by C.W.
DURING the recent downturn, the unemployment rate in America jumped from 4.4% to 10%. Economic growth has since pepped up. But unemployment is nowhere near pre-crisis lows: America’s rate, at 6.2%, is still 40% higher than late 2006. Economists are raising the spectre of “structural” unemployment to explain this puzzle. What is it?
Economists often refer to three types of unemployment: "frictional", “cyclical” and “structural”. Cold-hearted economists are not too worried about the first two, which refer to people moving between jobs and those temporarily laid-off during a downturn. The third kind refers to people who are excluded—perhaps permanently—from the labour market. In econo-speak, structural unemployment refers to the mismatch between the number of people looking for jobs and the number of jobs available. It is bad news both for those who suffer from it and for the society in which they live. People out of work for long periods tend to have poorer health than average. The structurally unemployed also squeeze social-security budgets.
Structural unemployment in advanced economies has been rising for decades, as jobs in industries like mining and manufacturing have withered. In Britain between 1984 and 1992, employment in coal mining fell by 77% and in steelmaking by 72%. Communities that were built around a single profession were devastated. Many of the people affected only had experience of a specific, high-skill job. They did not have the skills or attributes needed to be successful in many service-sector jobs (such as working in a call centre or in a restaurant). Hence they were structurally unemployed. A different problem may be afflicting advanced economies today. The downturn was truly nasty and has lasted for years. Many people gave up looking for a job and withdrew from the labour force. In America the number of these “discouraged workers” jumped from 370,000 in 2007 to 1.2m in 2010. (Today it is twice its 2007 level.) Those who have been unemployed for more than a year are only one-third as likely to find a job as those unemployed for fewer than six months: employers believe that those unemployed for shorter periods of time are more motivated and skilled. Long-term unemployment can thus turn into structural unemployment.
But structural unemployment is not simply a product of economic busts. Karl Marx (who considered himself an economist) referred to a “reserve army of labour”. Marx argued that capitalism depended on people being out of work. The jobless, clamouring for employment, would ensure that workers were too scared to push for wage rises. Capitalists relied on the unemployed to keep their costs down. Marx exaggerated, though most economists would accept that a certain level of unemployment is inevitable: an attempt to achieve full employment would stoke massive wage inflation. Whatever its causes, governments have to understand structural unemployment. Economic growth alone will not be enough to get everyone into work. Supply-side reforms, such as job training (known by wonks as “active labour market policies”) are also needed.
[http://www.economist.com/blogs/economist-explains/2014/08/economist-explains-8]
name::
* McsEngl.wkrEmpldNo.Jobseeker,
* McsEngl.wkr.jobseeker,
name::
* McsEngl.worker.gender.WOMAN,
* McsEngl.wkr.woman,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* The Global Gender Gap Report 2015: http://www3.weforum.org/docs/GGGR2015/cover.pdf,
name::
* McsEngl.worker.income.AMATEUR (incomeNo),
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy364.8,
* McsEngl.amateur-worker@cptEconomy364.8, {2012-06-15}
* McsEngl.non-professional-worker@cptEconomy364.8, {2012-06-15}
* McsEngl.worker.professionalNo@cptEconomy364.8, {2012-06-15}
* McsEngl.worker.unprofessionally,
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.ερασιτεχνης-εργατης, {2012-06-15}
_DESCRIPTION:
I’ve been working on the web professionally since 2006, and unprofessionally since 1998 when I made my first website.
[https://philipwalton.com/about/]
===
amateur
1 amateur; amateurs
An amateur is someone who does something as a hobby and not as a job.
Jerry is an amateur who dances because he feels like it.
Taylor began his playing career as an amateur goalkeeper.
N-COUNT: oft N n
* professional
2 amateur
Amateur sports or activities are done by people as a hobby and not as a job.
She'd particularly like to join the local amateur dramatics society.
At college he studied English and did amateur boxing.
ADJ: ADJ n
(c) HarperCollins Publishers.
name::
* McsEngl.working.unprofessionally,
_DESCRIPTION:
I’ve been working on the web professionally since 2006, and unprofessionally since 1998 when I made my first website.
[https://philipwalton.com/about/]
name::
* McsEngl.worker.income.AmateurNo (income),
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy364.9,
* McsEngl.non-amteur-worker@cptEconomy364.9, {2012-06-15}
* McsEngl.professional-worker@cptEconomy364.9, {2012-06-15}
* McsEngl.worker.professional@cptEconomy364.9, {2012-06-15}
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.επαγγελματίας-εργατης, {2012-06-15}
_DESCRIPTION:
Worker (skilled or not) of a satisfier, with INCOME from this work.
[hmnSngo.2012-06-15]
===
amateur
1 amateur; amateurs
An amateur is someone who does something as a hobby and not as a job.
Jerry is an amateur who dances because he feels like it.
Taylor began his playing career as an amateur goalkeeper.
N-COUNT: oft N n
* professional
2 amateur
Amateur sports or activities are done by people as a hobby and not as a job.
She'd particularly like to join the local amateur dramatics society.
At college he studied English and did amateur boxing.
ADJ: ADJ n
(c) HarperCollins Publishers.
name::
* McsEngl.working.professionally,
_DESCRIPTION:
I’ve been working on the web professionally since 2006, and unprofessionally since 1998 when I made my first website.
[https://philipwalton.com/about/]
name::
* McsEngl.worker.job.ONE,
* McsEngl.one-job-worker@cptEconomy,
* McsEngl.worker.one-job@cptEconomy,
name::
* McsEngl.worker.job.ONE.NO,
* McsEngl.non-one-job-worker@cptEconomy,
* McsEngl.worker.one-jobNo@cptEconomy,
name::
* McsEngl.worker.ogn.ADMINISTRATION,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy364.59,
* McsEngl.worker.administration@cptEconomy364.59, {2014-10-11}
* McsEngl.wkrAdn, {2014-10-11}
_DESCRIPTION:
Any worker, working in a-society-administration-organization.
[hmnSngo.2014-10-11]
name::
* McsEngl.worker.ogn.HOUSEHOLD,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy364.58,
* McsEngl.worker.household@cptEconomy364.59, {2014-10-11}
* McsEngl.wkrHhd, {2014-10-11}
name::
* McsEngl.worker.ogn.PRODUCING,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy364.3,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy192,
* McsEngl.worker-of-producer@cptEconomy364.3,
* McsEngl.business-worker,
* McsEngl.worker.business@cptEconomy192,
* McsEngl.wkrPdg, {2014-10-11}
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.ΕΡΓΑΖΟΜΕΝΟΣ-ΕΤΑΙΡΙΑΣ,
* McsElln.ΕΤΑΙΡΙΑΣ-ΕΡΓΑΖΟΜΕΝΟΣ@cptEconomy192,
_GENERIC:
* worker#cptEconomy364.11#
* production-organization worker##
_WHOLE:
* system.humans.economic.reproducing#cptEconomy7#
_DEFINITION:
ΕΡΓΑΖΟΜΕΝΟΣ ΕΤΑΙΡΙΑΣ είναι ΕΡΓΑΖΟΜΕΝΟΣ 'εταιριας'.
[hmnSngo.1995-04]
name::
* McsEngl.worker.ogn.PUBLIC-SECTOR,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy364.51,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy611,
* McsEngl.government-worker,
* McsEngl.public-servant@cptEconomy611, {2012-04-10}
* McsEngl.worker.govBroad@cptEconomy611, {2012-04-11}
* McsEngl.worker.public@cptEconomy611,
* McsEngl.worker.public-sector@cptEconomy611, {2012-04-10}
* McsEngl.wkrPbl@cptEconomy611, {2012-05-08}
* McsEngl.workerGovBro@cptEconomy611, {2012-04-10}
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.ΔΗΜΟΣΙΟΣ-ΥΠΑΛΛΗΛΟΣ@cptEconomy611,
_GENERIC:
* worker#cptEconomy364.11#
_WHOLE:
* sector-gov-broad#cptEconomy359.2#
ΔΗΜΟΣΙΟΣ ΥΠΑΛΛΗΛΟΣ είναι ΕΡΓΑΖΟΜΕΝΟΣ σε 'δημόσιο οργανισμό'.
[hmnSngo.1995-05]
name::
* McsEngl.wkrPbl'compensation,
When comparing salaries of government workers, consider that they have a much, much lower risk of unemployment and layoff than the rest of the population.
This employment guarantee is a yuuuge hidden compensation.Nassim Nicholas Taleb added,
Derek Hunter@derekahunter
More Derek Hunter Retweeted Newsweek
The average salary of federal workers is about 70% higher than average salary of the Americans taxed to pay it. Plus they have taxpayer funded pensions, which they get after 20 years, which don't really exist for the Americans taxed to pay it.#CryMeARiver#Caring
[https://twitter.com/nntaleb/status/1035696378213806081]
name::
* McsEngl.wkrPbl'non-observed-economy,
Σύμφωνα με έρευνα του ΚΕΠΕ το 43% των δημοσίων υπαλλήλων έχει και δεύτερη δουλειά.
Το 1993 δηλωσαν 114.493 απο άλλες πηγές.
[ΒΗΜΑ, 27 ΝΟΕΜ. 1994, Δ3]
name::
* McsEngl.wkrPbl'Professioning,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy611.2,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy593,
* McsEngl.public-sector-profession,
* McsEngl.profession.public-sector@cptEconomy593,
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.ΔΗΜΟΣΙΟΣ-ΥΠΑΛΛΗΛΟΣ,
* McsElln.ΔΗΜΟΣΙΟΥ-ΤΟΜΕΑ-ΕΡΓΑΣΙΑ,
* McsElln.ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑ-ΔΗΜΟΣΙΟΥ-ΥΠΑΛΛΗΛΟΥ,
* McsElln.ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑ.ΔΗΜΟΣΙΟΥ-ΥΠΑΛΛΗΛΟΥ@cptEconomy593,
_GENERIC:
* entity.economic.satisfierWorking.servicing.working_skill#cptEconomy364.10#
_DESCRIPTION:
ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑ ΔΗΜΟΣΙΟΥ ΥΠΑΛΛΗΛΟΥ είναι ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑ για εργασία στο δημοσιο τομεα,
[hmnSngo.1995-04]
name::
* McsEngl.wkrAdgSct.SocGreece,
{time.2012}:
Δημόσιο: Στις 636.188 το τακτικό προσωπικό
NAFTEMPORIKI.GR Τρίτη, 10 Απριλίου 2012 12:10
Τελευταία Ενημέρωση : 10/04/2012 12:39
Σε 636.188 ανέρχεται το τακτικό προσωπικό στο Δημόσιο, σύμφωνα με τα στοιχεία του Υπουργείου Διοικητικής Μεταρρύθμισης και Ηλεκτρονικής Διακυβέρνησης μέχρι τις 9 Απριλίου του 2012. Επιπλέον, 49.546 υπάλληλοι εργάζονται ως έκτακτοι και άλλοι 20.242 με ποικίλες εργασιακές σχέσεις.
Τα παραπάνω γνωστοποίησε ο υπουργός Διοικητικής Μεταρρύθμισης και Ηλεκτρονικής Διακυβέρνησης, Δημήτρης Ρέππας, σε συνέντευξη Τύπου που παραχώρησε με τους υφυπουργούς Ντίνο Ρόβλια και Παντελή Τζωρτζάκη, για την ανακοίνωση της διασύνδεσης του μητρώου απασχολουμένων με το μητρώο μισθοδοτούμενων στο Δημόσιο.
Όπως είπε ο κ. Ρέππας, η διασύνδεση αυτή γίνεται για πρώτη φορά στην ιστορία της Ελλάδας.
Το μητρώο μισθοδοτούμενων δίνει τη δυνατότητα να γνωρίζουμε ανά πάσα στιγμή όχι μόνο πόσοι είναι οι υπάλληλοι του Δημοσίου (Δημόσιο, ΝΠΔΔ, ΟΤΑ) αλλά και ποιοι είναι. Το μητρώο περιέχει 75 ξεχωριστά πεδία τα οποία δίνουν την πλήρη εικόνα του κάθε υπαλλήλου.
Στην πρώτη απογραφή οι υπάλληλοι ήταν 768.000 και σήμερα είναι 712.000. Στο διάστημα αυτό προσλήφθηκαν περίπου 22.000 από διαγωνισμούς του ΑΣΕΠ
«Ικανοποιητική η μείωση του προσωπικού»
Σε ό,τι αφορά τον περιορισμό του προσωπικού στο Δημόσιο, επισήμανε ότι δεν πρέπει να δημιουργούμε εντυπώσεις όσον αφορά τις απολύσεις και την προβλεπόμενη μείωση του αριθμού των δημοσίων υπαλλήλων κατά 150.000 ως το 2015 και εκτίμησε ότι ο στόχος είναι εφικτός.
«Εμείς στο υπουργείο έχουμε σε εβδομαδιαία βάση μια συνεργασία με τους δανειστές, από την οποία φαίνεται πως η μείωση του προσωπικού στο ελληνικό δημόσιο είναι ικανοποιητική. Κινείται με ικανοποιητικούς ρυθμούς δηλαδή. Φαίνεται ότι είναι απολύτως δυνατό να πετύχουμε το στόχο. Ο αριθμός των νέων προσλήψεων, ο αριθμός των συμβασιούχων, μαζί με τις συνταξιοδοτήσεις και την κατάργηση οργανισμών και τις συγχωνεύσεις οδηγούν στο στόχο», σημείωσε χαρακτηριστικά.
ΕΠισήμανε ότι οι εκπρόσωποι των δανειστών έχουν ζητήσει απολύσεις, με κριτήρια ωστόσο, όπως είπε, ορθολογικά. «Πιστεύω ότι το θέμα της αναδιοργάνωσης των φορέων του δημοσίου και η αναδιάρθρωση της επόμενης περιόδου μπορούν να δώσουν αποτελέσματα», πρόσθεσε ο κ. Ρέππας.
[http://www.naftemporiki.gr/news/cstory.asp?id=2163373]
{time.1995, 30 ΙΟΥΝ:
299.425
[ΒΗΜΑ, 21 ΙΑΝ. 1996, Ε2]
{time.1994, 30 ΙΟΥΝ:
312.484 υπάλληλοι.
[ΒΗΜΑ, 21 ΙΑΝ. 1996, Ε2]
{time.1993}:
247.216 φορολογούμενοι δημόσιοι υπάλληλοι.
[ΒΗΜΑ, 27 ΝΟΕΜ. 1994, Δ3]
{time.1992}:
Σύμφωνα με τα τελευταία στοιχεια, 1992, υπάρχουν 495.690 άτομα.
116.799 υπηρετουν στα υπουργεία.
116.439 στα ΝΠΔΔ
45.094 στους ΟΤΑ
217.358 στα κρατικα ΝΠΔΔ.
[ΒΗΜΑ, 15 ΙΑΝ. 1995, Α38]
Μετά τη δημοσίευση της σχετικής νομοθετικής ρύθμισης στην Εφημερίδα της Κυβερνήσεως (ΦΕΚ 54/Α'/14-03-2012) τίθεται και επίσημα σε ισχύ το νέο πειθαρχικό δίκαιο των δημοσίων υπαλλήλων που προβλέπει αυστηρές ποινές για τους επίορκους δημόσιους λειτουργούς, ενώ, αλλάζει ταυτόχρονα και η σύνθεση των πειθαρχικών συμβουλίων.
Υπαρχουν μεγάλες διαφορες στις αποδοχες των εργαζομένων ανάμεσα σε κρατικούς οργανισμους-επιχειρήσεις και το δημοσιο τομεα με τη στενη έννοια του όρου.
Τον τελικο μισθο των εργαζομένων στο δημοσιο τομέα με την ευρύτερη έννοια διαμορφώνουν τα ΕΠΙΔΟΜΑΤΑ πολλά απο τα οποία εφευρέθηκαν την τελευταία δεκαετια για να υπάρξουν κίνητρα εργασίας μετά το ισοπεδωτικό ενιαίο μισθολόγιο του 1983.
Οι ακαθαριστες αποδοχες χωρις προσθετα επιδοματα (θεσης εξειδικευσης) ενος έγγαμου με δυο παιδια, πτυχιο ανώτατης σχολης, δεκαετη προϋπηρεσια είναι:
ΟΛΥΜΠΙΑΚΗ 358.789
ΤΡΑΠΕΖΑ 279.227
ΔΕΗ 245.000
ΥΠΟΥΡΓΕΙΟ 220.412
ΟΤΕ 216.104
[ΚΑΘΗΜΕΡΙΝΗ, 27 ΝΟΕΜ. 1994, 30s]
name::
* McsEngl.worker.ogn.PUBLIC-SECTOR.NO,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy364.53,
* McsEngl.non-public-sector-worker@cptEconomy364.53, {2012-12-29}
* McsEngl.private-sector-worker@cptEconomy364.53, {2012-12-29}
* McsEngl.worker.private@cptEconomy364.53, {2012-12-29}
name::
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy364.53.1,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy608,
* McsEngl.profession,
* McsElln.ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑ-ΙΔΙΩΤΙΚΟΥ-ΥΠΑΛΛΗΛΟΥ,
* McsElln.ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑ'ΙΔΙΩΤΙΚΟΥ'ΥΠΑΛΛΗΛΟΥ@cptEconomy608,
_GENERIC:
* entity.economic.satisfierWorking.servicing.working_skill#cptEconomy364.10#
ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑ ΙΔΙΩΤΙΚΟΥ ΥΠΑΛΛΗΛΟΥ είναι κάθε ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑ#cptEconomy53# χρησιμοποιούμενο σε 'ιδιωτικούς οργανισμούς'.
[hmnSngo.1995-05]
1993:
μεσος ετήσιος μισθος 1.942.240 δρχ.
[ΒΗΜΑ, 27 ΝΟΕΜ. 1994, Δ3]
_CREATED: {2019-05-05 skilled=professional} {2012-12-09}
name::
* McsEngl.worker.skill.SKILLED,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy364.2,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy364.23,
* McsEngl.skilled-professional@cptEconomy364.2,
* McsEngl.wkr.expert,
* McsEngl.worker.skill.PROFESSIONAL,
* McsEngl.professional@cptEconomy364.23, {2012-12-09}
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.εξειδικευμένος-εργάτης,
_DESCRIPTION:
Skill is a measure of a worker's expertise, specialization, wages, and supervisory capacity. Skilled workers are generally more trained, higher paid, and have more responsibilities than unskilled workers.[1]
Skilled workers have long had historical import (see Division of labor) as masons, carpenters, blacksmiths, bakers, brewers, coopers, printers and other occupations that are economically productive. Skilled workers were often politically active through their craft guilds.
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Skilled_labor]
_DESCRIPTION:
A professional is a person who is paid to undertake a specialized set of tasks and to complete them for a fee. The traditional professions were doctors, engineers, lawyers, architects and commissioned military officers. Today, the term is applied to nurses, accountants, educators, scientists, technology experts, social workers, artists, librarians (information professionals) and many more.
The term is also used in sports to differentiate amateur players from those who are paid—hence "professional footballer" and "professional golfer". Many companies include the word professional in their store name to imply the quality of their workmanship or service.
In some cultures, the term is used as shorthand to describe a particular social stratum of well-educated, salaried workers who enjoy considerable work autonomy and are commonly engaged in creative and intellectually challenging work.[1][2][3][4]
Due to the personal and confidential nature of many professional services, and thus the necessity to place a great deal of trust in them, most professionals are subject to strict codes of conduct enshrining rigorous ethical and moral obligations.
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Professional]
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* https://agenda.weforum.org/2015/08/which-countries-have-most-high-skilled-workers//
_ATTRIBUTE:
Classically, there were only three : divinity, medicine, and law[2]—the so-called "learned professions." The main milestones which mark an occupation being identified as a profession are:
1. It became a full-time occupation;
2. The first training school was established;
3. The first university school was established;
4. The first local association was established;
5. The first national association was established;
6. The codes of professional ethics were introduced;
7. State licensing laws were established.[2]
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Profession]
name::
* McsEngl.worker.EXPERT,
* McsEngl.expert-worker,
* McsEngl.human.expert,
* McsEngl.worker.expert,
_DESCRIPTION:
A great strategy to learn a lot on a short time is to talk to experts.
name::
* McsEngl.worker.skill.SKILLED.NO,
* McsEngl.unskilled-worker@cptEconomy,
* McsEngl.wkr.expertNo,
* McsEngl.worker.skilledNo,
* McsEngl.worker.unskilled,
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.ανειδίκευτος-εργάτης@cptEconomy,
* McsElln.εργάτης.ανειδίκευτος@cptEconomy,
_CREATED: {2012-12-25} {2012-06-04}
name::
* McsEngl.worker.skill.ACTUARY,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy364.25,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy315,
* McsEngl.actuary@cptEconomy315, {2012-06-04}
* McsEngl.worker.actuary@cptEconomy315, {2012-06-04}
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.αναλογιστης@cptEconomy315, {2012-06-04}
_GENERIC:
* entity.whole.systemBio.organism.animal.human.worker#cptEconomy364#
_DESCRIPTION:
An actuary is a business professional who deals with the financial impact of risk and uncertainty. Actuaries provide expert assessments of financial security systems, with a focus on their complexity, their mathematics, and their mechanisms (Trowbridge 1989, p. 7).
Actuaries mathematically evaluate the likelihood of events and quantify the contingent outcomes in order to minimize losses, both emotional and financial, associated with uncertain undesirable events. Since many events, such as death, cannot be avoided, it is helpful to take measures to minimize their financial impact when they occur. These risks can affect both sides of the balance sheet, and require asset management, liability management, and valuation skills. Analytical skills, business knowledge and understanding of human behavior and the vagaries of information systems are required to design and manage programs that control risk (BeAnActuary 2005a).
The profession has consistently ranked as one of the most desirable in various studies over the years. In 2006, a study by U.S. News & World Report included actuaries among the 25 Best Professions that it expects will be in great demand in the future (Nemko 2006). In 2010, a study published by job search website CareerCast ranked actuary as the#1 job in the United States (Needleman 2010). The study used five key criteria to rank jobs: environment, income, employment outlook, physical demands and stress. In 2012, the same study ranked the profession as the second best job (Thomas 2012).
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Actuary]
name::
* McsEngl.worker.skill.ARTIST,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy364.27,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy15,
* McsEngl.artist-professional,
* McsEngl.artist@cptEconomy15,
* McsEngl.professional.artist@cptEconomy15,
* McsEngl.worker.artist,
* McsElln.ΚΑΛΛΙΤΕΧΝΗΣ-ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑΤΙΑΣ,
_DESCRIPTION:
ΚΑΛΛΙΤΕΧΝΗΣ είναι ο ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑΤΙΑΣ που ασχολείται με την ΤΕΧΝΗ ...
[hmnSngo.1995-05]
_GENERIC:
* entity.whole.systemBio.organism.animal.human.worker#cptEconomy364#
_SPECIFIC:
* ΖΩΓΡΑΦΟΣ#cptEconomy364.54#
* ΘΕΑΤΡΙΚΟΣ ΣΥΓΓΡΑΦΕΑΣ
* ΛΟΓΟΤΕΧΝΗΣ#cptEconomy364.29#
* ΜΟΥΣΙΚΟΣΥΝΘΕΤΗΣ#cptEconomy364.39#
* ΠΟΙΗΤΗΣ#cptEconomy364.43#
* ΣΚΗΝΟΘΕΤΗΣ#cptEconomy364.32#
name::
* McsEngl.worker.artist.ACTOR,
* McsEngl.actor-artist,
* McsEngl.worker.actor,
* McsEngl.worker.artist.actor,
* McsElln.ηθοποιός,
name::
* McsEngl.wkrActor'brain,
What Happens to Actors’ Brains When They Get into Character?
Research shows that actors' brains change when they are in character, with less activity in the prefrontal cortex.
The best actors in the world embody the characters they’re playing,
immersing themselves in how the character might think, act and feel in
different situations. Many who use “method acting” techniques almost
become their character. But how extensive is the transformation, scientists
at McMaster University in Canada wondered. So they devised some tests for a
group of theater majors all trained to use the Stanislavski approach, and
measured their brain functions while they were deep in character. When the
actors were fully in character, the MRI scans showed decreased activity in
the prefrontal cortex, an area of the brain connected to self-awareness,
suggesting that the actors were truly "losing themselves" in their acting.
Read More:
http://www.wisegeek.com/what-happens-to-actors-brains-when-they-get-into-character.htm?m {2020-01-11}
name::
* McsEngl.worker.skill.artist.MUSICIAN,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy364.57,
* McsEngl.human.musician,
* McsEngl.wkr.musician,
* McsEngl.musician@cptEconomy364.57, {2014-03-16}
_DESCRIPTION:
A musician (or instrumentalist) is a person who is talented[1] in making music or performing music creatively, or one who composes, conducts, or performs music (particularly instrumental music).[2]
Musicians can specialize in any musical style, and some musicians play in a variety of different styles. Examples of a musician's possible skills include performing, conducting, singing, composing, arranging, and the orchestration of music.[3]
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Musician]
name::
* McsEngl.wkrMsn'Time.life,
How Great Is It to Be a Musician?
An Australian study found that, on average, pop and rock musicians die 25 years earlier than non-musicians.
There appears to be a heavy price to pay for musicians traveling the road
to stardom. A 2014 academic study at Sydney University studied the lives
and deaths of 12,665 musicians between 1950 and 2014 -- from rock, pop, and
other musical genres -- and determined that high-profile stars die up to 25
years younger than the average person. Those rock stars who died young are
legendary, from Jimi Hendrix and Janis Joplin to Amy Winehouse and Kurt
Cobain. The study indicated that musicians, particular those in the rock
and pop genres, are more susceptible to accidents, suicide, and homicide,
amounting to as much as a 10 times greater chance than for the general
population.
Read More: http://www.wisegeek.com/how-great-is-it-to-be-a-musician.htm?m {2016-11-20}
name::
* McsEngl.wkrMsn.MUSIC-COMPOSER,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy364.39,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy615,
* McsEngl.music-composer-professional,
* McsEngl.music'composer@cptEconomy615,
* McsEngl.professional.music-composer@cptEconomy615,
* McsEngl.wkr.artist.MUSIC-COMPOSER,
* McsElln.ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑΤΙΑΣ'ΜΟΥΣΙΚΟΣΥΝΘΕΤΗΣ@cptEconomy615,
* McsElln.ΜΟΥΣΙΚΟΣΥΝΘΕΤΗΣ-ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑΤΙΑΣ,
* McsElln.ΜΟΥΣΙΚΟΣΥΝΘΕΤΗΣ@cptEconomy615,
_GENERIC:
* entity.whole.systemBio.organism.animal.human.worker#cptEconomy364#
ΜΟΥΣΙΚΟΣΥΝΘΕΤΗΣ ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑΤΙΑΣ είναι ο ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑΤΙΑΣ που ξέρει το επάγγελμα του μουσικοσυνθέτη.
[hmnSngo.1995-04]
name::
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy364.39.1,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy491,
* McsEngl.composer-profession,
* McsEngl.profession.composer@cptEconomy491,
* McsEngl.working-skills.Composer,
* McsElln.ΣΥΝΘΕΤΗ-ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑ,
* McsElln.ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑ'ΣΥΝΘΕΤΗ@cptEconomy491,
_GENERIC:
* entity.economic.satisfierWorking.servicing.working_skill#cptEconomy364.10#
ΣΥΝΘΕΤΗ ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑ ειναι ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑ δημιουργίας μουσικής.
[hmnSngo.1995-03]
_SPECIFIC:
* 1678-1741 VIVALDI#cptHuman26#
1685-1750 BACH#cptHuman27#
1756-1791 MOZART#cptHuman40#
1770-1827 ΜΠΕΤΟΒΕΝ#cptHuman45#
1782-1840 ΠΑΓΚΑΝΙΝΙ#cptHuman50#
1813-1883 ΒΑΓΚΝΕΡ#cptHuman58#
1831-1901 VERDI#cptHuman65#
ΑΛΜΠΙΝΙΟΝΙ#cptHuman108#
ΓΚΕΡΣΟΥΙΝ#cptHuman117#
ΓΚΡΗΓΚ#cptHuman120#
ΘΕΟΔΩΡΑΚΗΣ, ΜΙΚΗΣ#cptHuman124#
ΚΟΝΤΑΛΥ#cptHuman130#
ΚΟΡΕΛΛΙ,#cptHuman132#
ΛΙΣΤ#cptHuman134#
ΜΑΛΕΡ#cptHuman135#
ΜΕΝΤΕΛΣΟΝ#cptHuman137#
ΜΟΥΣΟΡΣΓΚΙ,#cptHuman141#
ΜΠΑΡΤΟΚ,#cptHuman143#
ΜΠΕΡΛΙΟΖ,#cptHuman144#
ΜΠΡΑΜΣ,#cptHuman146#
ΝΤΒΟΡΖΑΚ#cptHuman148#
ΠΕΡΚΟΛΕΖΙ,#cptHuman152#
ΡΑΒΕΛ#cptHuman156#
ΡΟΣΣΙΝΙ#cptHuman159#
ΣΜΕΤΑΝΑ#cptHuman166#
ΣΟΠΕΝ#cptHuman167#
ΣΟΥΜΠΕΡΤ#cptHuman168#
ΣΤΡΑΒΙΝΣΚΙ,#cptHuman170#
ΣΤΡΑΟΥΣ#cptHuman171#
ΤΕΛΕΜΑΝ,#cptHuman176#
ΤΣΑΙΚΟΦΣΚΙ:#cptHuman179#
ΧΑΥΝΤΝ#cptHuman189#
ΧEΝΤΕΛ,#cptHuman190#
name::
* McsEngl.wkrMsn.DYLAN.BOB,
* McsEngl.Bob-Dylan,
* McsEngl.Dylan.Bob,
* McsEngl.human.DylanBob,
* McsEngl.Bob-Dylan,
* McsEngl.human.DylanBob,
What Was the Longest Music Tour in History?
Nobel Prize winner Bob Dylan has been on the road touring since 1988.
In 2016, singer-songwriter Bob Dylan made headlines around the world when
he was awarded the Nobel Prize in Literature. Although the Swedish Academy
didn’t hear from the 75-year-old rock legend for a couple of weeks, Dylan
finally stated that “the news about the Nobel Prize left me speechless. I
appreciate the honor so much.” Dylan can add the Nobel Prize to his long
list of achievements, including numerous Grammy Awards, a Golden Globe, an
Oscar, the Presidential Medal of Freedom, and a successful concert tour -
dubbed the "Never Ending Tour" -- that has been going on since 1988.
Throughout the 1990's, 2000's, and 2010's, Dylan has played between 70 and
120 shows each year.
Read More: http://www.wisegeek.com/what-was-the-longest-music-tour-in-history.htm?m {2016-11-17}
name::
* McsEngl.wkrMsn.PAPAZOGLOU.NIKOS {1948-2011},
* McsEngl.human.papagoglou.nikos,
* McsEngl.papazoglou.nikos@cptEconomy,
_DESCRIPTION:
Nikolaos (Nikos) Papazoglou (in Greek: ????? ?ap???????; 20 March 1948 – 17 April 2011) was a Thessaloniki-born Greek singer-songwriter, musician, and producer.
Papazoglou began performing in a number of Greek local groups in the 1960s. In 1972, he moved to Aachen in Germany with the group Zilotis (Greek: ????t??) in an attempt to break into the international music scene. The group recorded six songs in Milan, Italy. Shortly afterwards, he returned to Greece.
In 1976, Greek songwriter Dionysis Savvopoulos invited him to participate in Acharnees, a cycle of songs and stage acts based on the ancient comedy by Aristophanes. There Papazoglou met Manolis Rasoulis and the two, along with Dionysis Savvopoulos and Nikos Xydakis, produced in 1978 the influential Ekdikisi Tis Gyftias (Greek: ??d???s? t?? ??ft???, meaning The Revenge of Gypsies in Greek). The work received critical acclaim. Papazoglou and Rasoulis cooperated the following year in another successful work, Ta Dithen (?a d??e? meaning so-called in Greek).
Since 1984 the artist organized his tours by himself. He and his band known as Loxi falaga (Greek: ???? f??a??a meaning Oblique order), played in small venues in villages and small islands, gaining huge popularity with the general public. His works generated an ever-expanding audience in northern Europe and America and was very well known as a cult persona with his signature red bandana, the playing of the baglamas and considered a veritable world music figure.[1]
Very well known Nikos Papazoglou songs include: "?a?e?? ed? de? t?a???d?", "?? ????da", "?????st??", "?? µ???e? de? ?p?????? p?a" and "?d??????" as well as many others that have become big Greek and international hits. Many of his songs have been interpreted by other Greek artists and been sung in various languages.
Papazoglou was a producer and sound technician to many of the underground rock scene of Greece in the 1980s through his Agrotikon Studio.[2]
He lived in Thessaloniki with his wife and his two children. He died at 17 April 2011 after a long struggle with cancer.
Discography[edit]
Album title first in Greek, then English transliteration in parenthesis:
1978: ? ??d???s? t?? G?ft??? (I Ekdikisi tis Gyftias)
1984: ?a??ts? (Harαtsi)
1986: ??s? ?ef?? (Mιso Nefσn)
1990: S??e??a (Sνnerga)
1991: ?p?t?p??? ??????f?s?? st? ??at?? t?? ???aί?tt?? (Epitσpios ichogrαfisis sto theatro tu Lykabittϊ)
1995: ?ta? ???d??e?e?? pa??e t?? p?????da (Otan kidinevis paνkse tin puruda)
2005: ????ssa Se???? (Magissa selini)
2009: ?µ??? ?? e?? e?e? (Imoun ki ego ekei)
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nikos_Papazoglou]
name::
* McsEngl.worker.skill.artist.PAINTER,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy364.54,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy642,
* McsEngl.painter@cptEconomy642,
* McsElln.ΖΩΓΡΑΦΟΣ@cptEconomy642,
name::
* McsEngl.worker.skill.artist.POET,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy364.43,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy442,
* McsEngl.poet-professional,
* McsEngl.poet@cptEconomy442,
* McsEngl.professional.poet@cptEconomy442,
* McsEngl.worker.poet@cptEconomy, {2013-01-01}
* McsElln.ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑΤΙΑΣ'ΠΟΙΗΤΗΣ@cptEconomy442,
* McsElln.ΠΟΙΗΤΗΣ-ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑΤΙΑΣ,
* McsElln.ΠΟΙΗΤΗΣ@cptEconomy442,
_GENERIC:
* entity.whole.systemBio.organism.animal.human.worker#cptEconomy364#
ΠΟΙΗΤΗΣ ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑΤΙΑΣ είναι ο ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑΤΙΑΣ που ξέρει το επάγγελμα-του-ποιητη#cptEconomy603.1#.
[hmnSngo.1995-04]
name::
* McsEngl.poet-profession,
* McsEngl.profession.poet@cptEconomy603,
* McsEngl.working-skills.Poet,
* McsElln.ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑ-ΠΟΙΗΤΟΥ,
* McsElln.ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑ'ΠΟΙΗΤΗ@cptEconomy603,
_GENERIC:
* entity.economic.satisfierWorking.servicing.working_skill#cptEconomy364.10#
_WHOLE:
poet#cptEconomy364.43#
ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑ ΠΟΙΗΤΟΥ ειναι ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑ δημιουργιας καλλιτεχνικών γλωσσικών συνθέσεων.
[hmnSngo.1995-03]
name::
* McsEngl.wkrPoet.BYRON,
Did Lord Byron Have a Pet Bear?
English poet Lord Byron had a pet bear that would follow him around like a dog.
Lord Byron had a pet bear, according to people who knew the English poet.
In 1805, Byron began attending Trinity College, where he was said to have
kept a domesticated bear that followed him around in the same manner as a
pet dog. Accounts of Byron’s pet bear generally state that the
aristocratic poet brought the animal to stay in his dorm room out of
retaliation for not being permitted to bring a dog; the official rules did
not expressly forbid pet bears. Byron was known to have had an avid
interest in keeping animals as pets, including monkeys and peacocks,
throughout his life.
Read More: http://www.wisegeek.com/did-lord-byron-have-a-pet-bear.htm?m, {2014-03-06}
name::
* McsEngl.worker.skill.artist.WRITER,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy364.29,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy616,
* McsEngl.art-writer-616,
* McsEngl.worker.writer.artist@cptEconomy,
* McsEngl.writer,
* McsEngl.writer.artist@cptEconomy616,
* McsElln.ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑΤΙΑΣ'ΛΟΓΟΤΕΧΝΗΣ@cptEconomy616,
* McsElln.ΛΟΓΟΤΕΧΝΗΣ-ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑΤΙΑΣ,
_GENERIC:
* entity.whole.systemBio.organism.animal.human.worker#cptEconomy364#
_DESCRIPTION:
ΛΟΓΟΤΕΧΝΗΣ ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑΤΙΑΣ είναι ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑΤΙΑΣ που ξέρει το επάγγελμα του λογοτέχνη.
[hmnSngo.1995-04]
name::
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy364.29.1,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy617,
* McsEngl.profession.writter-literature@cptEconomy617,
* McsEngl.working-skills.Literature-writter,
* McsEngl.writter-profession,
* McsElln.ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑ-ΛΟΓΟΤΕΧΝΗ,
_GENERIC:
* entity.economic.satisfierWorking.servicing.working_skill#cptEconomy364.10#
_WHOLE:
writter#cptEconomy364.29#
ΛΟΓΟΤΕΧΝΗ ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑ είναι ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑ δημιουργίας καλλιτεχνικών γλωσσικών δημιουργημάτων.
[hmnSngo.1995-03]
ΑΙΣΧΥΛΟΣ#cptHuman59#
ΑΙΣΩΠΟΣ#cptHuman243#
ΑΡΙΣΤΟΦΑΝΗΣ#cptHuman224#
ΒΕΡΝ-(1828-1905)#cptHuman245#
ΓΚΟΓΚΟΛ (1809-1852) ΡΩΣΣΟΣ
ΓΚΟΡΚΥ (1868-1936)
ΕΥΡΙΠΙΔΗΣ#cptHuman195#
ΗΣΙΟΔΟΣ#cptHuman193#
ΣΑΙΞΠΗΡ-(1564-1616)#cptHuman253#
ΣΟΦΟΚΛΗΣ#cptHuman196#
name::
* McsEngl.worker.skill.FARMER,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy364.31,
* McsEngl.farmer,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy657,
* McsEngl.agricultural-worker@cptEconomy364.31,
* McsEngl.farmer@cptEconomy657,
* McsEngl.peasant@cptEconomy657,
* McsEngl.agriculturist,
* McsEngl.agriculturalist,
* McsEngl.human.farmer,
* McsEngl.wkr.agricultural,
* McsEngl.wkr.farmer,
* McsEngl.worker.agricultural,
* McsEngl.worker.farmer@cptEconomy657,
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.αγρότης,
* McsElln.ΑΓΡΟΤΗΣ@cptEconomy657,
_GENERIC:
* entity.whole.systemBio.organism.animal.human.worker#cptEconomy364#
_DESCRIPTION:
Σύμφωνα με όσα έχουν γίνει δεκτά από τη Διοίκηση, ΚΑΤΑ ΚΥΡΙΟ ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑ ΑΓΡΟΤΕΣ θεωρούνται τα ΦΥΣΙΚΑ ΠΡΟΣΩΠΑ τα οποία είναι κάτοχοι γεωργικής εκμετάλλευσης ως ιδιοκτήτες ή μισθωτές, αποκτούν το 50% του συνολικού εισοδήματός τους από την απασχόληση στη γεωργική εκμετάλλευση και απασχολούνται αυτοπροσώπως στη γεωργία κατά το 50% του συνολικού χρόνου απασχόλησης.
Ετσι κατά κύριο επάγγελμα αγρότης θεωρείται εκείνος που απασχολείται προσωπικά ή με τα μέλη της οικογενείας του κατά κύριο λόγο σε ΑΓΡΟΤΙΚΗ ΕΚΜΕΤΑΛΕΥΣΗ έστω και αν συμπληρωματικά χρησιμοποιεί και ξένους εργάτες. Ακόμη θεωρείται αγρότης και η ΣΥΖΥΓΟΣ του γεωργού ή κτηνοτρόφου, εφόσον απασχολείται προσωπικά με γεωργική εργασία σε ιδιόκτητες ή μισθούμενες γεωργικές εκμεταλλεύσεις ή εκμεταλλεύεται τα κτήματα που της έχουν παραχωρηθεί δωρεάν από τον σύζυγό της.
Εξάλλου, σύμφωνα με τα όσα έχουν γίνει δεκτά, θεωρείται ακόμη κατά κύριο επάγγελμα αγρότης και ο μισθωτός ή ο αγρολήπτης της γεωργικής εκμετάλλευσης, εφόσον η μισθωτή αγροληψία έχει συναφθεί εγγράφως και έχει κατατεθεί στην αρμόδια δημόσια οικονομική υπηρεσία.
ΔΕΝ θεωρείται κατά κύριο επάγγελμα αγρότης, έστω και άν αποκτούν εισόδημα από γεωργικές επιχειρήσεις:
- οι αγρότες που έχουν συνταξιοδοτηθεί πρόωρα, εκτός εκείνων που έχουν συνταξιοδοτηθεί πρόωρα λόγω αναπηρίας.
- τα πρόσωπα που απασχολούνται σε εξωγεωργικά επαγγέλματα, όπως πχ οι δημόσιοι υπάλληλοι, έμποροι, ελεύθεροι επαγγελματίες, υπάλληλοι νομικών προσώπων δημοσίου ή ιδιωτικού δικαίου, μισθωτοί ασφαλισμένοι στο ΙΚΑ και οι συνταξιούχοι του ΙΚΑ.
- εκείνοι που διευθύνουν απλώς ή επιβλέπουν τις εργασίες της γεωργικής επιχείρησης ή έχουν τον κίνδυνο της επιχείρησης χωρίς να ασχολούνται με τη γεωργία.
[ΒΗΜΑ, 14 ΙΑΝ. 1996, Δ30]
name::
* McsEngl.wkrFarmer'resource,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://www.thehindu.com/news/national/other-states/maharashtra-saw-3228-farmer-suicides-in-2015/article8103696.ece,
Maharashtra saw 3,228 farmer suicides in 2015
name::
* McsEngl.wkrFarmer.switzerland,
Ελβετία: Ζητούνται μετανάστες αγρότες, μισθός 3.000 ευρώ
ΑΘΗΝΑ 27/05/2015
Σε μια πρσπάθεια να προσελκύσει εργατικό δυναμικό για τα αγροκτήματα η Ελβετία προωθεί ένα πιλοτικό πρόγραμμα τριών ετών, που προβλέπει προσλήψεις προσφύγων, με μισθό... έως 3.000 ευρώ το μήνα!
Υπέρ του προγράμματος τάχθηκε η Ένωση Ελβετών Αγροτών καθώς και το υφυπουργείο Μετανάστευσης (SEM).
Γι' αυτή την πιλοτική δοκιμή έχουν επιλεγεί δέκα αγροκτήματα σε όλη την Ελβετία, τα οποία είτε απασχολούν ήδη πρόσφυγες είτε έχουν δεσμευθεί να το κάνουν φέτος.
Όσον αφορά τις μισθολογικές συνθήκες, ο μισθός για τον πρώτο μήνα θα είναι 2.000 ευρώ και από τον δεύτερο μήνα μπορεί να φτάσει ακόμα και τα 3.000 ευρώ, που είναι ο κατώτατος μισθός για τον αγροτικό τομέα!
Ήδη, η Ένωση Ελβετών Αγροτών ξεκίνησε εκστρατεία υποδοχής μεταναστών, που προτίθεται να εντάξει επαγγελματικά στις αγροτικές εργασίες (επί πληρωμή) και με επιπλέον παροχές, όπως η εκμάθηση της γλώσσας.
Σύμφωνα με την Ένωση και το SEM οι πρόσφυγες που θα προσληφθούν θα έχουν την ευκαιρία μέσα σε σύντομο χρονικό διάστημα να γίνουν οικονομικά ανεξάρτητοι και να ενσωματωθούν αρμονικά στην τοπική κοινωνία.
Παράλληλα, οι αγρότες θα ωφεληθούν από αυτό πρόγραμμα και δεν θα χρειάζεται να ψάχνουν για εποχικούς εργάτες ή για εργάτες εκτός συνόρων της χώρας.
Η Ενωση Αγροτών επεσήμανε ότι ο γεωργικός τομέας απασχολεί περίπου 25.000 έως 35.000 ξένους εποχικούς εργαζομένους κυρίως των Πολωνούς η Πορτογάλους.
[http://www.nooz.gr/world/elvetia-zita-prosfuges-agrotes-me-mis8o-3000-euro]
name::
* McsEngl.wkrFarmer.EVOLUTING,
{time.2016}:
=== INDIA: Maharashtra saw 3,228 farmer suicides in 2015
[http://www.thehindu.com/news/national/other-states/maharashtra-saw-3228-farmer-suicides-in-2015/article8103696.ece]
name::
* McsEngl.worker.skill.FILM-DIRECTOR,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy364.32,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy454,
* McsEngl.human.fil-director,
* McsEngl.film-director-professional/potential-worker,
* McsEngl.film-director@cptEconomy454,
* McsEngl.professional.film-director@cptEconomy454,
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑΤΙΑΣ.ΣΚΗΝΟΘΕΤΗΣ@cptEconomy454,
* McsElln.ΣΚΗΝΟΘΕΤΗΣ-ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑΤΙΑΣ,
* McsElln.ΣΚΗΝΟΘΕΤΗΣ-ΚΙΝΗΜΑΤΟΓΡΑΦΟΥ@cptEconomy454,
_GENERIC:
* entity.whole.systemBio.organism.animal.human.worker#cptEconomy364#
_DESCRIPTION:
ΣΚΗΝΟΘΕΤΗΣ ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑΤΙΑΣ είναι ο ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑΤΙΑΣ που ξέρει το επάγγελμα του σκηνοθέτη.
[hmnSngo.1995-04]
name::
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy364.32.1,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy597,
* McsEngl.director-profession,
* McsEngl.profession.director@cptEconomy364.32.1,
* McsEngl.working-skills.Director,
* McsElln.ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑ'ΣΚΗΝΟΘΕΤΗΣ@cptEconomy364.32.1,
* McsElln.ΣΚΗΝΟΘΕΤΗΣ-ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑ,
_GENERIC:
* entity.economic.satisfierWorking.servicing.working_skill#cptEconomy364.10#
ΣΚΗΝΟΘΕΤΗ ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑ ειναι ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑ δημιουργίας κινηματογραφικών ταινιων.
[ΝΙΚΟΣ,]
_DESCRIPTION:
A journalist is a person who collects, writes, or distributes news or other current information. A journalist's work is called journalism. A journalist can work with general issues or specialize in certain issues. However, most journalists tend to specialize, and by cooperating with other journalists, produce journals that span many topics.[1] For example, a sports journalist covers news within the world of sports, but this journalist may be a part of a newspaper that covers many different topics.
[https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Journalist] 2016-02-27,
===
A journalist collects, writes, and distributes news and other information. A journalist's work is referred to as journalism.
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Journalist]
name::
* McsEngl.journalism@cptEconomy,
_DESCRIPTION:
A journalist is a person who collects, writes, or distributes news or other current information. A journalist's work is called journalism.
[https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Journalist] {2016-02-27}
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://info-war.gr/2015/07/είμαι-έλληνας-δημοσιογράφος//
_SPECIFIC:
Journalism roles
Editing
Editor Copy editor Contributing editor Assignment editor Public editor Duty editor Political editor Managing editor Editor-at-large Editor-in-chief Editorial board
Staff
Journalists (reporters) Columnist Blogger Meteorologist Presenter (news) Pundit / commentator Fixer Stringer Correspondent Fact checker Food critic Gossip columnist News analyst Staff writer Photographer
[https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Journalist]
name::
* McsEngl.hmnJournalist.REPORTER,
* McsEngl.reporter,
* McsEngl.humanReporter,
_DESCRIPTION:
A reporter is a type of journalist who researches, writes, and reports on information to present in sources, conduct interviews, engage in research, and make reports. The information-gathering part of a journalist's job is sometimes called reporting, in contrast to the production part of the job such as writing articles. Reporters may split their time between working in a newsroom and going out to witness events or interview people. Reporters may be assigned a specific beat or area of coverage.
[https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Journalist#Roles]
name::
* McsEngl.hmnJournalist.CHATZISTEFANOU.ARIS,
* McsEngl.Aris-Chatzistefanou@cptEconomy,
* McsEngl.Chatzistefanou.Aris@cptEconomy,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* https://twitter.com/xstefanou,
* http://info-war.gr//
_DESCRIPTION:
Ο Άρης Χατζηστεφάνου γεννήθηκε στην Αθήνα το 1977 και είναι απόφοιτος του Τμήματος Πολιτικών Επιστημών και Δημόσιας Διοίκησης του Πανεπιστημίου Αθηνών. Εργάστηκε ως ραδιοφωνικός παραγωγός της Ελληνικής Υπηρεσίας του BBC στο Λονδίνο και ως ανταποκριτής στην Κωνσταντινούπολη. Στην Ελλάδα έχει συνεργαστεί με εφημερίδες όπως η Ημερησία και Η Καθημερινή, καθώς και με αρκετά περιοδικά και ραδιοφωνικούς σταθμούς. Είναι δημιουργός της ραδιοφωνικής και τηλεοπτικής εκπομπής Infowar του ΣΚΑΪ και αρθρογραφεί στην εφημερίδα Πριν. Το 2005 παρουσίασε το πρώτο του βιβλίο με τίτλο Τουρκία: Ανατολικά της ΕΕ. Ως φωτογράφος και δημοσιογράφος έχει πραγματοποιήσει αποστολές στις περισσότερες χώρες της Μέσης Ανατολής και της Ευρώπης, στη Λατινική Αμερική και την Ασία.
[http://www.livanis.gr/ViewAuthors.aspx?ValueId=621568]
name::
* McsEngl.worker.skill.info.INFO-TECH,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy364.35,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy514,
* McsEngl.info-tech-professional,
* McsEngl.professional.InfoTech@cptEconomy514,
* McsEngl.worker.infotech@cptEconomy514,
* McsEngl.wkrIct@cptEconomy514, {2015-03-29}
_GENERIC:
* entity.whole.systemBio.organism.animal.human.worker#cptEconomy364#
_DESCRIPTION:
ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑΤΙΑ ΠΛΗΡΟΦΟΡΙΑΚΩΝ-ΤΕΧΝΟΛΟΓΙΩΝ ονομάζω ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑΤΙΑ που ασχολείται με τις 'πληροφοριακές-τεχνολογίες#cptIt0.1#'.
[ΝΙΚΟΣ, ΙΟΥΝ. 1995]
name::
* McsEngl.wkrIct'CEPIS,
* McsEngl.Council-of-European-Professional-Informatics-Societies@cptEconomy,
* McsEngl.CEPIS@cptEconomy,
_DESCRIPTION:
CEPIS is the representative body of national informatics associations throughout greater Europe. CEPIS' main aim is to promote the development of the information society in Europe. It achieves this by focusing its efforts on a number of areas that are of particular interest to its members. Read more about CEPIS activities
Established in 1989 by 9 European informatics societies, CEPIS has since grown to represent over 450,000 ICT and informatics professionals in 32 countries. The first area of focus for CEPIS is to be a leading organisation in the promotion and development of IT skills across Europe. CEPIS is responsible for the highly successful ECDL programme and produces a range of research and publications in the area of skills.
It pros
As a professional body, CEPIS is actively involved in promoting Professionalism in IT practice amongst its members. This occurs through regular Europe-wide events and specific publications.
Education & Research forms the third main area of focus to which CEPIS is committed. CEPIS continues to highlight the importance of structured investment in education and research across Europe as it plays a critical role in the advancement of society and the greater European economy.
[https://www.cepis.org/index.jsp?&p=636&n=637]
name::
* McsEngl.worker.skill.MEDICIST,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy364.37,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy618,
* McsEngl.doctor@cptEconomy618,
* McsEngl.doctor-professional/potential-worker,
* McsEngl.health-professional@cptEconomy618,
* McsEngl.medicist@cptEconomy618, {2012-04-03}
* McsEngl.physician@cptEconomy618,
* McsEngl.professional.doctor@cptEconomy618,
* McsEngl.professional.health@cptEconomy618,
* McsEngl.worker.health.doctor@cptEconomy618,
* McsEngl.worker.MEDICIST,
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.ΓΙΑΤΡΟΣ-ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑΤΙΑΣ,
* McsElln.ΓΙΑΤΡΟΣ@cptEconomy618,
* McsElln.ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑΤΙΑΣ'ΓΙΑΤΡΟΣ@cptEconomy618,
* McsElln.επαγγελματίας-υγείας,
* McsElln.ιατρός@cptEconomy618,
_GENERIC:
* entity.whole.systemBio.organism.animal.human.wkr.scientist#cptEconomy364.45#
_DESCRIPTION:
ΓΙΑΤΡΟΣ είναι ο ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑΤΙΑΣ που ξέρει το επάγγελμα-του-γιατρού#cptEconomy619.1#.
[hmnSngo.1995-04]
name::
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy619,
* McsEngl.doctor-profession,
* McsEngl.profession.doctor@cptEconomy619,
* McsEngl.working-skills.Health,
* McsElln.ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑ-ΓΙΑΤΡΟΥ,
* McsElln.ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑ'ΓΙΑΤΡΟΥ@cptEconomy619,
_GENERIC:
* entity.economic.satisfierWorking.servicing.working_skill#cptEconomy364.10#
ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑ ΓΙΑΤΡΟΥ είναι το ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑ ... που παράγει αγαθα (υπηρεσίες) υγείας.
[hmnSngo.1995-04]
_SPECIFIC:
* PSYCHOLOGIST#cptEconomy364.49#
===
* ΙΠΠΟΚΡΑΤΗΣ#cptHuman203#
Οι ιατροί κατά κανόνα χωρίζονται σε 4 κλάδους: της παθολογίας, της χειρουργικής, της κλινικο-εργαστηριακής ή εργαστηριακής ιατρικής, και της ψυχιατρικής. Η κτηνιατρική είναι κλάδος που ασχολείται με τη θεραπεία των υπολοίπων ζώων.
[http://el.wikipedia.org/wiki/Γιατρός]
_DESCRIPTION:
China’s doctors not among society’s elite
In most western countries the medical profession guarantees prestige and high salaries but in China doctors are not among society’s elite
[FINANCIAL TIMES Monday October 07 2013]
name::
* McsEngl.worker.skill.MILITARY,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy364.40,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy469,
* McsEngl.militarist-professional,
* McsEngl.military-officer-469, {2012-04-03}
* McsEngl.professional.militarist@cptEconomy469,
* McsEngl.worker.military@cptEconomy469, {2012-04-14}
* McsEngl.wkrMil@cptEconomy469, {2012-04-14}
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑΤΙΑΣ.ΣΤΡΑΤΙΩΤΙΚΟΣ@cptEconomy469,
* McsElln.ΣΤΡΑΤΙΩΤΙΚΟΣ-ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑΤΙΑΣ,
_GENERIC:
* entity.whole.systemBio.organism.animal.human.worker#cptEconomy364#
ΣΤΡΑΤΙΩΤΙΚΟΣ ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑΤΙΑΣ είναι ο ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑΤΙΑΣ που ξέρει το επάγγελμα του στρατιωτικού.
[hmnSngo.1995-04]
name::
* McsEngl.wkrMil'Professioning,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy556,
* McsEngl.profession.military@cptEconomy556,
* McsEngl.military-profession,
* McsEngl.working-skills.Military,
* McsElln.ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑ-ΣΤΡΑΤΙΩΤΙΚΟΥ,
_GENERIC:
* entity.economic.satisfierWorking.servicing.working_skill#cptEconomy364.10#
ΣΤΡΙΑΤΙΩΤΙΚΟΥ ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑ είναι το ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑ εργασίας στο στρατο.
[hmnSngo.1995-04]
1993:
μεσο εισόδημα απο μισθους 2.523.155 δρχ το χρονο..
[ΒΗΜΑ, 27 ΝΟΕΜ. 1994, Δ3]
name::
* McsEngl.worker.skill.NEWTYPE,
* McsEngl.newtype-worker,
* McsEngl.wkr.newtype,
name::
* McsEngl.worker.skill.NEWTYPE.NO,
* McsEngl.old-type-worker@cptEconomy,
* McsEngl.wkr.oldtype,
name::
* McsEngl.worker.skill.PAID.NO,
* McsEngl.wkr.amateur,
name::
* McsEngl.worker.skill.PARASHUTIST,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy470,
* McsEngl.parashutist-professional,
* McsEngl.parashutist@cptEconomy470,
* McsEngl.professional.parashutist@cptEconomy470,
* McsElln.ΑΛΕΞΙΠΤΩΤΙΣΤΗΣ-ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑΤΙΑΣ,
* McsElln.ΑΛΕΞΙΠΤΩΤΙΣΤΗΣ@cptEconomy470,
* McsElln.ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑΤΙΑΣ'ΑΛΕΞΙΠΤΩΤΙΣΤΗΣ@cptEconomy470,
_GENERIC:
* entity.whole.systemBio.organism.animal.human.worker#cptEconomy364#
ΑΛΕΞΙΠΤΩΤΙΣΤΗΣ είναι ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑΤΙΑΣ του 'τομεα αμυνας'...
[hmnSngo.1995-04]
"Η ΧΡΗΣΙΜΟΠΟΙΗΣΗ ΑΛΕΞΙΠΤΩΤΙΣΤΩΝ, ΠΟΥ ΤΩΡΑ ΘΕΩΡΟΥΝΤΑΙ ΑΝΕΚΤΙΜΗΤΟ ΣΥΜΠΛΗΡΩΜΑ ΤΩΝ ΕΠΙΤΙΘΕΜΕΝΩΝ ΔΥΝΑΜΕΩΝ, ΥΠΗΡΞΕ ΣΟΒΙΕΤΙΚΗ ΚΑΙΝΟΤΟΜΙΑ ΚΑΙ ΟΤΙ ΤΗΝ ΕΙΧΑΝ ΧΛΕΥΑΣΕΙ ΟΛΟΙ ΓΕΝΙΚΑ ΟΙ ΞΕΝΟΙ ΣΤΡΑΤΙΩΤΙΚΟΙ ΕΜΠΕΙΡΟΓΝΩΜΟΝΕΣ ΤΟΤΕ ΠΟΥ ΔΟΚΙΜΑΣΤΗΚΕ ΓΙΑ ΠΡΩΤΗ ΦΟΡΑ"
[Bernal, 1982, 867#cptResource194#]
name::
* McsEngl.worker.skill.RELIGION-CREATOR,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy364.50,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy526,
* McsEngl.religion-creator@cptEconomy526,
* McsEngl.worker.religion-creator,
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑΤΙΑΣ'ΘΡΗΣΚΕΙΑΣΙΔΡΥΤΗΣ@cptEconomy526,
* McsElln.ΘΡΗΣΚΕΙΑΣ-ΙΔΡΥΤΗΣ,
_GENERIC:
* entity.whole.systemBio.organism.animal.human.worker#cptEconomy364#
ΛΑΟ-ΤΣΕ-(604)-()#cptHuman235#
ΒΟΥΔΑΣ-(567)-(480)#cptHuman234#
ΖΩΡΟΑΣΤΡΗΣ/ΖΑΡΑΤΟΥΣΤΡΑΣ
ΚΟΜΦΟΥΚΙΟΣ-(551)-(478)#cptHuman236#
ΙΗΣΟΥΣ-ΧΡΙΣΤΟΣ-1-33#cptHuman233#
ΜΩΑΜΕΘ-569-632#cptHuman232#
name::
* McsEngl.worker.skill.SCIENTIST,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy364.45,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy22,
* McsEngl.professional.scientist@cptEconomy22,
* McsEngl.scholar,
* McsEngl.sci'human,
* McsEngl.science'human,
* McsEngl.scientist-professional,
* McsEngl.scientist@cptEconomy22,
* McsEngl.wkrSci@cptEconomy22, {2012-05-01}
====== lagoSinago:
* McsEngl.homo'science@lagoSngo,
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑΤΙΑΣ.ΕΠΙΣΤΗΜΟΝΑΣ@cptEconomy22,
* McsElln.ΕΠΙΣΤΗΜΟΝΑΣ-ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑΤΙΑΣ,
* McsElln.ΕΠΙΣΤΗΜΟΝΑΣ@cptEconomy22,
====== lagoEsperanto:
* McsEngl.sciencisto@lagoEspo,
* McsEspo.sciencisto,
====== lagoChinese:
ke1xue2jia1; scientist,
ke1xue2; science; scientific knowledge; scientific,
jia1; -ist; -er; -ian; home; family; a person engaged in a certain art or profession; measure word for stores and schools,
_WIKIPEDIA: az:Alim, bn:????????, bg:????, ca:Cientific, cs:Vedec, da:Videnskabsmand, de:Wissenschaftler, el:Επιστήμονας, es:Cientifico, eo:Sciencisto, fa:???????, fr:Scientifique, gl:Cientifico, id:Ilmuwan, it:Scienziato, he:????, hi:?????????, lv:Zinatnieks, ms:Saintis, nl:Wetenschapper, ja:???, no:Naturviter, pl:Naukowiec, pt:Cientista, qu:Yachaq, ru:??????, simple:Scientist, sk:Vedec, sl:Znanstvenik, fi:Tieteilija, sv:Vetenskapsman, th:??????????????, uk:?????????, ur:????????, vec:Sienzsiato, zh:???,
_GENERIC:
* entity.whole.systemBio.organism.animal.human.worker.theorist#cptEconomy364.26#
_WHOLE:
* science-system#cptCore406.7#
ΕΠΙΣΤΗΜΟΝΑΣ ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑΤΙΑΣ είναι ο ΘΕΩΡΗΤΙΚΟΣ που τα προιόντα του είναι 'επιστημονικές πληροφοριες'.
[hmnSngo.1995-04]
name::
* McsEngl.wkrSci'Alma-mater,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy22.1,
* McsEngl.alma-mater@cptEconomy22.1,
_DESCRIPTION:
In modern times, it is often any school, college, or university at which one has studied and, usually, from which one has graduated.[2]
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Alma_mater]
name::
* McsEngl.wkrSci'Professioning,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy364.45.1,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy607,
* McsEngl.scientist-profession,
* McsEngl.profession.scientist@cptEconomy607,
* McsEngl.working-skills.Scientist,
* McsElln.ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑ-ΕΠΙΣΤΗΜΟΝΑ,
* McsElln.ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑ'ΕΠΙΣΤΗΜΟΝΑ@cptEconomy607,
_GENERIC:
* entity.economic.satisfierWorking.servicing.working_skill#cptEconomy364.10#
_WHOLE:
scientist#cptEconomy364.45#
ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑ ΕΠΙΣΤΗΜΟΝΑ ειναι ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑ με το οποίο γίνεται ανάπτυξη, διάδοση ΕΠΙΣΤΗΜΟΝΙΚΩΝ ΠΛΗΡΟΦΟΡΙΩΝ.
[hmnSngo.1995-03]
name::
* McsEngl.wkrSci.specific,
_SPECIFIC: wkrSci.alphabetically:
* worker.scientist.epistemologist#cptEconomy364.30#
* worker.scientist.chemist#cptEconomy364.55#
* worker.scientist.economist#cptEconomy364.28#
* worker.scientist.educator
* worker.scientist.historian#cptEconomy364.33#
* worker.scientist.linguist#cptEconomy364.36#
* worker.scientist.mathematician#cptCore89.8#
* worker.scientist.medicist#cptEconomy364.37#
* worker.scientist.philosopher#cptEconomy364.41#
* worker.scientist.physicist#cptEconomy364.41#
* worker.scientist.political#cptEconomy364.44#
* worker.scientist.researcher
* worker.scientist.sociologist#cptCore330.1#
* worker.scientist.self_educated
===
* ΕΠΙΣΤΗΜΟΛΟΓΟΣ
* ΓΙΑΤΡΟΣ#cptEconomy364.37#
* ΓΛΩΣΣΟΛΟΓΟΣ#cptEconomy364.36#
* ΙΣΤΟΡΙΚΟΣ#cptEconomy364.33#
* ΜΑΘΗΜΑΤΙΚΟΣ#cptCore89.8#
* ΚΟΙΝΩΝΙΟΛΟΓΟΣ#cptCore330.1#
* ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΟΛΟΓΟΣ#cptEconomy364.28#
* ΠΟΛΙΤΙΚΟΣ ΘΕΩΡΗΤΙΚΟΣ#cptEconomy364.44#
* ΦΙΛΟΣΟΦΟΣ#cptEconomy364.41#
* ΦΥΣΙΚΟΣ#cptEconomy364.41#
name::
* McsEngl.wkrSci.NOBEL-LAUREATE,
* McsEngl.human.Nobel-laureate,
* McsEngl.Nobel-laureate,
* McsEngl.scientist.Nobel-laureate,
What Life Experience Do Many U.S. Nobel Laureates Have in Common?
Nearly a third of all U.S.-based Nobel laureates have been immigrants, or were born outside of the United States.
The United States has garnered almost three times as many Nobel Prizes as
any other country, but that's not to say that it doesn't owe a great deal
of debt to those other nations. More than 100 of the U.S.-based winners of
the coveted prize were born outside of America and immigrated. That's a
huge proportion of America's 375 Nobel laureates. In fact, as of 2019,
immigrants to the United States have taken home more of the awards than
people from any nation outside of America. In 2016, for example, the United
States boasted six Nobel Prize winners in research fields. All of those
winners were immigrants, many of whom work at U.S. universities.
Read More:
http://www.wisegeek.com/what-life-experience-do-many-us-nobel-laureates-have-in-common.htm?m {2019-06-13}
name::
* McsEngl.wkrSci.RESEARCHER,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy22.2,
* McsEngl.researcher@cptEconomy22.2, {2012-06-09}
* McsEngl.worker.researcher@cptEconomy22.2, {2012-06-09}
* McsEngl.worker.scientist.researcher@cptEconomy22.2, {2012-06-09}
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.ερευνητης@cptEconomy22.2, {2012-06-09}
name::
* McsEngl.wkrSci.society.GREECE,
* McsEngl.scientist.greek@cptEconomy,
Έλληνες το 3% των επιστημόνων σε όλο τον κόσμο!
ΑΘΗΝΑ 15/06/2015
Η Ελλάδα είναι μια μικρή χώρα, αλλά το ειδικό βάρος των επιστημόνων της, διεθνώς, είναι δυσανάλογα μεγάλο σε σχέση με το μέγεθός της. Αν και πληθυσμιακά οι Έλληνες αποτελούν λιγότερο από το 0,2% του παγκόσμιου πληθυσμού, ανάμεσα στους κορυφαίους επιστήμονες το ποσοστό των Ελλήνων πλησιάζει το 3%.
Όμως, από αυτούς, μόνο ένας στους επτά (14%) έζησε ή ζει στην Ελλάδα, ενώ όλοι οι άλλοι στο εξωτερικό (86%), όπου αρκετοί γεννήθηκαν, ενώ ακόμη περισσότεροι έφυγαν ως μετανάστες.
Αυτό προκύπτει από τα στοιχεία που παρουσίασε, το Σάββατο, στο Πανελλήνιο Ιατρικό Συνέδριο στην Αθήνα, ο Γιάννης Ιωαννίδης, καθηγητής ιατρικής του Πανεπιστημίου Στάνφορντ της Καλιφόρνια, ειδικός σε θέματα στατιστικής.
Δίνοντας την πρώτη ετήσια διάλεξη στη μνήμη του καθηγητή του Δημήτρη Τριχόπουλου, με θέμα "Η φυγή των Ελλήνων επιστημόνων - μια μετα-ανάλυση", ο Ιωαννίδης παρουσίασε στατιστικά στοιχεία για τους συνολικά 672 επιστήμονες με ελληνικά ονόματα, οι οποίοι έχουν τη μεγαλύτερη επιρροή στη διεθνή επιστημονική βιβλιογραφία, με βάση τα αντικειμενικά δεδομένα της βάσης Google Scholar.
Κατά μέσο όρο, οι 672 Έλληνες επιστήμονες έχουν πάρει 17 χιλιάδες αναφορές ο καθένας τους στη διεθνή επιστημονική βιβλιογραφία. Από τους 672, οι 33 έχουν φύγει από τη ζωή, ενώ οι υπόλοιποι έχουν σχεδόν όλοι φύγει από την Ελλάδα.
Στον ευρύτερο επιστημονικό χώρο, υπάρχουν πάνω από 20 εκατομμύρια συγγραφείς που έχουν κάνει τουλάχιστον μια επιστημονική δημοσίευση. Τα ελληνικά ονόματα αντιπροσωπεύουν περίπου το 1% του συνόλου (δηλαδή 200 χιλιάδες), ενώ μεταξύ των κορυφαίων επιστημόνων, είτε εν ζωή, είτε όχι, το ποσοστό των ελληνικών ονομάτων πλησιάζει το 3%.
Ο αρχαιότερος Έλληνας επιστήμονας είναι ο Αριστοτέλης, ο οποίος, αν και τόσο παλαιός, συνεχίζει να αναφέρεται συχνά στη σύγχρονη επιστημονική βιβλιογραφία.
Από τους 672 κορυφαίους Έλληνες επιστήμονες, μόνο οι 95 (το 14%) βρίσκονται στην Ελλάδα. Περισσότεροι από τους μισούς (376 άτομα ή το 56%) ζουν στις ΗΠΑ και ακολουθούν ως χώρες διαμονής και εργασίας το Ηνωμένο Βασίλειο (60 επιστήμονες ή το 9%), ο Καναδάς (31), η Γερμανία (24), η Γαλλία (20), η Ελβετία (19), η Αυστραλία (17), η Κύπρος (9) και άλλες χώρες (21).
Η περιοχή σε όλο τον κόσμο με τον μεγαλύτερο αριθμό κορυφαίων Ελλήνων επιστημόνων είναι η Καλιφόρνια (74 άτομα) και ακολουθούν η Μασαχουσέτη (64), η Νέα Υόρκη (62), η λοιπή Ελλάδα πλην Αθηνών (48), η Αθήνα (47), το Λονδίνο (31), το Τέξας (21), η Πενσιλβάνια (21), το «δίδυμο» Οξφόρδης-Κέμπριτζ (19), το Κονέκτικατ (17) και το Ιλινόις (15).
Από τους 40 επιστήμονες με τον μεγαλύτερο συνολικό αριθμό αναφορών που ζουν ακόμα, μόνο ένας βρίσκεται κυρίως στην Ελλάδα, ενώ οι 34 (ποσοστό 85%) βρίσκονται στις ΗΠΑ. Σε όλα τα επιστημονικά πεδία, ακόμα και αυτοί που βρίσκονται στην Ελλάδα, τις περισσότερες φορές έχουν κάνει το μεγαλύτερο μέρος του έργου τους σε άλλες χώρες.
Ποιοι ήσαν και πού πέθαναν οι κορυφαίοι Έλληνες επιστήμονες.
[http://www.nooz.gr/greece/ellines-to-3-ton-epistimonon-se-olo-ton-kosmo]
name::
* McsEngl.worker.skil.scientist.APPLIED (technologist),
* McsEngl.human.technologist,
* McsEngl.technologist@cptEconomy,
* McsEngl.wkr.applied-scientist,
* McsEngl.wkr.technologist,
* McsEngl.humanTch,
* McsEngl.wkrTch@cptEconomy,
_SPECIFIC:
* ai#ql:ai'human#
* engineer##
name::
* McsEngl.wkrTch.ENGINEER,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy111.1,
* McsEngl.engineer@cptEconomy111.1, {2012-12-09}
* McsEngl.wkrEng@cptEconomy111.1, {2012-12-09}
_DESCRIPTION:
An engineer is a professional practitioner of engineering, concerned with applying scientific knowledge, mathematics and ingenuity to develop solutions for technical, social and economic problems. Engineers design materials, structures and systems while considering the limitations imposed by practicality, safety and cost.[1][2] The word engineer is derived from the Latin roots ingeniare ("to contrive, devise") and ingenium ("cleverness").[3][4]
Engineers are grounded in applied sciences, and their work in research and development is distinct from the basic research focus of scientists.[2] The work of engineers forms the link between scientific discoveries and their subsequent applications to human needs and quality of life.[1]
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Engineer]
name::
* McsEngl.wkrEng'Perception,
Statue of engineer Robert Fulton at the United States Capitol
The perception of engineering varies across countries and continents. In the United States, continental western Europe, eastern Europe, Asia, the Middle East, Latin America and Canada engineering and engineers are held in very high esteem.
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Engineer]
name::
* McsEngl.wkrTch.GATES.BILL,
* McsEngl.human.Gates.Bill,
* McsEngl.Bill-Gates@cptEconomy,
_DESCRIPTION:
Bill Gates is a technologist, business leader, and philanthropist. He grew up in Seattle, Washington, with an amazing and supportive family who encouraged his interest in computers at an early age. He dropped out of college to start Microsoft with his childhood friend Paul Allen. He married Melinda French in 1994 and they have three children. Today, Bill and Melinda Gates co-chair the charitable foundation bearing their names and are working together to give their wealth back to society.
Bill grew up in Seattle with his two sisters. His dad, William H. Gates II, is a Seattle attorney and one of the co-chairs of the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation. His late mother, Mary Gates, was a schoolteacher, University of Washington regent, and chairwoman of United Way International.
[https://www.gatesnotes.com/GlobalPages/bio]
name::
* McsEngl.wkrTch.JOBS.STEVE,
* McsEngl.Steve-Jobs@cptEconomy,
How Technologically Advanced Was Steve Jobs's Home?
Apple's Steve Jobs refused to let his own children use iPads and closely monitored their technology usage.
How young is too young for children to use high-tech devices? Should they
be out playing in the yard, interacting with other kids, or inside swiping
and tapping on an iPad? In 2010, a New York Times reporter asked Steve Jobs
of Apple whether his children liked using the iPad. "They haven't used it,"
Jobs responded. "We limit how much technology our kids use at home."
Read More: http://www.wisegeek.com/how-technologically-advanced-was-steve-jobss-home.htm?m, {2016-02-07}
name::
* McsEngl.worker.skill.scientist.CHEMIST,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy364.55,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy643,
* McsEngl.chemist@cptEconomy643,
* McsEngl.wkrSciChem@cptEconomy643,
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.ΧΗΜΙΚΟΣ@cptEconomy643,
_GENERIC:
* entity.whole.systemBio.organism.animal.human.worker.scientist#cptEconomy364.45#
A chemist is a scientist trained in the study of chemistry. Chemists study the composition of matter and its properties such as density and acidity. Chemists carefully describe the properties they study in terms of quantities, with detail on the level of molecules and their component atoms. Chemists carefully measure substance proportions, reaction rates, and other chemical properties.
Chemists use this knowledge to learn the composition, and properties of unfamiliar substances, as well as to reproduce and synthesize large quantities of useful naturally occurring substances and create new artificial substances and useful processes. Chemists may specialize in any number of subdisciplines of chemistry. Materials scientists and metallurgists share much of the same education and skills with chemists. The work of chemists is often related to the work of chemical engineers, which are primarily concerned with the proper design, construction and evaluation of the most cost-effective large-scale chemical plants and work closely with industrial chemists on the development of new processes and methods for the commercial-scale manufacture of chemicals and related products.
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chemist]
name::
* McsEngl.wkrSciChem.specific,
_SPECIFIC: wkrSciChem.SPECIFIC_DIVISION.Time:
* 1742-1786 Scheele.Carl#cptEconomy643.1#
* 1743-1794 Lavoisier.Antoine#cptHuman38#
name::
* McsEngl.wkrSciChem.Scheele.Carl.Wilhelm,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy643.1,
Carl Wilhelm Scheele (9 December 1742 – 21 May 1786) was a German-Swedish pharmaceutical chemist. Isaac Asimov called him "hard-luck Scheele" because he made a number of chemical discoveries before others who are generally given the credit. For example, Scheele discovered oxygen (although Joseph Priestley published his findings first), and identified molybdenum, tungsten, barium, hydrogen, and chlorine before Humphry Davy, among others.
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Carl_Wilhelm_Scheele]
===
Ο πρώτος που μελέτησε συστηματικά τις οργανικές ενώσεις, ήταν ο Σουηδός χημικός Scheele (1742-1786), ο οποίος απομόνωσε πλήθος οργανικών ενώσεων από φυτικές και ζωικές ύλες, π.χ. απομόνωσε το γαλακτικό οξύ από το γάλα.
[http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL111/394/2612,10255/]
name::
* McsEngl.worker.skill.scientist.ECONOMIST,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy364.28,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy438,
* McsEngl.economist-professional,
* McsEngl.economist@cptEconomy438,
* McsEngl.economic-thinker@cptEconomy438,
* McsEngl.professional.economist@cptEconomy438,
* McsEngl.wkr.economist@cptEconomy438,
* McsEngl.wkrEcn@cptEconomy438, {2012-05-24}
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑΤΙΑΣ.ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΟΛΟΓΟΣ@cptEconomy438,
* McsElln.ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΟΛΟΓΟΣ-ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑΤΙΑΣ,
* McsElln.ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΟΛΟΓΟΣ@cptEconomy438,
_GENERIC:
* entity.whole.systemBio.organism.animal.human.worker.scientist#cptEconomy364.45#
_WHOLE:
* citizenship
* ethnicity
_DESCRIPTION:
ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΟΛΟΓΟΣ είναι ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑΤΙΑΣ, 'θεωρητικος' της 'οικονομιας'.
[hmnSngo.1995-04]
name::
* McsEngl.economist'Alma-mater,
In modern times, it is often any school, college, or university at which one has studied and, usually, from which one has graduated.[2]
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Alma_mater]
name::
* McsEngl.economist'Doing,
name::
* McsEngl.GOAL (desired function),
"ΑΠΟ ΤΟΥΣ ΤΟΣΟΥΣ ΜΕΓΑΛΟΥΣ ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΟΛΟΓΟΥΣ ΤΗΣ ΠΑΓΚΟΣΜΙΑΣ ΙΣΤΟΡΙΑΣ, ΤΟ ΠΟΛΥ ΔΥΟ ΔΕΝ ΕΘΕΣΑΝ ΩΣ ΠΡΩΤΑΡΧΙΚΟ-ΤΟΥΣ ΣΚΟΠΟ ΝΑ "ΚΑΝΟΥΝ ΚΑΛΟ" ΣΤΟΝ ΚΟΣΜΟ"
[Samuelson, 1973, 15#cptResource297#]
name::
* McsEngl.economist'Evaluation,
Between you and I, from one economics professor to another, I need to convey to you a deep sense of shame about our profession. You know that other academics often compare us economists to seismologists, jesting that we are equally useless in predicting the phenomenon at the heart of our discipline. This is quite right. As a profession, we have never warned the world ex ante of an impending ‘earthquake’. Some isolated economists may have done so but, then again, a broken watch tells the time correctly twice a day. No, as a body of ‘scientists’ we have proven just as bad as seismologists are in telling us where, when and with what force the next earthquake will strike. Only we are much, much worse than seismologists.
Come to think of it: Behind every toxic CDO, behind all lethal financial engineering, there lurked some pristine model of one of us. Behind every economic policy that was responsible for ponzi (that is ‘pretend’) growth prior to the Crash of 2008, one can find some celebrated, some well respected economist who provided the ‘ideological’ cover for that policy to be adopted. Behind every austerity measure today, that suffocates our societies, again there stands an academic colleague of ours, whose models and theories provide the powers that be with the audacity to inflict such policies onto our peoples. In short, you and I are guilty for what our fellow Greeks and Italians are suffering. Even if we did not believe in these particular economic models, we did not do enough to alert the world to their toxicity. We are, indeed, guilty.
[http://yanisvaroufakis.eu/2012/06/24/and-the-good-ship-greece-sails-on-letter-to-an-italian-colleague/]
name::
* McsEngl.economist'Product,
_SPECIFIC:
* article
* book
* concept
* theory
Τα 'αγαθα' που δημιουργεί ο οικονομολόγος στη ζωή του.
Εδώ κατατάσω ΔΙΚΕΣ ΜΟΥ αποψεις (ταξινόμηση), για τις απόψεις του οικονομολόγου.
[hmnSngo.1995-05]
name::
* McsEngl.economist'resource,
* McsEngl.http://giorgoskamarinos.blogspot.gr/2013/07/epaggelma-oikonomologos.html,
name::
* McsEngl.economist'Working-skill,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy438.10,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy595,
* McsEngl.economist-work,
* McsEngl.economist-profession,
* McsEngl.profession.economist@cptEconomy595,
* McsEngl.working-skills.Economist,
* McsElln.ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑ-ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΟΛΟΓΟΥ,
* McsElln.ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑ'ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΟΛΟΓΟΥ@cptEconomy595,
_GENERIC:
* entity.economic.satisfierWorking.servicing.working_skill#cptEconomy364.10#
_DESCRIPTION:
ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑ ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΟΛΟΓΟΥ είναι ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑ σχετικό με την 'ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΙΚΗ-ΕΠΙΣΤΗΜΗ#cptEconomy6#'.
[ΝΙΚΟΣ, ΝΟΕΜ. 1994]
name::
* McsEngl.economist'World-Economics-Association,
* McsEngl.WEA@cptEconomy,
* McsEngl.world-economics-association@cptEconomy,
_DESCRIPTION:
The World Economics Association (WEA) was launched on May 16, 2011. Already over 12,000 economists and related scholars have joined. This phenomenal success has come about because the WEA fills a huge gap in the international community of economists – the absence of a professional organization which is truly international and pluralist.
[http://www.worldeconomicsassociation.org/]
_SPECIFIC:
* World Economic Review
* Economic Thought
* Real World Economic Review
[http://www.worldeconomicsassociation.org/journals]
name::
* McsEngl.economist.specific,
Wikipedia List of economists:
* http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_economists
name::
* McsEngl.economist.SPECIFIC-DIVISION.capitalism-defender,
_SPECIFIC:
* capitalist
* capitalist-regulated
* capitalist-regulatedNo
* capitalistNo
name::
* McsEngl.economist.SPECIFIC-DIVISION.alphabetically.name.el,
_SPECIFIC:
ΑΡΟΝ 1905 -#cptHuman91#
ΑΡΟΟΥ 1921-#cptHuman101#
ΒΑΡΛΑΣ 1834-1910#cptHuman67#
ΒΕΜΠΛΕΝ 1875-1929#cptHuman82#
ΒΙΚΣΕΛ 1851-1926#cptHuman75#
ΓΚΑΛΜΠΡΕΙΘ 1908 -#cptHuman92#
ΓΚΡΟΣΜΑΝ 1921-#cptHuman102#
ΓΟΥΑΙΛΣ 1919-#cptHuman100#
ΕΝΓΚΕΛΣ 1820-1895#cptHuman62#
ΚΑΛΠΕΠΕΡ 1578-1662#cptHuman17#
ΚΑΟΥΤΣΚΙ 1854-1938#cptHuman76#
ΚΕΝΕ 1694-1774#cptHuman30#
ΚΕΥΝΣ 1883-1946#cptHuman85#
ΚΛΑΡΚ 1847-1938#cptHuman71#
ΛΑΣΑΛ 1825-1864#cptHuman64#
ΛΕΝΙΝ 1870-1924#cptHuman79#
ΛΟΚ 1632-1704#cptHuman23#
ΛΟΥΞΕΜΠΟΥΡΓΚ 1871-1919#cptHuman80#
ΜΑΝ 1571-1641#cptHuman16#
ΜΑΝΤΕΛ 1922-1995#cptHuman231#
ΜΑΡΞ 1818-1883#cptHuman60#
ΜΑΡΣΑΛ 1842-1924#cptHuman69#
ΜΙΛΛ 1806-1873#cptHuman55#
ΜΟΥΡ 1478-1535#cptHuman14#
ΜΠΑΡ 1924-#cptHuman103#
ΜΠΕΡΝΣΤΑΙΝ 1850-1932#cptHuman73#
ΜΠΟΓΚΝΤΑΝΟΦ 1871-1928#cptHuman81#
ΜΠΟΜ-ΜΠΑΒΕΡΚ 1851-1914#cptHuman74#
ΟΟΥΕΝ 1771-1858#cptHuman47#
ΠΑΡΕΤΟ 1848-1923#cptHuman72#
ΠΕΡΟ#cptHuman153#
ΠΕΤΤΥ 1623-1687#cptHuman21#
ΠΡΟΥΝΤΟΝ 1809-1865#cptHuman56#
ΡΙΚΑΡΝΤΟ 1772-1823#cptHuman48#
ΡΟΣΤΟΟΥ 1916-#cptHuman99#
ΣΑΜΟΥΕΛΣΟΝ 1915-#cptHuman98#
ΣΕΪ 1767-1832#cptHuman43#
ΣΙΜΟΝ 1760-1825#cptHuman41#
ΣΙΟΥΜΠΕΤΕΡ 1883-1950#cptHuman86#
ΣΜΙΘ 1723-1790#cptHuman36#
ΣΟΥΙΖΙ 1910 -#cptHuman94#
ΣΟΥΛΎ 1560-1641#cptHuman15#
ΣΤΙΟΥΑΡΤ 1712-1780#cptHuman35#
ΦΙΣΕΡ 1867-1947#cptHuman78#
ΦΡΑΓΚΛΙΝΟΣ 1706-1790#cptHuman31#
ΦΡΙΝΤΜΑΝ 1912 -#cptHuman97#
ΧΑΡΟΝΤ 1908-1978#cptHuman93#
ΧΙΟΥΜ 1711-1776#cptHuman33#
name::
* McsEngl.economist.SPECIFIC-DIVISION.time-of-birth,
QUERY#ql:cptEconomy438# (chronological order) = 58
_SPECIFIC:
=== economist.19.07
=== economist.19.06
1960- http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Taleb. Lebanese-American. essayist, mathematical finance.
1959- Kaseluris.Nikos. SynAgonism.
1959- http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Roubini. American-Jewish.
1954- http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jeffrey_Sachs. American. Shock therapy.
1953- http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Krugman. American. Nobel 2008. Liberal=social-democrat.
=== economist.19.05
1943- http://www.ravibatra.com/, Indian-American,
1943- http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Joseph_Stiglitz. American, Democrat. Nobel 2001.
1942- http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Richard_D._Wolff, American, Marxist,
=== economist.19.04
1937- http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Robert_Lucas,_Jr.. American. Nobel 1995. Rational-expectations.
=== economist.19.03
1924-2007 Barre.Raymond_Octave_Joseph. French centre-right politician economist. ΜΠΑΡ#cptHuman103#
1921- http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kenneth_Arrow. American.#cptHuman101#
1921- Grossman.Gregory#cptHuman103#
=== economist.19.02
1919-1996 Papandreou.Adreas. Greek-American.#cptHuman264#
1919-1997 Wiles.Peter_John, British.#cptHuman100#
1916-2003 Rostow.Walt_Whitman. American. AntiCommunist#cptHuman99#
1915-2009 Samuelson.Paul_Anthony. American#cptHuman98#
1912-2006 Friedman.Milton. American. Monetarist#cptHuman97#
=== economist.19.01
1910-2004 Sweezy.Paul_Marlor. American. Marxist#cptHuman94#
1909-1964 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul_A._Baran, Russian-American, Marxist.
1909-2005 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Peter_Drucker. Austrian-American. Management.
1908-2006 Galbraith.John_Kenneth. Canadian-American#cptHuman92# Keynesian
1908-1986 Kaldor.Nicholas. Hugarian-British. Keynsian
1907-1990 Fourastie.Jean. French. 3-sector-hypothesis.
1905-1983 Aron.Raymond_Claude_Ferdinand. French.#cptHuman91#
1905-1989 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Colin_Clark. British-Australian. GNP, 3-sector-hypothesis.
1905-1999 Leontief.Wassily.Wassilyovich. Russian-American. Nobel 1973. Input-output model.
1903-1987 Perroux.Francois. ΠΕΡΟ#cptHuman153#
1901-1985 Kuznets.Simon_Smith. Russian-American.
=== economist.1801
1900-1978 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Roy_Harrod. British. Keynesian#cptHuman93#
1899-1992 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Friedrich_Hayek. Austrian. Free-market.
1883-1946 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Keynes. British.#cptHuman85#
1883-1950 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Schumpeter. Austrian.#cptHuman86#
1881-1973 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ludwig_von_Mises– Austrian-American. Austrian School.
1871-1919 ΛΟΥΞΕΜΠΟΥΡΓΚ#cptHuman80#
1871-1928 ΜΠΟΓΚΝΤΑΝΟΦ#cptHuman81#
1870-1924 ΛΕΝΙΝ#cptHuman79#
1867-1947 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Irving_Fisher. American. Debt-deflation#cptHuman78#
1857-1929 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Thorstein_Veblen. American.#cptHuman82#
1854-1938 ΚΑΟΥΤΣΚΙ#cptHuman76#
1851-1914 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/B%C3%B6hm-Bawerk. Austrian#cptHuman74#
1851-1926 ΒΙΚΣΕΛ#cptHuman75#
1850-1932 ΜΠΕΡΝΣΤΑΙΝ#cptHuman73#
1848-1923 ΠΑΡΕΤΟ#cptHuman72#
1847-1938 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/John_Bates_Clark. American. Maginalist.#cptHuman71#
1842-1926 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Georg_Friedrich_Knapp. German. Chartalist.
1842-1924 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Alfred_Marshall. British. Neoclassical.#cptHuman69#
1834-1910 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/L%C3%A9on_Walras. French. Equilibrium.#cptHuman67#
1825-1864 ΛΑΣΑΛ#cptHuman64#
1820-1895 ΕΝΓΚΕΛΣ#cptHuman62#
1818-1883 Marx.Karl#cptHuman60#
1809-1865 ΠΡΟΥΝΤΟΝ#cptHuman56#
1806-1873 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/John_Stuart_Mill. British#cptHuman55#
=== economist.1701
ΡΙΚΑΡΝΤΟ 1772-1823#cptHuman48#
ΟΟΥΕΝ 1771-1858#cptHuman47#
ΣΕΪ 1767-1832#cptHuman43#
ΣΙΜΟΝ 1760-1825#cptHuman41#
ΣΜΙΘ 1723-1790#cptHuman36#
ΣΤΙΟΥΑΡΤ 1712-1780#cptHuman35#
ΧΙΟΥΜ 1711-1776#cptHuman33#
ΦΡΑΓΚΛΙΝΟΣ 1706-1790#cptHuman31#
=== economist.1601
ΚΕΝΕ 1694-1774#cptHuman30#
ΛΟΚ 1632-1704#cptHuman23#
ΠΕΤΤΥ 1623-1687#cptHuman21#
=== economist.1501
ΚΑΛΠΕΠΕΡ 1578-1662#cptHuman17#
ΜΑΝ 1571-1641#cptHuman16#
ΣΟΥΛΎ 1560-1641#cptHuman15#
=== economist.1401
ΜΟΥΡ 1478-1535#cptHuman14#
name::
* McsEngl.economist.generic.WOMAN,
* McsEngl.economist.woman,
13 women who transformed the world of economics
Written by
Mike Bird
Published
Tuesday 17 November 2015
Share
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More on the agenda Further reading arrow 984f0b2d46101716e9c621b9fc9e0192e3e5be4e69b301ddf6e866ef4108d8db
This article is published in collaboration with Business Insider.
Economist Justin Wolfers recently wrote about how female economists are airbrushed out of academic discussion when they have a male coauthor.
We decided to bring together some of the women who’ve had the biggest impact on the subject and the practice of economic policy, whether in academia, business, politics, or education.
These women are not just modern academic economists. Several are historical figures who made major contributions to the discipline at a time when female participation was incredibly difficult.
Take a look at 13 of the most influential.
Edith Abbott (1876-1957)
Born in Nebraska in 1876, Abbott took a Ph.D. in economics from the University of Chicago, which was awarded in 1905, and worked at the London School of Economics afterward.
She later became dean of the University of Chicago’s School of Social Service Administration during the 1920s.
In the next decade, she had a hand in drafting the US Social Security Act of 1935, one of the first unified systems of social welfare in the US. The work was done under the supervision of Frances Perkins, the US’ longest-serving labor secretary and the first woman to hold the position.
Anna Schwartz (1915-2012)
Anna Schwartz is the lesser-known coauthor of what is probably the most influential single book on monetary economics written since the second world war.
In 1963, Schwartz and future Nobel Prize-winning economist Milton Friedman published “A Monetary History of the United States, 1867–1960,”
Schwartz did not share the Nobel Prize with Friedman, the awarding committee said that the book was “one of Friedman’s most profound and also most distinguished achievements.”
The focus on the effect of monetary policy on the economy’s business cycles that Friedman and Schwartz took went far beyond the world of academia. Governments around the advanced world made dramatic changes, focusing far more on monetary policy to manage the ebbs and flows of economic activity.
Deirdre McCloskey (1942)
Deirdre McCloskey is one of, and perhaps the single most prominent economic historians in the world.
Her writing on the beginnings of industrialisation in the UK has not only become a major part of the academic debate, but a popular book in its own right.
In mid-2014, she became one of Professor Thomas Piketty’s most prominent critics, and she has had a significant economic influence on conservatives and libertarians.
Dambisa Moyo (1969)
After a degree in chemistry and an MBA, Moyo received a Ph.D. in economics from Oxford University. She previously worked at Goldman Sachs, and sits on Barclays’ Board.
Moyo is a prominent critic of development aid for low-income economies. Her “Dead Aid: Why Aid Is Not Working and How There Is a Better Way for Africa” is one of the best-selling works on the subject of development aid ever published.
In 2013, she received the Friedrich Hayek Institute’s lifetime achievement award.
Carmen Reinhart (1955)
Carmen Reinhart is perhaps the most influential living female macroeconomist. After training at Colombia University, she has worked as chief economist at Bear Sterns, at the International Monetary Fund, and the Harvard Kennedy School.
As one of the coauthors of “This Time Is Different: Eight Centuries of Financial Folly” and “Growth in a time of debt,” Reinhart became one of the standard-bearers of government austerity after the financial crisis.
Harriet Martineau (1802-1876)
Martineau is the earliest writer on the list, publishing books on the subject of taxation and political economy in the 1830s. She has previously been described as one of “Adam Smith’s daughters,” who adapted his work for a later audience.
Later, she travelled through the young US and wrote “Society in America,” a sociological account of the country.
Martineau’s works were not minor additions to the subject — according to John Vint at Manchester Metropolitan University, her work on political economy was at one point so popular that she outsold Charles Dickens.
Joan Robinson (1903-1983)
Robinson is one of the most influential of Keynes’ students and followers, and her major works followed from Keynes’ “General Theory.” As a Cambridge economist, she became the first female honorary fellow of King’s College.
Even before then, Robinson developed the concept of monopsony, a kind of reversed monopoly where instead of having one seller and many buyers, there is one buyer and many sellers. In labour economics, this is an extremely important idea. When the single buyer is purchasing labour, and there are many people wishing to sell their labour, the theory suggests that they can exert large influence over wages. It’s one of the major arguments for minimum wages.
She was one of the most prominent founders of the post-Keynesian school of economic thought.
Janet Yellen (1946)
Janet Yellen is not only one of the most heavily cited female research economists in the world, but as chair of the US Federal Reserve, she holds what may well be the most powerful economic-policymaking position in the world.
Prior to heading the organisation, Yellen had worked as a professor of economics and was vice chair of the Fed from 2010.
She was also the first chair of the President’s Council of Economic Advisors under Bill Clinton.
Mary Paley Marshall (1850-1944)
Mary Paley Marshall was one of the first five women permitted to study at Cambridge University, and became the first female lecturer in economics at the university, in the year 1875, a full 43 years before women were able to vote in the UK.
She authored a book named “The Economics of Industry” with her husband, Alfred Marshall, who became of the very most influential economists in history.
According to James and Julianne Cicarelli, who wrote a book called “Distinguished Women Economists,” she was listed by John Maynard Keynes in his “Essays on Biography.”
The Cicarellis say that “Keynes held her in the highest regard and considered her an intellectual and thinker every bit as significant to the historical development of economics as her husband or any of the other economist about whom he wrote.”
Christina Romer (1958)
Romer was the second woman to become chair of the US President’s Council of Economic Advisors, and did so at a crucial time for the US. As President Barack Obama came into office at the beginning of 2009, the economy was in a deep depression.
Her most famous research prior to that position concerned the Great Depression and subsequent recovery, which Romer attributed in large part to monetary policy changes, playing down the role of fiscal policy.
Romer’s later work, with her husband David Romer, has concentrated on the effect of tax changes on the US economy. She is an advocate of replacing central-bank inflation targeting with nominal gross-domestic-product targets.
Rosa Luxemburg (1871-1919)
Luxemburg is more well known as a revolutionary who was executed by German government-supported militiamen in the aftermath of the failed Spartacist Uprising in 1919.
But she also made a significant mark on Marxist economic thought. Just before the onset of the first world war, Luxemburg wrote “The Accumulation of Capital: A Contribution to an Economic Explanation of Imperialism.”
But she made a significant mark on Marxist economic thought, to the extent that Socialist Workers Party founder Tony Cliff referred to it as “one of the most, if not the most, important and original contributions to Marxian economic doctrine since Capital.”
Though Joan Robinson was a major critic of Luxemburg’s analysis, she herself referred to the work as “more prescience than any orthodox contemporary could claim.”
Millicent Fawcett (1847-1929)
Milicent Fawcett is mostly known as a feminist and campaigner for women’s rights, as well as the name behind Britain’s Fawcett Society, which continues that work today.
As an economist, she wrote “Political Economy for Beginners” in 1870, and was committed to the political rather than scientific application of economics that developed in the coming decades.
The book was still published 40 years later, when the 10th edition was released.
Fawcett also blended her campaigning work and her economics, proposing the “crowding hypothesis” that women were driven by informal and formal institutions into lower-paid work. Because all women were driven toward this subset of jobs, Fawcett hypothecated that the oversupply of labour kept their wages down. The thesis is still discussed by feminist and labour economists today.
Elinor Ostrom (1933-2012)
Elinor Ostrom held the only Nobel Prize in economics ever awarded to a woman.
She was dissuaded from pursuing a Ph.D. in economics, and completed one in political science instead.
Her work on the formal and informal political institutions the influence an economy had enormous influence on a discipline that had become more scientific and mathematical, bringing back some of the more politically focused work more common 100 years ago.
Ostrom is associated with New Institutional Economics.
Publication does not imply endorsement of views by the World Economic Forum.
To keep up with the Agenda subscribe to our weekly newsletter.
Author: Mike Bird is a European markets editor, working from London and covering financial and economic issues.
Image: Elinor Ostrom celebrates winning the Nobel Prize in economics. REUTERS/John Sommers II.
[https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2015/11/13-women-who-transformed-the-world-of-economics/]
name::
* McsEngl.economist.1971.PIKETTY.THOMAS {1971},
* McsEngl.human.Piketty.Thomas@cptEconomy,
* McsEngl.Piketty.Thomas@cptEconomy,
* McsEngl.Thomas-Piketty@cptEconomy,
* McsEngl.humanPkt, {2014-10-08}
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://piketty.pse.ens.fr/en//
=== _EMAIL:
piketty@ens.fr
=== _ADDRESS:
Campus Paris-jourdan
48, boulevard Jourdan . 75014 Paris . France
Phone : + 33 1 43 13 62 50
_DESCRIPTION:
Curriculum vitae
Born in Clichy (France) on May 7, 1971
Paris School of Economics. Campus Paris-Jourdan
48, boulevard Jourdan . 75014 Paris . France
Phone : (+ 33 1) 43 13 62 50 / Mail : piketty@ens.fr
Short bio
Thomas Piketty is Professor of Economics at the Paris School of Economics. He is the author of numerous articles published in journals such as the Quarterly Journal of Economics, the Journal of Political Economy, the American Economic Review and the Review of Economic Studies, and of a dozen books. He has done major historical and theoretical work on the interplay between economic development and the distribution of income and wealth. In particular, he is the initiator of the recent literature on the long run evolution of top income shares in national income (now available in the World Top Incomes Database). These works have led to radically question the optimistic relationship between development and inequality posited by Kuznets, and to emphasize the role of political and fiscal institutions in the historical evolution of income and wealth distribution.
Current position
Professor of Economics at EHESS
Professor of Economics at the Paris School of Economics
[http://piketty.pse.ens.fr/en/cv-en]
name::
* McsEngl.hmnPkt'capital,
_DESCRIPTION:
Professor Piketty has no such need to deprogram his readers. For he is himself defining capital as the sum of the net worth of all assets (excluding human skills and labour power) that can be sold and bought courtesy of well-defined property rights over them, measured in terms of their net market price (minus, that is, of any debt liabilities). From this prism, aggregate capital (of a person, a company or a nation) is the sum of the market prices of not only robotic assembly lines and tractors but also of assets like shares, stamp collections, paintings by Van Gogh, the equity that people have in their house (i.e. its price minus any outstanding loan on it).4
[4] Professor Piketty chooses not to include consumer durables in his ‘capital’ measure. So, washing machines do not count and nor do cars, unless they have become antiques and can be sold by auction to some collector.
[http://www.paecon.net/PAEReview/issue69/Varoufakis69.pdf]
Capital Is Back: Wealth-Income Ratios in Rich Countries 1700-2010
Thomas Piketty
Gabriel Zucman
26 July 2013
[http://behl.berkeley.edu/files/2013/02/Piketty-Zucman_WP2013-10.pdf]
name::
* McsEngl.hmnPkt'work.Capital-in-the-Twenty-First-Century {2013},
name::
* McsEngl.economist.1969.ORMEROD.PAUL {1969} British,
* McsEngl.Ormerod.Paul@cptEconomy,
* McsEngl.Paul-Ormerod@cptEconomy,
_DESCRIPTION:
Paul Ormerod (born 1969) is a British economist who is currently researching complexity, complex systems, nonlinear feedback, the boom and bust cycle of business and economic competition. Ormerod uses a multidisciplinary approach, making use of biology, physics, mathematics, statistics and psychology as sources of results that can be applied to economics.
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul_Ormerod]
Paul Ormerod has written three books as well as many articles. His books are:
The Death of Economics
Butterfly Economics
Why Most Things Fail: Evolution, Extinction and Economics
Positive Linking: How Networks Can Revolutionise the World
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul_Ormerod]
name::
* McsEngl.book.Positive-thinking.How-Networks-and-Incentives-Can-Revolutionise-the-World {2012},
Edition: Paperback
ISBN: 9780571279203
Published: 05.07.2012
No of pages: 320
Price: £12.99
Paul Ormerod, author of the bestselling Butterfly Economics and Why Most Things Fail, shows us the limits of conventional economics and why it needs to embrace the power of networks - through 'positive linking'.
Our social and economic worlds have been revolutionised. The Internet has transformed communications and for the first time in human history, more than half of us live in cities. We are increasingly aware of the choices, decisions, behaviours and opinions of other people. Network effects - the fact that a person can and often does decide to change his or her behaviour simply on the basis of copying what others do - pervade the modern world.
The financial crisis has shown us that conventional economics is drastically limited by its failure to comprehend networks. Paul Ormerod, argues that as our societies become ever more dynamic and intertwined, network effects on every level are increasingly profound. 'Nudge theory' is popular, but only part of the answer. To grapple successfully with the current financial crisis, businesses and politicians need to grasp the perils and possibilities of 'positive linking'.
As Ormerod shows, network effects make conventional approaches to policy, whether in the public or corporate sectors, much more likely to fail. But they open up the possibility of truly 'positive linking' - of more subtle, effective and successful policies, ones which harness our knowledge of network effects and how they work in practice.
[http://www.faber.co.uk/catalog/positive-linking/9780571279203]
name::
* McsEngl.book.The-Death-of-Economics {1993},
This book is mainly addressed to members of the general public. Economics has assumed a dominant position in the political life of the West,
and orthodox economic theory has exercised great influence on the
conduct of public policy over the past ten to fifteen years.
Even to the intelligent member of the public, economics is often
intimidating. Its practitioners pronounce with great confidence in the
media, and have erected around the discipline a barrier of jargon and
mathematics which makes the subject difficult to penetrate for the
non-initiated.
Yet orthodox economics is in many ways an empty box. Its understanding of the world is similar to that of the physical sciences in the
Middle Ages. A few insights have been obtained which will stand the test
of time, but they are very few indeed, and the whole basis of conventional
economics is deeply flawed.
An important purpose of this book is to try to convey this message in a
way which is accessible to the general public. This does not mean that
the arguments are in some sense diluted, for the book addresses difficult
issues which are at the very heart of orthodox economic theory. But the
style of the book is designed as an aid to the comprehension of a wider
audience. Deliberately, there are relatively few footnotes, and the text is
not cluttered with a large number of references to articles in academic
iournals.
Economists themselves will recognise the importance of those articles
which are referred to in the book. For perhaps the most devastating
criticisms of conventional economics have come from within the profession itself, from talented and gifted people who have looked deeply into
the implications of the assumptions underlying orthodox economics, and
in so doing have exposed its limitations on its own terms. This is the
theme of Chapter 4
in particular, one of the hardest chapters for the
general reader, but equally one of the most important. Good economists
know, from work carried out within their discipline, that the foundations
of their subject are virtually non-existent.
The challenge of constructing an alternative, scientific approach to theTHE DEATH OF ECONO\,TICS
analysis of economic behaviour is one to which increasing attention is
being paid. The obstacles facing academic economists are formidable,
for tenure and professional advancement still depend to a large extent on
a willingness to comply with and to work within the tenets of orthodox
theory. It is a source of encouragement that more and more economists
are willing to look at alternatives, despite the risks they take in so doing.
I have been fortunate in being able to combine academic research with
a business career, which has removed the formidable pressures to conform which are faced by full-time academics. The second part of the
book represents an attempt to move the study of economics in the right
direction.
Conventional economics offers prescriptions for the problems of
inflation and unemployment which are at best misleading and at worst
dangerously wrong. Unemployrnent in particular now represents a major
threat to the fabric of Western society, and it is imperative that a better
understanding of its causes and behaviour is obtained.
I am grateful to a wide range of people for discussions over the years
which have helped to crystallise the ideas expressed in this book, and in
particular to Michael Campbell, Will Hutton, Pamela \{eadows and
Maurice Peston. Susanne McDadd was instrumental in persuading me
that the book should be written, following a paper I u'as invited to present
at the British Association for the Advancement of Science conference in
the autumn of rgg2.She and her colleagues at Faber and Faber have
given valuable comments on the successive drafts of the tert.
Paul Ormerod
London, \ovember r993
[http://www.paulormerod.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/08/death_preface.pdf]
The world economy is in crisis. Unemployment in Western Europe rises towards the 20 million mark. America faces the deep-seated problem of the twin deficits, the federal budget and the balance of trade. Vast tracts of the former Soviet empire are on the brink of economic collapse.
Japanese companies, faced by the deepest recession since the war, are on the verge of breaking the long-standing and deep-rooted social convention of lifetime employment.
The orthodoxy of economics, trapped in an idealised, mechanistic view of the world, is powerless to assist.
In Western Europe, the economics profession eulogised the Exchange
Rate Mechanism and monetary union, despite frequent bouts of massive
currency speculation and the inexorable rise of unemployment throughout Europe during its years of existence. Teams of economists descend
on the former Soviet union, proclaiming not just the virtues but the
absolute necessity of moving to a free-market system as rapidly as
possible. Such prescriptions involve the establishment of market economies of greater purity than those contemplated by Ronald Reagan and
Margaret Thatcher. But despite governments in the former Soviet bloc
doing everything they are told, their economic situation worsens.
From the pensioned security of their vast bureaucracies, economists
from the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank preach
salvation through the market to the Third World. Austerity and discipline are the hallmarks of the favoured policies of the IMF throughout the
world, yet its own salary bill has risen by g8 per cent in the last two years,
and is budgeted to rise by a further 22 per cent in
ry94.
On a more mundane level, economic forecasts are the subiect of open
derision. Throughout the Western world, their accuracy is appalling.
Within the past twelve months alone, as this book is being written,
forecasters have failed to predict the Japanese
recession, the strength of
the American recoverT, the depth of the collapse in the German economy, and the turmoil in the European ERM.
Yet to the true believers, within the profession itself, the ability of
cconomics to understand the world has never been greater. Indeed, inT H F . D E A l ' i l O l , ' r . ( ; O N ( ) r \ i l ( . S
terms ofinfluence in the world the standing of'thc profl'ssion appcars high.
Economics dominates political debate, to thc crtcnt that it is scarcely
possible to have a serious political career in many' Westcrn countries
without being able to repeat more or less accuratcly its curre nt f'ashionable
orthodoxies. Television seeks out the views of economists on Wall Street
and in the City of London, anxious that the viewing public should be
informed of the impact of the latest monthly statistic on the entire
economy over the coming years. The numbers of students seeking to read
economics grew dramatically during the r
98os.
Academically, the discipline seems to have developed enormously,
particularly over the past decade, the mathematical sophistication
especially having increased in terms both of theoretical work and of the
approved methodologies of applied economics.
Of course, disputes still exist, such as the well publicised arguments
between monetarists and Keynesians as to how the economy as a whole
operates. For example, the former argue that increases in government
cxpenditure will ultimately have no impact on the overall level of economic
irctivity lncl cmploymcnt. Both sides agree that such increases can have a
lrositivc cfli'ct orr a timc horizon of tu'o rl r thrce years. Keynesians believe
llrrrt sonr('ol'this irrrp:tct pcrsisls. Iltrt such tiflls mcrcly conceal the large
lrotlr ol slrrtrt'tl lrt'lit'l n hit'h t'lr:tr:tt'tcriscs prcscrtt-diry cconomics. The old
;o[t'
tlr;rt trrt'lrt't't'orrorrrisls irr rr roorrr t'orrltl bc gtrarantced to hold twelve
rlrllt'rcrrl ogrtttiolr\, ltrrtl thirlt't'tt il ottt'of'tltcltt \t,crc Kcynes, is becoming
It'ss .rrrtl lt'sr tlrrr'. \rr irrtt'llt't'trr:tl orlltotlrlrv has cmcrgcd.
lrrt rt';rsittglr, tlrt' strbit't't is t:trrght not ils r way of'learning to think about
f rr rrr t lrt' w r r ld m i,gh t opt'rrrl t', brrt irs ir sct of'discovered truths as to how the
rt'orltl r/rrru op1'r:ttc.
'l'ltc
contcttt ol'dcgree courses is becoming increasinglv stanrlarrlised. Substantial and impressive textbooks exist, both in
nricro- and in macro-economics, consisting in the main of the mathematical technique of differential calculus applied to linear systems.
It cannot be stated too often that very little of the content of such
textbooks is known to be true, in the sense that many of the statements in
textbooks on, say, engineering, are known to be true: formulae for building
bridges exist, and when these formulae are applied in practice, bridges in
general remain upright. The same does not apply in economics and yet the
confidence of the true believers in economics has grow'd and grow'd like
Topsy. As they themselves would doubtless prefer to say, to give the
description an authentic mathematical air, it has grown exponentially.
Sociologists and psychologists have documented many case studies
E C O N O M I C S I N C R I S I S
concerning the reactions of groups when views which they hold about the
world are shown to be false. In such situations, far from recognising the
problem, a common reaction of individuals is to intensifi, the fervour of
their belief.
A classic study of this kind, When PropheE Foils,published in r956, was
carried out by American psychologists. It describes the experiences of
researchers who
ioined a group which was making specific predictions of
imminent catastrophic floods. When the floods failed to appear, the group,
far from disbanding, intensified enormously its efforts to convert others to
its beliefs. Another example is provided by James Patrick, a young
sociologist who infiltrated a gang of Glasgow youths in the late r96os.*
These gangs, while being almost model citizens by the standards of the
American inner city, were notorious for perpetrating acts of violence,
mainly on each other but occasionally on the public at large, which were
thought extreme in Northern Europe. The gang believed as a point of
honour that no member would betray another to the police. Yet, as the
author noted:
One prominent member of the gangwas arrested andwithin twenty-four hours all
other members had been questioned by the police. The inference was obvious to
everyone except the gang. Yet their misplaced belief in gang loyalty was not
discarded or even diminished, but became all the more extreme and passionate.
The intensity of faith shown by most professional economists is well
illustrated by two passages from Liar's Pokerl by Michael Lewis, who
began his career as a successful trader on world capital markets. His
descriptions of how such markets operate are in many ways far removed
from the received wisdom of orthodox economics. The first passage deals
with the aspect of the $ofih of economics as a discipline. Writing about
the major US universities in the mid-r98os, Lewis states:
IAn effect] which struck me as tragic at the time was a strange surge in the study of
cconomics. At Harvard, the enrolment had tripled in ten years. At Princeton, in
my senior year, for the first time in the history of the school, economics became the
single most popular area of concentration. And the more people studied economics, the more an economics degree became a requirement for a
iob on Wall
Strcct. There was a good reason for this. Economics satisfied the trvo most basic
nccds of investment bankers. First, bankers wanted practical people, willing to
'l
.. lfciningcr, I I. Rieken, S. Schuster, Wen PropheE Fails,University of Minnesota Press,
r ry5(r, irnd-f ames Patrick, A Glasgoo Gang Obsented,Eyre Methuen, London, rg73.
J
\lit'hre| Lcwis, Liar's Poker, Coronet Books, rg9o.THE DEAl'TI OF' F,(:ONON{I(:S
subordinate their education to their carccrs. l.conomics sccnrcd dcsigned as a
sifting device. Economics was practical. It got pcoplc jobs. And it did this
because it demonstrated that they were among thc most fbrvcnt bclicvers in the
primacy of economic life.
Economics allowed investment bankers directly to compare the academic
records of the recruits. The only inexplicable part of the process was that
economic theory (which is what, after all, economics students were supposed to
know) serced almost nofunction in an inaestment bank.
In other words, at the very centre of world financial markets, where the
principles of the free market should be at their clearest, economics as an
intellectual discipline sened almost no practical function.
The second example from Lewis's book provides even more food for
thought, both as an intellectual challenge for economics and as an
illustration of how the study of the subject can affect a person's mind. A
fundamental belief in economics for many years has been that the price
of a commodity
- whether it is bananas or people
-
is determined by the
relative levels of demand and supply. The higher the demand relative to
supply, the higher the price.
At rrn carly stagc in Lewis's career on Wall Street, during his training
l)rogrrlnun(',
il Froup of'his collcagucs was asked why they were so well
p;rirl.
''\
pcrsorr rr'lto ltrtrl
jttsl t:tkt'rt:ttt l\{l}A lrorn the University of
(
lrrr.rpn lrpl.rrtrt'rl: "lt's strpplt ;ttrtl tlt'tttlrntl. \lv sistcr tcaches kids with
h'.unnr14 ,lrr.rlrtlrttlr, ,urrl (';u'n\
trtrtt'lt lt'ss tltlttt I do. If nobody else
rr.rrrtctl lrr lr'.rt lr, rlrr''.1 ttt.tLt' nlor'(' nron('\'."' ln litct, as all the traineeS
\tlrr' ,rt rrtr'lr ,r\r,u(', tlrt't't'ltrttl lrt't'tt inl('ns('crlrnllctition to secure places
,,rr llrt'rr
l)rol{r.unrrrt'.
(
)rt'r'
(looo
1lt'oplc,
nlosl of'thcm from economics
l)roHr.unrrrt's
;lt tlrt' rtrrrjor ,'\ntt'ricrrn universitics, had applied for just rz7
plrrct's orr tht' Srrlornon llrothe rs' training programme. Yet as Lewis drily
rcnrlrks:
'l)ay'chequcs
at Salomon Brothers spiralled higher in spite of
thc willingness of others who would do the same job for less.'
In other words, an apparently intelligent graduate from one of the
major economics courses in the United States was able to assert, thanks
to his understanding of the principles of economics, and in particular the
law of supply and demand, that the reason he as an investment banker
was paid a salary many times higher than that of his sister who taught
children with learning disabilities was that fewer people were available to
do his
iob,
relative to demand, than was the case with his sister's. And
this was despite overwhelming evidence on a daily basis that the
empirical foundation for such an assertion was worthless.
E C O N O M I C S I N C R I S I S
Indeed, orthodox economics is quite unable to answer a simple question such as this, other than by resorting to definitions of supply, demand
and price which degenerate into tautology. Transparently, many more
people relative to the level of demand are willing to supply their labour to
the financial markets than are willing to become teachers, yet the price of
the former product (the salary) is many times that of the latter. Of course,
the interchange of supply and demand can affect prices, but not always to
the exclusion of other factors operating on price.
Of course, it may be unfair to castigate economics on the remarks of a
single MBA graduate from Chicago. Yet the question he was asked, and
answered so well in terms of economic orthodo*y, remains: Why are
people operating in, say, financial markets paid far more than, say,
schoolteachers or academic economists? There are answers to this question, but none of them involves the
'fundamental'principle
of supply and
demand.
James Tobin, the American Nobel Prize winner in economics, has
questioned very seriouslywhether it makes sense from the point ofview of
American society as a whole to divert so much of its young talent from the
top universities into financial markets. This debate is not ne\M. John
Maynard Keynes considered the same question in the r93os, and
expressed the view that on the whole the rewards of those in the financial
sector were justified. Many individuals attracted to these markets, Keynes
argued, are of a domineering and even psychopathic narure. If their
energies could not find an outlet in money making, they might turn instead
to careers involving open and wanton cruelty. Far better to have them
absorbed on Wall Street or in the City of London than in organised crime.
Keynes, it should be said, saw the world through the eyes of the
gentleman scholar of the pre-war period, through the double negative,
the subiunctive, and through irony. But he could when he chose be
ruthlessly direct in his criticism. In fact, he likened the financial markets
not merely to a casino, but to the childhood games of Snap, Old Maid or
Musical Chairs
-
'a
pastime in which he is victor who says Snap neither
too soon nor too late, who passes the Old Maid to his neighbour before
the game is over, who secures a chair for himself when the music stops'.
Fervency of belief in the
'theorems'
of economics is by no means
confined to MBA students. An exchange at a seminar held in March
' gg3 at the prestigious Ecole des Hautes Etudes Commerciales in
lirance is illuminating. The 5oo students were addressed on successive
days by distinguished French economists. The proceedings opened withT H E D E A T H O F F . ( ] O N O ] \ I I ( : S
Maurice Allais, Nobel Pnzewinner in economics and now in his eighties,
presentingwhat LeMonde described as'le chocAllais'. It is an article of
faith in orthodox economics that free trade betwecn nations is wholly
desirable. But to the horror of the audience, Allais attacked the proposition that free trade was in general beneficial. Indeed, he argued that it
could be of benefit only in certain very special circumstances. Denouncing the Maastricht Treaty, Allais pronounced that free trade would have
favourable effects only when carried out between regions which were at
comparable levels of economic development. He condemned roundly
'the
free-trade policies of the European Commission'.
Two days later,Jacques Attali took the platform. At the time president
of the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development, and the
man of whom President Mitterrand of France reportedly said,'I . . . am a
page of history and you are merely a footnote', Attali lost no time in
restoring orthodoxy. Quick
to point out that Allais had once been his
professor, but even quicker to denounce anti-free-trade views as unequivocallv'stupides', he asserted that'every obstacle to free trade is a factor
u'hich lcirrls to rcccssi<ln'.
lt rrrrr\', ot'course
, bc mcrc coincidence that at a time when barriers to
Ir';rtlt.rvitlrirr tht' l',rrro1'lcrrrr
(.onrmuniW are lowcr than ever before
-
rrrrft.t.tl, tlrt' ttrttt'lt prrltlit'ist'tl tqgz progr:lmtne removing many trade
rcrtrit trorrr lr;ts nrf\\ ('otttt' ittlo lilrt'c
-
l',trrtlpc is entcring not a boom,
l r r r t . r r l r . u p t c r c s s i o t t !
lo tlrc rlt't;rt'lrt'tl olrst't1't'r', ttotittg lhc contrast between the actual
lrt.lr.rriotrr ol tht' rror'ltl rurtl thc conlidcncc of-<lrthodox economists to
rrrrtlt'r'st;rrrtl it, :r ttttnttrcr ol'lnalogies spring to mind. But the one which
is rrpgrcnrrosl, and which lingers persistently, is the story of
'The
l',rnpcnrr's Ncw Clothes'. Or, as people during my childhood in the
north of'England used to say, more bluntly,
'There's
none so blind as
them as can't see.'
It was not always so. The great classical economists, writing in the late
eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, struggled to understand the
dramatic impact on the economy and on society of the Industrial Revolution. But, as we shall see, they did so with an analysis very firmly rooted
in reality, addressing questions of great practical import.
In fact, encouraging signs within economics have started to appear
again in recent years.
At one level, the tremendous $owth
in students reading economics
which took place during the r98os seems to have peaked. At Harvard
E C O N O M I C S I N C R I S I S
University) government has recently overtaken economics as the most
popular first-degree subject. And, outside academia, membership of
America's National Association of Business Economists is falling,
although there are still roo,ooo people who describe themselves as
economists in America. More important, not all economists lack doubts,
and an increasing minority are prepared to articulate them, at the risk of
incurring professional odium, and to investigate different approaches
and different methodologies. The fundamental postulates of the discipline are being called into question as some of the most imaginative
economists seek to restore the link with reality which characterised the
work of the classical economists.
Some of their most innovative work, often carried out in coniunction
with scholars from other disciplines such as the behavioural sciences,
artificial intelligence and biolory, and using new techniques and new
approaches, both exposes the incurable weaknesses of orthodox economics and offers real hope of progress.
We shall see, in the course of this book, how and why economics was
hijacked in the nineteenth century by an approach which still today forms
the basis of the subiect. The new method of analysis was based on a
desire to raise the mathematical precision of economics, so that it could
enjoy the status and prestige of the physical sciences in the Victorian era.
Ironically, as the fervour of belief of conventional economists intensifies,
the mechanistic view of the world embraced by economics is seen as less
and less relevant by the biologists, chemists and physicists of the rggos.
The concept that free trade is unequivocally beneficial goes back to the
very beginnings of the study of economics as a serious and separate
discipline, to the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. During
the eighteenth century, a dramatic transformation of the world had
begun. Slowly at first, and initially confined to Britain and parts of
North-West Europe, the Industrial Revolution launched the world on to
a path of sustained growth and economic expansion, with unprecedented
levels of trade between nations.
In the late twentieth century we have become accustomed to the
process of growth. Annual rates of growth of z per cent a year, for
example, whether in America or Europe, are regarded as being
insufficient to meet the growing demands of society. But for much of
human history, a sustained expansion of the economy by z per cent
required not just ayefi but decades to achieve.THE DEATH OF ECONOMICS
Historically, although there were long-term fluctuations in economies, these were for the most part dependent upon shifts in weather
patterns which determined the productivity of the harvest. Individual
economies could also expand by military conquest and by plunder,
which was essentially the basis of the prosperity even of the Roman
empire. The conquests of Attila the Hun, who has entered popular
myholory as the embodiment of terror and destruction (although Verdi's opera presents a more balanced view of this complex character), are
a good example of this form of expansion. Sustained internal economic
expansion, however, through the accumulation of capital and through
technological progress, was very slow.
One recent study, by Angus Maddison,* estimates that in what are
now the Western economies, during the rooo years between ADsoo
and r5oo, GDP grew on average by only o.r per cent a year. Using
straightforward compound arithmetic, this growth rate implies that in
r5oo the volume of economic activity in the Westwas between 2.5 and
3
times as great as it had been in 5oo. To put this in perspective, the
Western economies grew as much in percentage terms between r95o
and rgTo as they did between 5oo and r5oo. And given the much
higher base at the start of the r95os, the absolute increase in the
volume of goods and services produced was enormously greater.
Growth began to accelerate around r 5oo, and belween then and rToo
Maddison estimates that total economic output in the West almost
doubled. But an even sharper rise in growth then took place, to over o.5
per cent a year during the eighteenth century. In the more advanced
economies, such as Britain, growthwas ofthe order ofa full r per cent ayear.
Such growth was dramatic. It was sufficient to ensure marked changes
could be observed during the lifetime of an individual. Itwas also sufficient
to exceed the surge in population which was taking place, and so ensure an
expansion of average living standards. The sheer magnitude of the growth
was without precedent in human history. It is almost impossible today to
capture the wonder and excitement which was felt at the scale of the
changes taking place in the economy and in society.
The process of growth fascinated the great early thinkers on economics, such as Adam Smith, Thomas Malthus, David Ricardo and
Karl Marx. The central theme of their various works was an attempt to
understand and explain both why it was happening and whether and
*Angus Maddison, Phases of Capitalist Dnelopment, Oxford University Press, I98z.
I O I I
E C O N O M I C S I N C R I S T S
how it might continue, if indeed it could, for Malthus in particular was
pessimistic.
Since it was in Britain that the transformation wrought by the Industrial Revolution was initially the greatest, it was primarily there that the
early classical economists analysed the process of economic growth. But
as industrialisation spread, so too did the new discipline of economics,
and gradually through the nineteenth century citizens of other countries
- such as the Austrian Brihm-Bawerk, the Swede Knut Wicksell, L6on
Walras in Switzerland and Irving Fisher in America
- began to make
major contributions to the subiect, challenging Britain's pre-eminence in
the field.
In fact, the early economists concerned themselves with a wide range
of highly practical questions. Moreover, scholars from a range of disciplines felt able to contribute to the discussions within political economy.
Jeremy Bentham and the Mills, better known as philosophers and political theorists, and the historian Carlyle, for example, were all involved in
these debates. Economics was not seen to be an exclusive preserve of
professional economists.
To understand the world better, the early thinkers introduced the
important concept of theoretical models, abstract versions of the economy which extracted the essentials of the problem under consideration,
but which at the same time, by simplification from reality, made analysis
easier. By this method of systematic and logical analysis, great steps
forward were made in establishing the basis of modern economics. But
despite this theoretical analysis, economics remained firmly based in
reality. By no means everlthing they wrote has stood the test of time. But
the overriding concern of these men was to understand the world which
they could see about them.
Born in
ry66
to wealthy parents, Thomas Robert Malthus was educated at Cambridge where, according to an early editor of his collected
works,
'he
was generally distinguished for gentlemanlike deportment'.
'Iaking
holy orders in the Church of England, this gentleman-scholar
corresponded actively with Ricardo and achieved distinction on a European scale, being elected to the French Institute in Paris and the Royal
Academy in Berlin before his death at the age of seventy. Writing at the
end of the eighteenth century, he observed the e4plosion in population
which was taking place, and drew his own gloomy conclusions.
For Malthus, slow growth in productiuity in agriculture meant that any
expansion of the population which took place, for whatever reason, wasTHE DEATH OF ECONOMICS
unsustainable. The spectre of death through war and disease permeates
his writings, but lurking in reserve, as a final arbiter of gtowth, is famine.
The Malthusian model has a great deal of validity for much of human
history, but as we can now see, with the benefit of hindsight, Malthus did
not appreciate the potential for massive technological advance in agriculture, which enables the Western world to be fed with a mere handful of
its population engaged in agricultural production. Criticisms can also be
made of his empirical data, his main concern being the huge expansion of
population in what he regarded as the American colonies, much ofwhich
was due in fact to immigration rather than to Ntlalthus's worry about the
fecundity of the population. But in an important sense, the fact that we
now believe him to have been wrong does not matter. He was trying to
understand, by analyical means and using enrpirical evidence, a phenomenon of great import to society.
Some twenty years before Malthus was writing, a quiet Scottish
academic published a book whose profound influence is still with us
today. Adam Smith is now seen as the intellectual inspiration of the New
Right in Western politics. The drive to privatise nationalised industries
and functions carried out by state bureaucracies, and the insistence on
the primacy of free-market forces, which has dominated Western politics
in the past decade, are carried out with fervent invocations of Smith's
name. His major economic work, The Wealth of l\/ations (1776), is indeed
intended to dcmonstratc how the pursuit of enlightened self-interest by
individuals and companics can benefit society as a whole. The book is a
trcme ndous analytical achievement, setting up a model of how the economy is thought to ope rate and develop, and supporting the theory with an
enormous sweep of contemporary and world historical evidence.
Smith's work was not a piece of abstract theorising, but was firmly
rooted in reality. Indeed, the whole purpose of The I'I/ealth of Nations was
to understand how economies worked, and why some countries were so
much wealthier than others. The full title of the book shows quite clearly
Smith's intention. Almost invariably abbreviated now, it was published as
An Inquiry Into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth ofNations.
In the best scientific tradition, Smith observed the world, and then
sought to explain it. Observation came first, theory second.
Contrary to the general perception, The Weahh of Nations is by no
means a pure eulogy of and apology for free-market forces. Margaret
Thatcher famously declared,
'There
is no such thing as society.' But
such a sentiment would have been completely alien to Adam Smith, who
T 2
E C O N O M I C S I N C R I S I S
attached great importance to the concept of society. Indeed, before The
Wealth of Notions appeared, he was already famous for his previous great
work, The Theory ofMoral Sentiments.
A central theme of Moral Sentiments was precisely to show how there
are propensities in human nature which incline us towards society, such
as fellow feeling and the desire both to obtain the approval of others and
to be worthy of that approval. For Smith, these sentiments exercised a
crucial influence on the self-control and restraint of individuals in their
behaviour towards others.
Indeed, he believed that many behavioural problems would be eliminated if only people could see themselves more clearly
'in
the light in
which others see us'. Importantly, the tendency for individuals to control
their behaviour because of the opinions of others was not seen as a
utilitarian act, but one which arose quite naturally.
In other words, self-restraint could arise in a system in which people
followed purely their own self-interest, simply because of the practical
value of such restraint. Life would be intolerable if everyone pursued a
career of fraud, pillage and murder. But for Smith, self-control was not
dependent upon such self-seeking calculations, but was a natural, integral part of human nature.
The moral climate in which the economy and society function is also
an important theme in The Wealth of l{ations. The enlightened pursuit of
self-interest is seen as the driving force of a successful economy, but in
the context of a shared view of what constitutes reasonable behaviour.
For Smith, an important role of the state was to assume powers which
could be used if necessary to support the moral framework. This did
not simply extend to the system of justice, or even to legal provisions for
the state to deal with monopoly powers. Smith was particularly concerned, for example, with the quality of life of the labouring poor. He
defined living standards in terms not only material, but also moral,
arguing that the principles of industrial organisation on which material
prosperity was based required workers to become increasingly
specialised and narrowly focused in their working lives. This process
-
the principle of the division of labour, in Smith's famous phrase
-
brought enormous benefits in material terms. But at the same time, it
rendered many individuals
'not
only incapable of relishing or bearing a
part in any rational conversation, but of conceiving any generous, noble
or tender sentiment, and consequently of forming any
iust iudgment
concerning many even of the ordinary duties of private life. Of the great
r 3T H E D E A T H O F E C O N O M I C S
and extensive interests of his country he is altogether incapable of
judging.'
Smith argued that the state had the very important duty to tackle this
problem, by providing a level of education sufficient to render every
citizen capable of exercising an appropriate level of intellectual and social
'virtue'.
'fhe
state should even extend its range of activities into the
cultural sphere, in order to raise the overall intellectual level of the
population, to the benefit of all.
The importance to Smith of the overall set of values in which the
economy operates is generally ignored by his followers in the late
twentieth century. His economics, based upon individual self-interest, is
remembered. but his moral fiamework is not. Yet societal values are an
important theme, and one which will be revisited in the second part of
this book, in the context of understanding post-war economic
performance. Differences both across countries and within a particular
country over time in value systems and the degree of'social cohesion are
important in understanding, for example, the behaviour of unemployment since the war.
In sharp contrast, modern economics views the economy as something
which can be analysed in isolation. There are few greater insults in an
orthodox economist's vocabulary than to describe someone as a
sociologist. The institutional setting, the historical experience and the
overall framework of behaviour are ruthlessly excluded from contemporary economic theory.
In the years following Adam Smith's great book, the pace of economic
development quickened even further. In the first nvo decades of the
nineteenth century, the remarkable David Ricardo applied himself to an
analysis of contemporary economic questions, ofwhich economic growth
remained the most important.
Ironically, it is the shy and retiring academic, Adam Smith, who is
today by far the better known of these two outstanding minds. Indeed, it
is even possible to obtain a respectable degree in economics with only the
haziest notion of Ricardo's existence. Yet to his contemporaries in the
emerging world power of Britain, Ricardo was a truly outstanding figure,
whose premature death at the age of only fifty-one in r8z3 was a maior
loss to society. He made an enormous arnount of money on the Stock
Exchange, and even more as a loan contractor during the Napoleonic
Wars. He retired from money making in r8r5. One outlet for his
energies became politics, and in I8r9 he entered the House of
r 4 r 5
E C O N O M I C S I N C R I S I S
Commons, taking advantage of the then prevailing attirude in British
politics by purchasing a constituency in Ireland, which he never visited,
for the sum of around
{r million at today's prices. Despite this rather
unusual, to modern eyes, method of gaining a seat, Ricardo established
himselfvery quickly as an important authority on questions of economics
in Parliament.
Like Smith, Ricardo's intellectual interests ranged widely across social
and economic problems, or, as he perceived them to be, questions of
political economy. These were not to be studied loftily, above the hurly
burly of political debate. The whole purpose of the subiect was to
improve human welfare through a better understanding of how the
economy operated. His major work, entitled Principles of Political Economy
and Taxation, appeared in r 8 r 7.
In the early years of the nineteenth century, Britain was engaged in a
military struggle with Napoleon, on a scale which is dwarfed only by the
global conflicts of our own century. This had a huge impact on British
public finances, as military expenditure rose dramatically and the
government was obliged to borrow on an unprecedented scale. Ricardo
addressed a number of pressing practical issues, such as the stability of
the currency at a time when the government was printing money to
finance its deficit, and the question as to whether a deficit in the public
finances was better dealt with by borrowing or by taxation.
On the question of trade, he extended the analysis made by Adam
Smith. Given the great practical importance of this issue in the early
nineteenth cenfury, it is worth spending some time on the subiect.
One question which intrigued the early, classical economists was why
trade between nations should take place at all. This was not merely an
irbstract area of intellectual speculation. Powerful bodies of opinion
he lieved strongly in the regulation and protection from foreign competition of both industry and agriculture, policies which deterred rather than
promoted trade. In thinking and writing about trade, Smith and Ricardo
were addressing a contemporary problem of major political and economic importance.
'l'he
Corn Laws in Britain were the prime example of such an issue.
'l'hey
gave a high degree of protection to British agriculture, and were an
absolutely central political question in the first half of the nineteenth
ccntury.
During the Napoleonic Wars. the supply of corn to Britain from the
re st of Europe had been cut off and the price of wheat tripled. The poor,THE DEATH OF ECONOMICS
whether urban or rural, suffered terribly as a result. But landlords and
farmers benefited enormously. With the defeat of Napoleon, imported
corn once again became available, and prices fell. The Corn Laws were
hurriedly passed to restrict imports, and to enable prices to stay high.
The urban population, of all classes, was violently opposed to the laws,
often literally so, and a number of major riots took place. In contrast,
landowners both gteat and small were very strongly in favour. The
ultimate abolition of the Laws, a quarter of a century after Ricardo's
death, was an issue of such importance that the Conservative Party split
on the question, and as a result was out of power for a generation.
In The Weahh of lVations, Adam Smith demonstrated that it was in
general advantageous for a country to specialise in the production of
those products in which it held an absolute advantage over other countries. In other words, its areas of production were those in which it could
produce more efficiently than others. If two countries could each produce a different product more efficiently than the other, then it would be
to the advantage of both for each to specialise in producing the efficient
product, and for trade to take place between them. In general, Smith
argued, this would be better for both countries than if each tried to
produce both products.
Ricardo went much further. The thirty to forty years benveen the
successive editions of The Weahh of Nations and the appearance of The
Pinciples of Political Economy had seen a further dramatic acceleration in
economic development, particularly in Britain. As industrialisation proceeded, it was entirely possible that for a time Britain held an absolute
advantage in the production not just of manufactured goods but also,
thanks to mechanisation and technological improvements, in agriculture
as well. In other words, Britain could produce a wide range of goods
more efficiently than anyone else. Yet trade still took place.
Ricardo explained this by the theory of comparative advantage, which
is still the basis of international trade theory in economics today. Imagine
that a country, such as Britain in the early nineteenth century, had such a
lead in technological development that it could produce any given product more efficiently than any other country.
The theory says that even in these circumstances everyone could
benefit from trade. The most efficient country should concentrate its
resources on producing those goods where the gap between its efficiency
and those of competing nations was the greatest. The less efficient
countries should produce those products where the gap was smallest. In
r 6 r 7
E C O N O M I C S I N C R I S I S
this way, more resources could be concentrated on those goods which
could be produced the most efficiently of all.
The practical application for Ricardo was clear. Britain could produce
both corn and manufactures more efficiently than other countries. But
Britain's comparative advantage was much greater in manufactures. In
other words, the gap between the efficiency of Britain in producing
manufactured goods and that of the rest of the world was greater than the
gap between Britain and the rest of the world in the efficiency of their
agricultural production. By concentrating on manufactures, Britain could
obtain the necessary amount of corn to feed its population from abroad
far more cheaply than if it were produced at home. For Ricardo, this
constituted a devastating argument against the protectionism of the Corn
Laws.
Ricardo was careful to point out that his theory was dependent upon
the assumption that funds available to invest in industry ('capital', for
short) did not flow freely from one country to another. While capital then
moved reasonably easily between regions in any one country, the same
did not apply between different countries, even within Western Europe.
Ricardo wrote of the
'fancied
or real insecurity of capital, together with
the natural disinclination which every man has to quit the country of his
birth, and intrust himself to a strange government and new laws'. He
approved of these restrictions on capital mobility, and stated that he
would'be sorry to see them weakened'.
In contrast, at the end of the nventieth century, capital is for the most
part highly mobile. There are still areas where the risk of losing one's
investment through e4propriation of assets by the state exists. And small
and medium-sized companies may well be deterred from investing
abroad by local customs. Southern Italy, for example, is not an area to
which the foreign entrepreneur is naturally drawn. But for large corporations, to all intents and purposes, capital is mobile throughout the world.
Investments can be carried out almost anywhere, and indeed governments vie with each other for the privilege of large companies investing
in their country.
Despite the fact that an important assumption behind Ricardo's trade
theory, to which he himself drew attention, no longer holds empirically,
the orthodo*y of free trade and free markets still prevails in contemporary economics.
The question which undoubtedly most intrigued the great classical
economists was that of economic growth. It was this that was making aT H E D E A T H O F E C O N O M I C S
dramatic difference to both the economy in particular and society in
general.
Writing in the early decades of the nineteenth century, Ricardo was by
no means certain that growth on the scale he observed could continue.
One reason for this was the influence of Malthus on his thoughts about
the productivity of agriculture, which led him to suspect that ultimately
the growth process might break down through the inability of the economy to support the growth in population.
But Ricardo thought hard about the conditions under which the
remarkable transformation in the economy which he observed could
continue. An important aspect of this for him was the distribution of
national income between profits, wages and rent, or the income from
land and property. For Ricardo, the possibility existed that profits would
become too low to sustain growth.
Profits were seen as extremely important to economic development by
the early economists. Without an adequate level of profit, for example,
investment in new machinery and equipment and in new methods of
transport such as canals and railways would not be enough to sustain
growth. The role of profits in modern economics has faded over time,
which is not to say that their true influence in the economy has changed
in any way. On the contrary, the neglect of the impact of profits on the
behaviour of the economy is a crucial weakness of modern economic
analysis, whether Keynesian or monetarist, and it is a theme developed in
the second half of this book.
The first economist to appreciate fully the profound qualitative change
in the economic system which industrial capitalism brought about was
Karl Marx. Marx drew not only on the experience of industrialisation in
his native Germany, but also on events in Britain, where he spent the
latrer part of his life in political exile. The political aura which surrounds
his name through its appropriation by the Soviet Communists makes it
difficult for many people to approach his writings in the same way as they
would those of, say, Adam Smith. But he was writing in the same
intellectual, scientific tradition of setting up theoretical models, not in a
purely abstract way, but as a means of tryng to understand actual
economic events.
Marx had the advantage of writing thirty or fort-v years later than
Ricardo. Industrialisation and growth, far from faltering, had progressed
by leaps and bounds. What appeared as a new phenomenon to Ricardo,
which might at any time disappear, was seen by Marx to have become
r 8 l ( )
E C O N O M I C S I N C R I S I S
a permanent feature of society. He concluded that the build up of
investment in factories and rapid technological development, the features
which distinguished industrial capitalism from all previous societies,
would guarantee gowth in the long run. And on this point, Marx was
right.
Marr did have doubts about the ultimate sustainability of growth. If
technical advances and the dissemination of new techniques slowed
down, the only way to sustain expansion would be to invest in greater and
greater amounts of machinery and buildings, the fixed capital of industry.
And eventually, as the size of the stock of this capital grew, the rate of
profit available on yet more new investment would inevitably fall. So the
two engines of glowth, technological advance and the expansion of the
stock of fixed capital in machines, vehicles and so forth, would break
down.
A vast and esoteric literature has developed over subsequent years on
Marx's concept of the falling rate of profit. Whether the rate of profit has
fallen or not, technological progress is as rapid as ever, and econornic
growth continues. Marx himself allowed this as a distinct possibility, and
his model of economic growth by no means implied an inevitable breakdown of the economic system.
A further important innovation by Marx was to analyse business cycles.
We are now familiar with the way in which our economies move through
periods of boom, followed by recession, and so on. Much of contemporary macro-economic policy has the intention of modifuing and controlling these fluctuations
- with, it has t<l be said, little success. But in
the first half of the nineteenth century, such short-term cycles were an
entirely new phenomenon. Marx again formulated an analyical model to
try to account for them.
In the twentieth century, John Maynard Keynes has been the most
important scholar working in the tradition of the classical political economists. This does not mean that he agreed with everything they wrote. But
his interest, like theirs, was in the analysis of the great issues of his day,
the greatest of which in the inter-war period was not growth but unemployment, a problern so acute at the time that in desperation the Gernlans turned to Hitler and to fascism. The very future of Western
tlemocracies was placed at risk. Keynes was concerned not just to
rundcrstand unemployment intellectually, but to put forward practical
suggcstions as to how the problem could be solved. He believed fervently
thirt, firr all its f-aults, Western liberal democracy offered the best hope forTHE DEATH OF ECONOMICS
the world, and he saw himself working to save it.
Keynes, a Fellow of King's College, Cambridge, had enormous
influence with governments around the world on a range of issues from
the early r92os until his death shortly after the Second World War. F{e
fought an unremitting struggle against what he saw as the baleful and
malign influences of orthodox economics, which taught that, even with
rates of unemployment of more than zo per cent in both America and
Germany, governments should not intervene in the economy, to avoid
interfering with the workings of the free-market mechanism.
Keynes, like Adam Smith, believed that market economies could be an
enormous force for good in terms of their efficiency and the resulting
prosperity which they could bring through economic growth. But he was
contemptuous of orthodox economic theory, despite its ostensible concern to analyse the workings of markets, because he regarded such
theory as offering a seriously misleading view of how the market economies of the West actually worked.
Like all great thinkers, Keynes's teachings have become distorted by
many of his followers, and, as we will see in later chapters, there is an
important distinction to be made between his own economics and much
of what is now described as Keynesian economics. Indeed, the latter has
been safely absorbed by, and neutered within the framework of the
orthodox economics of today.
Not everyone can be a Malthus, or a Smith, a Ricardo, a Marx or a
Keynes. But economists can aim to emulate the distinguishing feature of
their works, namely the affempt to understand the world around them
and the great practical questions of the day.
An internal culture has developed within academic economics which
positively extols esoteric irrelevance. Despite a new emphasis in some of
the very best work now being done, particularly in the United States, on
confronting theory with empirical evidence, a relatively low status is
given to applied work, involving the empirical testing of theories, in
contrast to pure theoretical research.
Of course, this attitude is not unique to economics. Some of the
greatest minds of world history have worked on theoretical physics, for
example, and theory has a high standing in many disciplines. But in
economics, pure theory is held to describe how the world actually
operates. There is no perceived need to examine this empirically.
In other disciplines, the need to test theories is strong, and indeed
some of the greatest theorists, Archimedes and Isaac Newton, for
2 0
E C O N O M I C S I N C R I S I S
example, seem to have had a fairly acute sense of empirical observation
as well. Of course, it is possible to make advances by pure thought,
without reference to observation. But such opporfunities are distinguished by their rarity. The truly gteat thinkers allow mundane evenrs
such as lying in a bath or sitting under an apple tree to inform the
development of their theories.
Usually, it is only by attempting to describe an observed phenomenon
by setting up a theoretical model, and then checking its empirical relevance as thoroughly as possible, that scientific progress can be made.
'Ihe
more situations in which the model can be applied successfully, the
gteater the confidence in the theory, and the greater the respect in which
it is held. Newton's theory of gravity is seen as so outstandingly brilliant
precisely because it can explain such an enormously wide range of
events.
In contrast, many theoretical economists today bring to mind Shadwell's 1676 Restoration comedy, The Virtuoso. The Virtuoso himself, an
eminent theorist about almost anything which moves, is, for example,
held to be the greatest swimmer in the world. But he never actually
swims in water. He simply lies on a table and follows to perfection the
movements of a frog which is dangled on a string in front of him. At least
the Virtuoso, by observing the frog, has the merit of allowing empirical
reality to impinge on him to a modest extent.
Contemporary orthodox economics is isolated. It is isolated from its
r<lots in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, when economists were by no means afraid to theorise, but did so purely to illustrate
and understand the great practical issues of the day. Its method of
analysis is isolated from the wider context of society, in which the
economy operates, and which Adam Smith believed to be of great
importance. And its methodolory, despite the pretensions of many of its
practitioners, is isolated from that of the physical sciences, to whose
status it none the less aspires.
[http://www.paulormerod.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/08/death_crisis1.pdf]
Seventeenth-century Europe was a place of great religious ferment. Theological differences between the various Christian churches and sects were often magnified into issues involving life and death. A belief common to many of the protagonists was that their opponents either were, or had the potential to become, the Antichrist. Some very considerable intellects, along with many others of lesser calibre, applied themselves to the problem of identifing either whether Antichrist had actually appeared already, or was about to appear.
A technique which was used widely in this investigation was the so-called 'science' of numerolory. Scholars would look carefully for coincidences in the appearance of sequences of numbers, searching for clues to identif' Antichrist's appearance on Earth. Many predictions were made that he had in fact appeared. But since his appearance is prophesied to bring about a reign of dreadful terror and chaos, more thoughtful minds began to question whether this was in fact the case. Indeed, they began to wonder whether the discipline of numerology had any value whatsoever.
In 1690, John Owen, Chancellor of Oxford University, went so far as to state: 'Take heed of computation! How woefully and wretchedly we have been misled by it!'
This could serve as the epitaph for the discipline of economics in its current state. And an epitaph in particular for macro-economic modelling and forecasting, the theme of this chapter.
So far, most of our attention has been devoted to the micro-level, to
the model of competitive equilibrium, because it is the core model of
economic theory. Whatever nuances and qualifications they might make,
orthodox economists ultimately subscribe to this model as a reasonable
approximation of how the world operates. Its workings rarely, if ever,
catch the attention of the media. And with good reason. F or within
standard economics the model is about as controversial as thc f:rct that
the Pope believes in God.
It is much more exciting, not to say amusing,, frrr the mcdia to fl'alure
disputes among economists as to how thc cconomv opcralcs rrl thc
M E C H A N I S T I C M O D E L L I N G
aggregate, macro-level, and to ridicule the accuracy of macro-economic
forecasts.
Almost every day, economists, particularly those employed by the
publicity-conscious financial institutions, can be heard and seen pontificating and arguing with each other about the significance of the latest
economic statistic to emerge, or pronouncing with great confidence on
what the government should be doing about this or that problem. The
remark of the Russian physicist Lev Landau, made in a different context,
might almost have been designed as a perfect description of the gurus of
Wall Street and the City of London:
'Cosmologists,'
he wrote,
'are
often
in error but never in doubt.'
Whatever solution is offered, whatever prognostication is made, one
quality above all is lacking from the various utterances. Namely, that of
humility. For the record of economists in understanding and forecasting
the economy at the macro-level is not especially impressive. Indeed,
uncharitable writers might be inclined to describe it as appalling.
To be fair, economics is not a completely empty box in the way in
which numerolory was so clearly shown to be. Its status is similar to that
of science before Newton. At the micro-level in particular, in certain
well-defined circumstances, the discipline can offer useful insights into
behaviour. But the contrast between the actual scientific achievements of
the discipline and the confidence with which claims are made for it by its
protagonists is striking.
A long-standing proposition in economics, for example, is the quantity
theory of money. This asserts that inflation is always and everywhere
caused by increases in the supply of money. At one level, the proposition
is simply an accounting identity. It states that the amount of goods and
services produced in an economy in any one period multiplied by the
average price of the same goods and services by definition equals the
amount of money in circulation multiplied by the
'velocity'
of circulation
of'money.
It will be helpful to the subsequent discussion to write down this
sonrewhat wordy proposition in the form of a simple equation' Using the
svrnbol
'M'
to denote the money supply,'V' the velocity of circulation,'P'
the average price level and
'Q
the amount of'goods and services protlrrccd in an economy, the quantity theory of money states that: M x V
:
l' r
(1.
In other words, the amount of money in an economy, multiplied
l'rv tlrc spced with which it circulates, equals the amount of goods and
se rvice s prttclucccl multiplied by the price level.
:
( ) 2 93THE DEATH OF ECONOMICS
one way in which this equation can be used is to measure v. The
central bank of an economy knows how much money is in circulation,
and governments make separate estimates of p
and (i. so, given values
for M, P and a, v is measured as being that valu. *hirh, when
multiplied by M, is equal to p
times e.
In iact, this is the only way in
which v can be measured, for there is no independent way of ioing so,
unlike M, P and Q
for which well-definea ana we[-usi procedures
exist to estimate their values.
But it is not terribly interesting to use this equation simply to measure
V, a rather esoteric factor which measures how fast -on.y is circulating
round any particular economy. And, indeed, the quantity theory of
money does make much more imaginative use of it.
Suppose that the government or the central bank of an economy can
control the amount of money in circulation, M. suppose further that,
ultimately, changes in the amount of money do not affect the amount of
goods and services produced in an economy,
e. Temporarily, perhaps
for as long a period as two or three years, increasing or decreasing the
amount of money in an economy might lead to changes in how much is
produced. But suppose that, eventually, changes in M have no effect on
Q. Suppose, finally, that v does not chang" *., time, but always keeps
the same value. Rather more subtly, v can be allowed to change, but
suppose that in some way these changes can always be pr.dirted
accurately.
If all these suppositions are correct, the quantity theory of money is
valid, and there is a direct and predictable link between increases in the
money supply and inflation. If M is increased by the government, and
either v is constant or we know how it is going to change, we can
compute how much the left-hand side of our equation, M times v, will
change. And since eventually, on the right-hand side,
ewill not change
as a result of changes to M or v, p must rise by an amount equal to the
change in M times v. The price revel, p,
rises, or in other words
increasing the money supply has caused inflation.
The reader might reflect that an awful lot of supposing has to take
place in order for the qua'tity theory of money to be true. But this has
not stopped it from being of great practical importance, particularly over
the past rwenty years or so. The proselytising work of Milto., Frieclman,
Nobel Prize winner in economics and a firm believer in the quantity
theory, did much to push the theory forward into the policy_making
domain. The conduct of economic policy in many countrics 6as bccn
M E C H A N I S T I C M O D E L L I N G
strongly influenced by the view that inflation is a purely monetary phenomenon. If the money supply is controlled, so is inflation.
For example, the Bundesbank monitors changes in the German
money supply very closelv, believing that if it can be kept under control,
so can inflation. And given the dominant position of the Deutschmark in
the European ERM in the r98os and early r99os, policies followed by
the Bundesbank have had a powerful influence on policies in the other
countries of the European Community. Latin American countries are
repeatedly urged by the IMF to exercise monetary
'discipline'
and
control their money supplies in order to control the endemic inflation of
that continent.
Staying with the theme of discipline, Mrs Thatcher, in her early years
in power, was a great believer that inflation could only be caused by
changes in the money supply. The sharp rise in inflation which took
place in Britain in r98o came as a complete surprise to her newly elected
government, which had set strict new targets for the growth of the money
supply. The fact that the government had also conceded enormous wage
increases across the public sector and at the same time virtually doubled
the rate of VAT
-
the tax rate on sales of goods and services
- early in
the same year could not, on the logic of the government and its advisers,
affect inflation, for these policies did not involve an increase in the
money supply. Unfortunately for the government and the theory, workers
in the private sector demanded wage increases of a similar size, pushing
up industry's costs, and companies simply raised their prices in line both
with these higher costs and with the new spending-tax rate. Inflation
soared towards 20 per cent.
There are circumstances in which increases in the money supply do
trigger increases in inflation. In the middle of the third century ao, for
example, the Roman Empire experienced a tremendous crisis which
almost destroyed it. In the space of fifty years, there were no fewer than
twenty emperors: eighteen of them died violent deaths, one was held
captive abroad, and the other was a victim of the plague. There was
constant debasement of the currency, and the price of corn rose to well
over a hundred times its previous levels. But such inflation was modest in
comparison to the dramatic hyper-inflations of our own century, as, fbr
example, in Germany in the r92os; in Central European countries, most
notably Hungary, at the end of the Second World War; and at present in
the newly formed countries of the former Soviet bloc. Inflation in some
of these examples far exceeded an annual rate of r million per cent. In
95
94T H E D E A T H O F E C O N O M I C S
the single month ofJuly 1946, prices in Hungary rose at an annualised
percentage rate of more than r followed by sixteen zeros, and in August
r993 a similar calculation fbr Serbia produced a percentage rate of nrore
than 3
followed by seventeen zeros.
But the claim that inflation is always and everywhere purely caused by
increases in the money supply, and that the rate of inflation bears a
stable, predictable relationship to increases in the money supply is
ridiculous.
At a purely practical level, there is no unique definition of what
constitutes the money supply. A range of indicators is used and appears
in the financial press. The various definitions are) by convention,
denoted by the capital letter
'M'
followed by a number. So we have, for
example, Mo, Mr and so on, usually.rp to M5, although there can be
subtle variants such as MrA. The rule is, the bigger the number, the
more factors are included in the definition of money.
At a narrow level, money might be defined simply as the total value of
notes and coins circulating in the economy. But one could argue that
money which is held in bank accounts and which can be u'ithdrawn on
demand is virtually the same thing as cash, so this, too, should be
included in the definition. A case can be made for including the money
held in other bank accounts. For example, a deposit account which
requires one month's notice before it can be withdrawn is not as
accessible as a pile of banknotes in the back pocket, but it is money which
the owner can obtain.
The differences would not matter if all definitions of money tended to
move together, but throughout the western world at any point in tirne
there are often large differences between the rates of growth of the
various definitions of M. Sirnply by looking at the statisrics published by
the IMF for the Fowth
in Mr and Mz
-
two measures which are close
together in terms of what is and what is not included in their definitions.
and so might be expected to move together quite closely
-
it is easy ro
pick out examples. Between 1985 and 1987, money as measurecl by Mr
in the United States grew by t5 per cent, but by 25 per cent on its
neighbouring definition given by Mz. Berween tg87 and r9go, NIr grew
by ,4 per cent, and Mz by only 8 per cent. In Britain, in the two years
from 1988, Mz money grew by 4 per cent, but Mr grew by n' less than
37 per cent. The list of examples could go on for a long time.
Virulent debates rage over the exact definition of M which sheuld bc
used for the monetary theory to work. But the problems with thc quarrri6'
M E C H A N I S T I C M O D E L I - I N G
theory of money run even deeper. The assumption of the theory that the
velocity of circulation of money is constant simply does not hold. In other
words, increases or decreases in the money supply are often accompanied, even over a period of years, by changes in the speed with which
money circulates. Since the right-hand side of the equation in the
quantity theory of money is the amount of money in circulation multiplied by the speed with which it circulates, it follows that if both of these
factors change, the direct link benveen money and prices is broken.
In most Western countries during the past decade, the velocity of
circulation of money, on all definitions, has altered with the impact of
financial deregulation. Just
taking evidence for the velocity of Mz published by the IMF illustrates the point. In America, velocity fell by r z per
cent between r98r and r986, and then rose by some 6 per cent by the
early rggos. In Australia, velocity fell 13 per cent between r98r and
r988, and has since risen by no less than 30 per cent. In France, from the
early r98os to the early rggos, it rose r4 per cent, but in neighbouring
Germany it fell r 3 per cent. The most conspicuous fall was in Britain,
where over the decade the velocity of Mz fell by +8 per cent. In Britain,
in fact, despite the fact that during this period the money supply rose
fourfold, prices barely doubled, the potential link between monetary
growth and inflation being broken by the collapse in the measure of
velocity.
Of course, as we noted above, the velocity of circulation does not have
to be strictly constant for the theory to have any chance of success. It is
rather that any changes in it have to be predictable. But the deregulation
of financial markets in many countries in the r98os is
iust one example of
a range of factors which has prevented velocity from being predicted with
any degree of accuracy. Such events change the rules of the game, as it
were, and disrupt any established relationships which might exist.
Perhaps the only example in history of completely successful predictions being made with Nt occurred in Thomas Middleton'sJacobean play
The Changeling. One of the characters possesses a magic elixir in a phial
marked, quite simply,'M'. He is able to predict repeatedly and with great
accuracy the impact on others of consuming the potion. How unlike the
economic forecasts of today! The forecasting problems encountered with
the quantity theory of money extend to other aspects of macroeconomics. The media highlight the differences befween monetarist and
Keynesian cconomists, and this is not unreasonable, for they can rnake a
livclv story. IJut in many ways, the juxtaposition of monetarist and
g6
97THE DEATH OF ECONOMICS
Keynesian positions is a false one. Importantly, both approaches share
the same Victorian, mechanistic view of the world.
Many of the differences can in fact be understood from the quantity
theory of money equation discussed above. In essence, and with some
but not a great deal of risk of simplification, the key distinction between a
monetarist position and a Keynesian one is that the former holds that
changes in M, however defined, can ultimately have no impact on q
while the latter believes that they can.
This is a very important practical difference for macro-economic
policy. Either such policy has no influence on how much is produced in
the economy as a whole, or it does have some. The reader may feel, in
the words of a catch-phrase fashionable in Britain:
'I
think we should be
told.'But macro-economics cannot give a clear-cut answer.
Governments have a whole range of macro-economic policy measures
which they can take, and changes in many of these measures will have
implications for the growth of the money supply in the economy. For
example, in the United States there is a gap of hundreds of millions of
dollars each year between the amount which the federal government
spends and the amount of income it receives from taxes. In
Japan,
in
response to the deepest recession since the war, the government has
recently decided to increase the level of its expenditure r,vithout raising
taxes to pay for the increase. Increased spending on public transport and
on housing, for example, is part of theJapanese measures.
But these differences between government spending and its income
from taxation have to be financed in some way. At its simplest, unlike the
rest of us when we go into debt, the government can simply print some
more money to pay for its extra spending. or it can try to persuade
- by,
for example, offering high interest rates
- both individuals and institutions such as pension funds to lend it the money instead.
In practice, the links between changes in the amount which the
government needs to pay for its spending and changes in the money
supply can be considerably more complex and circuitous than the basic
textbook examples mentioned directly above, and a substantial proportion of the differences between the various schools of thought in macroeconomics arises from differences in their technical accounts of these
imperfectly understood mechanisms.
But whether governments increase spending without raising taxes, or
cut taxes without reducing spending, the resulting need to pay firr the gap
in the government's budget has implications for the moncy supply.
M E C H A N I S T I C M O D E L L I N G
Monetarists maintain that such policies, however they are financed,
cannot influence the total amount of goods and services which are
produced, while Keynesians believe that they can. But
iust as the monetarist camp is split as to the precise measure of M which is relevant for
their theory of inflation, KeSmesians are divided on the exact strength of
the impact of government macro-economic policy on output as a whole.
Theoretical macro-economics has developed in recent years to produce what effectively amounts to a synthesis of the various schools of
thought. And it is this synthesis which is taught the world over on courses
in macro-economics. What might be termed pure monetarist or pure
Keynesian positions can be regarded simply as special cases of this more
general, synthesised model of macro-economics. If certain links in the
model are activated with a certain strength, results which are more
inclined to the monetarist position are obtained, while the activation of
other links gives the model varying degrees of Keynesianism.
An analogy with a railway signalbox which controls a complicated and
busy junction might help to illustrate the point. Economists and politicians often speak of the
'levers'
of economic policy, even if in the
high-tech world of today it is buttons which are pressed rather than
levers which are pulled. All the people who draw up the plans for which
train is to be routed where share a great deal in common about the
operation of the railway. They all agree that the railway has engines and
carriages, and that they run on rails. This might seem obvious, but if the
signalbox were controlled by someone who imagined he was supervising
a horse race such as the Grand National or Kentucky Derby instead, all
sorts of problems might ensue. With this common background, the task
of the particular signalman on duty is to pull various levers, which
activate certain signals and certain patterns on the track, and which in
turn choose the direction the train will take. One set of levers will activate
the equipment to send the train in one direction, and a different set will
ensure that the train ends up on a different track. Similarly, the choice of
which connections are activated will decide the direction in which a
particular theoretical specification of a macro-economic model goes,
towards monetarism or Keynesianism.
The role of the signalman in applied macro-economics is played by
people with statistical training, known as econometricians. Their job is to
analyse macro-economic data using statistical techniques, to try to decide
which links in the system are the appropriate ones to activate. But this is a
rather humdrum description of what can be an intricate and intellectually
e8 99THE DEATH OF ECONOMICS
challenging task. Econometricians working with macro-data may often
see themselves in the much grander role of arbitrating the disputes
between the various schools of macro-theorists.
I should know, for I spent most of the rgTos and early r98os as an
applied macro-economist, before the gradual accumulation of evidence
forced me to the conclusion that, despite intensive effort, econometrics
had not succeeded in resolving the various theoretical disputes
- nor has
it done in the succeeding decade. The weight of evidence may sometimes point very clearly in one particular direction, but it is never quite
convincing enough to persuade someone who really does not want to
believe the result.
Despite the problems, there is a large number of macro-economic
models in regular use around the world, in treasuries, central banks and
in large commercial companies, almost all of which are based upon the
general, shared theoretical framework of macro-economic behaviour.
The models differ in the strengths of their various linkages, which are
still the source of endless discussion among applied econometricians, but
the underlying approach is common to all.
It is in these models that the theory of macro-economics is applied and
confronted with empirical data on a regular basis. Despite the potential
importance of this in adjudicating between theoretical arguments, the
activity of building and using these macro-models is rather looked down
on by the academic profession. An important reason for this is that the
interest of most academics is in micro-economics, in the implications of
the model of competitive equilibrium.
A secondary reason, perhaps, is that those who get involved in using
data are thought by some to be not quite gentlemen, almost as if they
were involved in trade, or as if, Heaven forbid, they got their hands dirty.
An experience early in my career illustrated the point to me clearly. An
aspiring economist and close contemporary of mine, while still a very
young man, was highly regarded by the mainstream academic theorists in
Britain. Within just a couple of years of taking his first degree, before
obtaining a doctorate, he was elected to the economics faculty in the
University of Oxford. He proceeded to consolidate his reputation, but
after only a few years he decided to abandon academic life and to try and
make money as a macro-economic forecaster in business. Great was the
consternation among Oxford theorists, and eloquent wcre thc plcas for
him to see the error of his ways. The phrase
'prostituting
hinrsclf', if-not
M E C H A N I S T I C M O D E L L I N G
used openly, was hinted at strongly. But to no avail.
As it happens, there is an amusing sequel to this story. Several years
later the young economist, then prospering, was approached by a drinks
company to see if he could do some lucrative consultancy work for them
in a dispute they were having with the European Commission on sales of
one of their products. They had, they said, aiready commissioned
another economist to work on this, but they would bring him along. An
appointment was made and, on the due day, the management team from
the drinks company entered the economist's office. Following them, at
least having the grace to look sheepish, was the other economist, the
author of their econometric study of the drinks market in the European
Community, at last identified as being none other than one of the highest
of Oxford's theoretical high priests!
The main practical uses of macro-economic models are not so much
to adjudicate between rival theories as to act as a source of advice to
governments and to business. A substantial amount of resources has
been devoted in the past twenty years to developing and refining these
models. In Europe, this has been mainly at the expense of the taxpayer,
although in the United States commercial funding of the models has
become the norm. But despite this effort and attention, the performance
of the models is sadly lacking.
The nature of the advice the models are supposed to be able to provide
is twofold. First, to assess the likely consequences, across the economy as
a whole, of changes in government policy. The various linkages within
the models discussed above trace and monitor, in complicated ways, the
implications of changes in one part of the model as they feed through
into other parts of the model, often taking time for the full consequences
of the various connections in the model to take effect. Second, the
models are used to assist in the production of forecasts of factors such as
the growth of national output, unemployment, interest rates, inflation,
and so on.
As an example of their use to assess the impact of policy changes,
VAT is levied on most items of consumer spending in the countries of
the European Community. Macro-models can be used to supply answers
to the question: what would happen if the rate of VAT were changed?
'Ihis
very question was actually asked of the six leading macro-models in
Britain in an exercise to compare their structures carried out in the
summer of rg93. For the purposes of the exereise, VAT was assumed to
bc rccluccd by one percentage point.
r o o I O IT H E D E A T H O F E C O N O M I C S
In the first instance, it seems logical that a reduction in the rate of tax
on spending would lead to some reduction in the average price at which
goods and services across the economy are sold. Indeed, all six models
agreed that initially this would happen, but in varying degrees. A couple
of models thought that average prices would fall at once by o.6 per cent,
while at the other extreme another model considered that prices would
hardly fall at all, by just o.I per cent. One reason for the variations is the
different ways in which the models represent the links between taxes on
consumer spending and the way in which companies set their prices. If
VAT changes, companies have a choice of either passing the change on
to the consumer through changes in prices, or absorbing the change
themselves through their profit margins, leaving prices to the consumer
unchanged. The more companies pass changes in tax on to consumers,
the more will prices change in response to a change in tax rates.
So the six models differed in their account of what would happen to
prices as soon as the rate of VAT was changed. But at least they all
agreed that prices would fall. An even bigger disagreement arises when
the models trace through the consequences of a change in VAT over a
period of three or four years. After four years, two of the models
continued to give the answer that prices would fall, and by amounts
greater than the initial impact. But one model said that, by then, prices
would not have altered at all, while the other three answered that a
reduction in VAT now would actually lead to higher prices in four years'
time!
In other words, a finance minister trying to decide whether or not
actually to change VAT, or a managing director trying to understand the
consequences for his or her business of such a change, would be given
quite different answers depending on which particular model was selected to tackle the question. In the immortal words of the salesman:
'You
pays your money, and you takes your choice.'
Such disagreements between models about the empirical consequences of practical policy changes are widespread, and other
examples could readily be supplied, from models both of the British and
of other economies. The differences in the answers arise from the
cumulative effect of what are often small and apparently insignificant
differences in the various linkages within the models. Providing a full
account of the reasons for such differences can be a challenging
iob
for
the model operators, in the same way that, for example, tracing connections on a complicated electrical switchboard requires skill.
M E C H A N I S T I C M O D E L L I N G
But a flavour can be given of the connections which are activated when
the impact of even such a simple policy as changing the rate of VAT is
examined. Prices change, and so then do wages, for wage bargainers,
whether in trade unions or not, do take account of what is happening to
prices. Changes in wages imply changes in industry's costs, which in turn
have further implications for prices. A reduction in VAT reduces the
amount of income which the government receives from tax, so that the
gap between government expenditure and income widens; this gap has to
be financed in some way or other, so the money supply has to expand
and/or interest rates increase. As prices and wages change, the purchasing power of consumers changes. If the net impact of the changes in
prices and wages is to make consumers better off, for example, they will
spend more, and some of this spending goes on imports. So the country's
trade balance worsens, which again has to be financed in some way,
which may have implications for the exchange rate of the country's
currency, changes that may feed through into changes in the costs of
imported materials, which in turn has implications for prices.
The above paragraph may seem complicated. And so it is, for these
models have grown and grown in size. A single model may now be made
up of literally hundreds of equations, each purporting to represent some
aspect of economic behaviour, and each connected to other equations in
the system.
The models may seem impressive and intimidating when their mathematical specifications are set down on paper, but when it comes to their
use in forecasting they are so unreliable that virtually no model operator
in the world dares allow his or her (although almost invariably his) model
loose on its own.
Just after the last world war, the mysterious Howard Hughes had an
aeroplane built of truly enormous size. By far the largest in the world, it
looked wonderful on the drawing board, and even more marvellous once
it was built. The only slight problem was that it could barely get off the
ground. It had to be scrapped.
In the same way, the macro-economic models are unable to produce
forecasts on their own. The proprietors of the models interfere with their
output before it is allowed to see the light of day. These
'iudgmental
adjustments' can be, and often are, extensive. Every model builder and
model operator knows about the process of altering the output of a
model, but this remains something of a rwilight world, and is not well
documented in the literature. One of the few academics to take an
r 0 2 r 0 3T H E D E A T H O F E C O N O M I C S
interest is Mike Artis of Manchester University, a former forecaster
himself, and his study carried out for the Bank of England in rg9z
showed definitively that the forecasting record of models, without such
human intervention, would have been distinctly worse than it has been
with the help of the adjustments, a finding which has been confirmed by
subsequent studies.
The importance of adiusting the output of such models was brought
home to me at an early stage. At the end of rg7
s
I rvas employed at the
National Institute of Economic and Social Research in London, then as
now one of Britain's most prestigious macro-economic modelling and
forecasting institutions. Purely by coincidence, a number of senior
people left more or less at the same time, and I found myself, at the age
of nventy-five, in charge of producing the forecast with the Institute's
model of the British economy.
At the time, the British economy was in dire straits. Inflation was high,
the pound was falling and the balance of payments was in deficit. But
there was a glimmer of hope, for the extraction of oil from the North Sea
was beginning to come on stream. By the simple process of adding
several billion pounds of oil exports to the model's forecast of total
British exports and subtracting a similar figure from the forecast of
Britain's import bill to represent savings on imports of oil, I was able to
produce a forecast for Britain in r 976 and
ry77 which, by the standards
of the time, was very optimistic. To my amazement and trepidation, the
media seized on this sliver of potential good news, and the Institute's
forecasts, for the first and probably the last time, were headline news in
the mass-circulation, tabloid press. Fortunately for me, this was one
adjustment of a model's output which furned out well, although every
forecaster will have his or her own personal horror story to tell, over
which a veil will be discreetly drawn.
In manyways, the models are like tarantula spiders. Careful handling of
both is required, but in the case of the spiders this is nor just
for the
obvious reason. For if their handlers lose control and drop them, they
explode. These interesting creatures use hydraulic pressure to extend
their legs, and the fluid splatters on impact. In the same way, macromodels have a particular fascination of their own' and a tendency to explode.
In recent years, even the combination of models supported by the
judgments of their operators have produced forecasts which have been
seriously misleading. During rgg2 and early r9g3 akrne, big errors have
been made in forecasts. We have seen that theJapancsc rcccssion, hv fhr
M E C H A N I S T I C M O D E L L I N G
the deepest since the war, was not predicted. Neither the strength of the
recovery in America in the second half of rggz nor the slow-down in the
first half of 1993 was really anticipated. And in Europe, neither the
turmoil in the ERM nor the depth of the recession in Germany was
foreseen by the models.
A survey published by the Paris-based international body, the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) in June
1993, illustrates the problem quite clearly.
The forecasting records of the two major publicly funded international
bodies, the forecasts of the OECD itself and the IMF, and of the
national governments were compared. For the major seven world economies, the forecasts for the next year ahead for output growth and
inflation were examined.
The benchmark used by the survey for comparison was a naive
projection that next year's growth of output or inflation would simply be
equal to this year's. In other words, this benchmark required no knowledge of economics to produce, and a forecast could be made with it by
anyone who understood the elementary arithmetic of percentage
changes.
Over the r987-gz period, this extremely simple rule performed at
least as well as the professional forecasters in projecting next year's
economic growth rate. And in terms of inflation, the rule performed as
well as the OECD and IMF, and slightly better than the national
governments. In other words, the combined might of the macroeconomic models and the intellectual power of their operators, whether
based in national governments or installed in tax-free splendour at public
expense in Paris or in the IMF in Washington, could not perform any
better than the simplest possible rule which could be used to make a
forecast.
The record of fbrecasting is poor whatever the theoretical nuance of
the model concerned, whether it leans towards monetarist or towards
Keynesian properties. A survey of the accuracy of British economic
fclrecasts, for example, carried out by the London Business School in
rgg3, concluded that differences over time between the predictions from
the various schools of thought are very small. But the most striking fact to
emerge from this study is that errors in forecasts are much greater than
differences between apparently contending schools of thought. This is by
no means a new discovery, but it represents valuable confirmation of
previous studies over the years which have come to the same conclusion.
ro4 r 0 5THE DEATH OF ECONOMICS
T'he best recipe for forecasting success, conclude the London Business School researchers, displaying a degree of irony as welcome as it is
rare among economists, is to
'forecast
often and forecast late'. In other
words, the more forecasts made during the course of the year, the greater
the chance that, purely at random, one of them will prove to be reasonably accurate. And by forecasting as close as possible in time to the actual
period being forecast, much more information becomes available about
what is likely to happen. Of course, this information is not confined by
some secret code to economic forecasters. It is information in the public
domain, available to anyone wishing to make an informed guess about
the prospects in the immediate future.
Occasionally a ftrrecaster will get things broadly right for a couple of
years, and be lionised as a hero. But there is no guarantee that next year's
forecast will not be the worst of the lot. Indeed, this is not merely a
supposition. It has actually happened a number of times, as I once
learned to my cost, back in the late r97os.
All the problems of macro-economic models
-
the contradictory answers
different models give to the same question, the poor forecasting record,
the inability to trust a model on its own
- exist despite the effort devoted
to their maintenance and construction. This is despite the fact that
model builders and operators, particularlv in Europe, where a greater
proportion of their work is funded by grants from the taxpayer than it is
in America, pride themselves on incorporating the latest nuances of
macro-economic theory into the specification of their models.
The overwhelmingly dominant fashion in macro-economic theory in
the past fifteen years or so has been the concept of
'rational
expectations'.
Such is its hold on the profession that it has been scarcely possible in
recent years to publish articles in many
iournals, either on theoretical or
applied macro-economics, without using it.
The idea, which has been incorporated extensively in the applied
macro-economic models discussed above, has a powerful attraction for
economists. As we have seen in previous chapters, economic theory at
the micro-level is based upon the concept of the rational, self-interested
individual, and the properties of the model as a whole are built up by
adding together the equations which describe the behaviour of people
and companies.
Macro-economists had a long-standing concern that their own theoretical models, intended to describe behaviour o[ the economy at the
M E C H A N I S T I C M O D E L L I N G
aggtegate level, were not founded so clearly on the principle of individual
rationality. Spending by individual consumers, for example, is perhaps
the single most important feature of any developed economy, accounting
for well over half the total amount of spending in every Western country.
From the very beginnings of macro-economic models in the late r94os
and early r95os, equations have been built to try to describe the
behaviour of consumer spending. Various factors are thought to
influence the total amount consumers spend. Their incomes, for
example, are obviously important, and possibly their wealth, the amount
of debt they hold, the level of unemployment, interest rates and so on.
Econometricians, using statistical techniques, have worked hard to discover both which factors really do influence consumer spending, and
how strong each influence actually is.
But leaving aside the fact that there is still no agreement on the best set
of factors to use when trying to account for the total amount which
consumers spend in this way, the process of simply searching the data
with econometric techniques leaves many economists uneasy, for such
results could be seen as mere descriptions of fluctuations in economic
series at the aggregate level, giving no account of why individuals
behaved as they did, in ways which led to these movements in the data
series for spending as a whole.
Rational expectations appeared to offer a solution which would place
macro-economic theory on what, for economists, was a much more
secure foundation. Expectations are obviously important in a range of
economic decisions, such as the income which an individual expects to
receive over the next few years, or the rate of return expected on an
investment. But it is not usually possible to observe or measure expectations directly, apart from in certain specialised areas of financial markets
where, as we mentioned in the previous chapter, deals can be struck
about prices which are expected to obtain in the future. There are also
surueys of spending plans by companies, or of the degree of optimism felt
by consumers, but in general data on expectations are fairly sparse.
The idea of rational expectations is that'rational' economic agents
-
in
other words, people and companies
- will not just learn from their
mistakes in forming expectations, but that the learning process will
enable them to identify the true model determining the behaviour of the
economy. They will then use this model in order to form expectations. It
is as if (that favourite phrase of economists) everyone not only has his or
her own personal macro-model of the economy, but everyone has the
ro6 r 0 7THE DEATH OF ECONOMICS
same model and, to stretch credibility even further, a model which
happens to be a true and correct representation of how the economy
behaves. This model will then be used to form expectations. By definition, economic agents are
'rational',
so they should use this rational
method of forming expectations.
Apart from its logical attraction for economists, the concept had the
added bonus, at both the theoretical and applied levels, of creating lots of
opportunities to indulge in fascinating intellectual exercises, replete with
mathematical manipulation in the differential calculus. But even a
moment's reflection might lead one to believe that many individuals have
very little grasp of many of the true models which govern their everyday
lives, let alone a personal copy of the correct macro-model of the
economy.
In the present day, for example, at the very end of the twentieth
century, surveys appear from time to time in all Western countries which
show that many adults think the Sun revolves around the Earth. On a
more trivial level, a sun'ey published in Britain in the spring of r 9g3
revealed that dog owners attributed a level of intelligence to their pets
which was on average that of a nine-year-old child. A substantial minority believed their animals to be more intelligent than university
students.
An orthodox economist would dismiss these examples as frivolous,
since it is not necessary to know either how the solar system operates or
how intelligence in different species can or cannot be compared in order
to maximise one's individual economic welfare. They equally dismiss
another serious problem for rational expectations
-
the fact that, while
ordinary consumers are presumed to know the true model of the economy as they go about their daily business, economists themselves in their
professional capacities clearly do not know the
'true'
model which
governs the economy. This particular problem is again dismissed by
invoking the trusty phrase
'as
if .
Baseball players or cricketers do not need to be able to solve explicitly
the non-linear differential equations which govern the flight of the ball.
They just catch it. So it is always possible to argue that people act'as if
they knew the true structure of any particular system, without necessarily
being able to articulate it.
However, a curious form of schizophrenia is invoked by this argpment.
A team of applied mathematicians playing baseball or cricket could solve
the equations governing the flight of the ball. So a group of cconomists
M E C H A N I S T I C M O D E T , L I N G
who, in their roles as consumers and employees are assumed to act
rationally and act as if they know the true structure of the economy,
ought to be able to articulate this in their professional capacity. This, as
we have seen, they are singularly unable to do.
It is not surprising that the economist's concept of rationality does not
bear scrutiny at the aggregate level. Given its crucial importance, the
amount of empirical work which has been done to test its validity is
ridiculously small, but some interesting work has at last been done in the
past decade.
In the mid-r98os, several studies in Britain and the United States
examined data from surveys of economic expectations to see if they stood
up to the tenets of rationality. As mentioned above, such surveys cover
factors such as the expectations of business about investment and inflation, and the overall confidence of consumers. Careful examination of
the evidence by researchers such as Lovell in America and Ken Holden
and David Peel of Liverpool University in Britain concluded that, in the
detached language of science,'the hlpothesis of rational expectations did
not appear to be consistent with the data'. In other words, it was wrong.
These studies seem conclusive. But this is to reckon without the
intellectual dexterity of the orthodox, who with an incisiveness rivalling
that of Perry Mason or Columbo, argued that surveys of business opinion
could not be used to provide evidence either for or against the hypothesis
of rationality. Companies which are asked to complete a survey questionnaire have no economic incentive to make accurate forecasts in it.
Since they are not paid, they do not need to make accurate responses.
To argue that, because no money is at stake, companies might not
transcribe their genuine views into surveys carried out by government
bodies and by their own business and trade associations is to ignore the
fact that companies have every incentive to construct accurate forecasts
for their own business decisions.
More recent work in the United States has examined data generated
by groups who do have a direct incentive to get things right
- namely,
economic forecasters. As we have noted already, their forecasts are
financed almost entirely on a commercial basis, and yet several studies
using this data conclude that even forecasts generated by professional
economic forecasters do not support the hlpothesis of rational expectations. For example, in I g93 Baghestani and Kianian of Colorado published a paper which examined American macro-economic forecasts over
the r98r-9r period. They concluded that, out of seventy-five forecast
r o 8 r 0 9T H E D E A T H O F E C O N O M I C S
series examined, only two satisfied the conditions of rationality. In other
words, no fewer than seventy-three of them failed to support the concept
of rational expectations.
The techniques of behavioural science have also begun to be used to
test the concept of rationality from a number of perspectives, with some
devastating results. We saw in Chapter z that a recent study from Cornell
University, the latest of an increasing number of such papers, showed
quite clearly that people, except those whose minds had been scrambled
by the study of micro-economic theory, are far more co-operative and
less competitive than the postulates of economic theory assert rational
individuals should be.
A paper published as long ago as rgSz by joel Huber illustrated yet
another dimension of apparent irrationality in consumer behaviour. A
group of students was asked to choose between two apartments, one
close to college but expensive, the other further away but cheap. The
distance and rents were calibrated so that each apartment was chosen by
roughly half the students in the experiment. A second group was then
asked to compare the two, but this time a third apartment was on offer.
This was both the furthest away from college of all three, and more
expensive than the one further away in the original experiment. The
addition of this third choice increased dramatically the proportion of
students choosing the second apartment. In other words, instead of
dividing equally between the first two apartments on offer, many more
now chose, for no apparent logical reason, the second one. According to
the economic concept of rationality, this should not happen.
To take yet another example, theory requires that because, by definition, individuals are rational, the preferences of any individual must be
internally consistent. For example, if a consumer prefers Coca-Cola to
Pepsi-Cola, and Pepsi-Cola to lemonade, then he or she is deemed to
prefer Coca-Cola to lemonade. This characteristic of preferences is
known technically as transitivity, and must hold if an individual is to have
consistent preferences. If product A is preferred to product B, and
product B to product C, then, for consistency, A must be preferred to C.
A paper by Graham Loomes and colleagues at the Centre for Experimental Economics at the University of York was published in r9gr, to
the credit of the journal, in Econometrica, one of the world's leading
technical economic journals. The paper provides strong evidence against
the view that consumer preferences are transitive. Loomes approached
the question using the methodolory of behavioural science, constructing
M E C H A N I S T I C M O D E L L I N G
games which people played under controlled conditions, and analysing
their behaviour. A number of papers in the r98os had used the same
methodolory and had also rejected the concept of transitive preferences,
but their exact approaches had been the subiect of detailed criticism.
Loomes and his collaborators designed their e4periments to meet these
specific obiections, and still their results rejected transitivity.
The implications of the non-transitivity of individual consumer preferences are profound.
Economists believe that consumers reveal their true preferences
through their actual purchasing decisions. Indeed, the phrase
'revealed
preferences' is used in theoretical models of consumer behaviour to
describe this activity. Firms observe the revealed preferences of consumers, and the market mechanism, the Invisible Hand of Adam Smith,
comes into play to ensure that these preferences are met. The concept of
revealed preference is essential to the view that'the market knows best'.
By acting in their individual self-interest in a competitive environment,
companies are able to satisfr the true preferences of consumers.
The axiomatic claim that the market mechanism is satisfyng the true
preferences of consumers is undermined if these preferences themselves
are non-transitive. For the signals sent by revealed preference are then
potentially contradictory. Companies receive conflicting messages about
the range of goods and services which should be provided to satisfr
consumer needs.
The soft drinks example used above illustrates the point. Suppose a
small neighbourhood shop has space on its shelves to stock only two
tlpes of soft drink, Pepsi and lemonade. Sales of Pepsi heavily outsell
those of lemonade. The proprietor, a firm believer in the free market, is
anxious to please his customers by offering them a choice, so he stops
buying lemonade and puts Coca-Cola on his shelves instead. He notices
that most people switch to this, and it is the sales of Pepsi which languish.
But one week the delivery van has no more Pepsi available, so the
shop-owner has some lemonade put back on his shelves, alongside the
Coca-Cola. To his bewilderment, lemonade sales are much higher than
those of Coca-Cola. When the delivery van calls next week, what should
thc poor man do to satisfr his non-transitive customers? The market has
givcn him contradictory signals.
'l'he
appropriation of the word
'rational'
to describe the basic posttrlrrte s of orthodox economic theory was a propaganda coup of the highest
orrlcr.
'l'he
world's most expensive public-relations firms could not have
I I O
I I IT H E D E A T H O F E C O N O M I C S
done better. It carries the implication that any criticisms of it, or any
alternatives put forward, are by definition irrational, and hence not
worthy of serious contemplation.
But those economists bold enough, along with colleagues from other
disciplines, to test and challenge the traditional view of rationality find it
seriously wanting.
And the large-scale macro-economic models, the meeting place of
macro-theory and empirical data, fully equipped as they have been with
the economist's concept of rationality, have made little or no progress in
improving our ability to understand and predict the world.
By any reasonable criteria, the discipline of economics as a whole, in
its present state, is sadly lacking. Encouragingly, more and more attention is being given to alternative approaches which offer hope of escape
from the present impasse. In the words of St Paul's Epistle to the
Corinthians:
'When
I was a child, I understood as a child, I thought as a
child. But when I became a man I put away childish things. For now we
see through a glass darkly; but then face to face.'The exciting possibility
is opening up that one day we will be able to see the workings of the
economy
'face
to face', and the focus of this book now moves to the
articulation of ways by which we might indeed obtain a better understanding of the behaviour of economies at the macro-level.
PART II
TOWARDS THE F'UTURE OF
ECONOMICS
[http://www.paulormerod.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/08/death_model.pdf]
name::
* McsEngl.economist.1961.LAPAVITSAS.COSTAS {1961},
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy438.9,
* McsEngl.Costas-Lapavitsas@cptEconomy438.9, {2012-11-11}
* McsEngl.Lapavitsas.Costas@cptEconomy438.9, {2012-11-11}
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.Κώστας-Λαπαβίτσας@cptEconomy,
* McsElln.Λαπαβίτσας.Κώστας@cptEconomy,
_EMAIL:
costaslapavitsas@gmail.com,
Professor Costas Lapavitsas
BSc (Econ), MSc (Econ), PhD (London)
OverviewTeachingResearchExpertisePublications
Faculty of Law and Social Sciences (L&SS)
Associate Dean (Research), Faculty of Law and Social Sciences
Department of Economics
Professor in Economics
Japan Research Centre (JRC)
Member, Japan Research Centre
Asia-Pacific Centre for Social Science
APCSS Coordinating Committee Member
Name:Professor Costas LapavitsasEmail address:cl5@soas.ac.ukTelephone:020 7898 4538Address:SOAS, University of London
Thornhaugh Street, Russell Square, London WC1H 0XGBuilding:Russell Square: College BuildingsOffice No:269
===
SOAS, University of London (the School of Oriental and African Studies) is the only Higher Education institution in the UK specialising in the study of Asia, Africa and the Near and Middle East.
SOAS is a remarkable institution. Uniquely combining language scholarship, disciplinary expertise and regional focus, it has the largest concentration in Europe of academic staff concerned with Africa, Asia and the Middle East.
On the one hand, this means that SOAS remains a guardian of specialised knowledge in languages and periods and regions not available anywhere else in the UK. On the other hand, it means that SOAS scholars grapple with pressing issues - democracy, development, human rights, identity, legal systems, poverty, religion, social change - confronting two-thirds of humankind.
This makes SOAS synonymous with intellectual enquiry and achievement. It is a global academic base and a crucial resource for London. We live in a world of shrinking borders and of economic and technological simultaneity. Yet it is also a world in which difference and regionalism present themselves acutely. It is a world that SOAS is distinctively positioned to analyse, understand and explain.
Our academic focus on the languages, cultures and societies of Africa, Asia and the Middle East makes us an indispensable interpreter in a complex world.
[http://www.soas.ac.uk/staff/staff31299.php]
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://costaslapavitsas.blogspot.gr//
* http://www.youtube.com/watch?feature=player_embedded&v=WG5nxTK6bCA#!,
Published on Sep 18, 2012 by nodebtnoeuro
Εκδήλωση με κεντρικό ομιλητή τον Κώστα Λαπαβίτσα που πραγματοποιήθηκε από το Τμήμα Πολιτικών Επιστημών του ΑΠΘ με τη στήριξη και την αρωγή του συλλόγου μας. Ο Κώστα Λαπαβίτσας αναλύει τις συνέπειες των μνημονίων και τις λύσεις με κεντρική αναφορά στο μνημόνιο 2 που περιέχει το PSI και τη νέα ανακεφαλαιοποίηση των τραπεζών για το 2012.
name::
* McsElln.{2012.04} Κρίση και αριστερή διέξοδος,
Κρίση και αριστερή διέξοδος
Θέσεις για ένα κοινωνικό και πολιτικό μέτωπο
Συγγραφείς: Λαπαβίτσας Κώστας- Κουβελάκης Στάθης
Εκδότης: Εκδοτικός Οίκος Α. Α. Λιβάνη
Αριθμός Σελίδων: 56
Έτος Έκδοσης: 04-2012
Βάρος: 80 g
Τιμή Εκδότη: 4,00€
Τιμή biblioasi.gr: 3,60€
Ποιοι είναι οι μηχανισμοί που εξηγούν τη σημερινή κρίση; Συνδέεται η ελληνική με την παγκόσμια κρίση του καπιταλισμού; Πώς σχετίζεται με την πορεία της Ευρώπης; Πώς και γιατί αντιδρούν οι πολιτικές και κοινωνικές δυνάμεις; Υπάρχει διέξοδος προς τα αριστερά, προς όφελος των εργαζόμενων τάξεων και των πολλών; Πώς μπορεί να υλοποιηθεί;
Σ αυτά τα ερωτήματα απαντούν οι Κώστας Λαπαβίτσας και Στάθης Κουβελάκης, συνδυάζοντας ανάλυση και πρόταση. Εξηγούν τον κεντρικό ρόλο που παίζει η δομή της ευρωζώνης και της ίδιας της ΕΕ στην παροξυστική μορφή που παίρνει η κρίση στην Ελλάδα και στις χώρες της περιφέρειας. Φωτίζουν τις αλληλένδετα οικονομικές και πολιτικές πτυχές της που οδηγούν στη νεοαποικιοποίηση της χώρας και την κατάλυση της δημοκρατίας. Σκιαγραφούν τις δυνατότητες και τα όρια των λαϊκών κινητοποιήσεων που σημάδεψαν την τελευταία περίοδο. Χαράζουν τους άξονες μιας εναλλακτικής πρότασης με αιχμή τη στάση πληρωμών και την έξοδο της Ελλάδας από την ευρωζώνη και στόχο τη βαθιά αλλαγή οικονομίας και κοινωνίας. Μιας πρότασης που απαιτεί νέα συμμαχία πολιτικών και κοινωνικών δυνάμεων με πυρήνα μια Αριστερά με ανατρεπτικό προσανατολισμό.
[http://www.biblioasi.gr/product_info.php?products_id=178648]
name::
* McsElln.{2012.02} Ρήξη; Διέξοδος από την κρίση της ευρωζώνης,
Ρήξη;
Διέξοδος από την κρίση της ευρωζώνης
Συγγραφέας: Λαπαβίτσας Κώστας
Εκδότης: Εκδοτικός Οίκος Α. Α. Λιβάνη
Μετάφραση: Κόκκαλη, Άννα
Αριθμός Σελίδων: 182
Έτος Έκδοσης: 02-2012
Βάρος: 240 g
Τίτλος πρωτοτύπου: Breaking Up? A Route Out of the Eurozone Crisis
Τιμή Εκδότη: 10,00€
Τιμή biblioasi.gr: 9,00€
Ποιες είναι οι ιδιαιτερότητες του ευρώ, ως παγκόσμιου αποθεματικού νομίσματος, που οδήγησαν στη σημερινή χρεοκοπία; Γιατί ήταν αναπόφευκτη η κρίση χρέους; Ποιο μέλλον επιφυλάσσουν στους λαούς της Ευρώπης τα προγράμματα λιτότητας που αποφασίστηκαν στις Συνόδους Κορυφής της ΕΕ; Γιατί είναι αναγκαία η έξοδος της Ελλάδας από την Ευρωζώνη; Γιατί δεν αποτελεί λύση στην κρίση χρέους που αντιμετωπίζει η ΕΕ η έκδοση ευρωομολόγου;
Επίσης, τι θα συμβεί με τους μισθούς και τις συντάξεις την επομένη της εξόδου της Ελλάδας από την Ευρωζώνη; Η υποτίμηση του νέου νομίσματος θα σημάνει αναπόφευκτα τη μείωση του εργατικού εισοδήματος; Πώς θα καλυφθεί το πρωτογενές έλλειμμα του κρατικού προϋπολογισμού χωρίς ξένο δανεισμό; Θα μπορέσει η Ελλάδα να ξαναβγεί στις αγορές αν αρνηθεί να εξυπηρετήσει το δημόσιο χρέος της;
Τα παραπάνω ερωτήματα είναι ορισμένα μόνο απ όσα εξετάζει η τελευταία μελέτη του RMF. Στόχος της είναι να προσφέρει μια επιστημονικά εμπεριστατωμένη λύση απέναντι στα πρωτοφανή αδιέξοδα στα οποία έχει οδηγηθεί η ελληνική κοινωνία. Η διέξοδος που προτείνεται εκφράζει και υπηρετεί τα συμφέροντα της μεγάλης κοινωνικής πλειοψηφίας, η οποία έχει δει το βιοτικό της επίπεδο να καταρρακώνεται. Η πολιτική των περικοπών και της ευρω-λιτότητας δεν αποτελεί μονόδρομο.
[http://www.biblioasi.gr/product_info.php?products_id=178035]
2009b, ‘On the Crisis’, with G. Dragasakis, in Interventions 14, Athens: Poulantzas Institute.
[http://costaslapavitsas.blogspot.gr/p/cv.html]
Η πολιτική οικονομία της παγκοσμιοποίησης
Συγγραφείς: John Weeks- Μπασκόζος Γιάννης Ν.- Paul Hirst- Ben Fine- Λαπαβίτσας Κώστας
Εκδότης: Παπαζήσης
Επιμέλεια: Λαπαβίτσας, Κώστας
Αριθμός Σελίδων: 110
Έτος Έκδοσης: 01-2004
Βάρος: 180 g
Τιμή Εκδότη: 6,79€
Τιμή biblioasi.gr: 6,11€
Μέχρι στιγμής η παγκοσμιοποίηση έχει μελετηθεί κυρίως ιδεολογικά και δευτερευόντως στα υπόλοιπα πεδία των επιστημών. Αποτέλεσμα είναι να υπάρχει ένα πλέγμα ασαφών θεωριών όπως και δεκάδες "υπέρ" και "κατά", που πολλές φορές "ποδοσφαιροποιούν" αυτό το φαινόμενο, υποτιμώντας έτσι τη δυναμική του.
Τα άρθρα των διακεκριμένων καθηγητών που περιλαμβάνονται στον ανά χείρας τόμο, διερευνούν πτυχές της παγκοσμιοποίησης από τη σκοπιά της Πολιτικής Οικονομίας, μιας επιστήμης που συχνά συμπιέζεται μεταξύ οικονομίας και πολιτικής.
[http://www.biblioasi.gr/product_info.php?products_id=49842]
2003, Social Foundations of Markets, Money and Credit, pp. 1-170, Routledge: London, ISBN 0-415-31805-X. Chinese translation due to be published in 2007 by Economic Science Press: Beijing.
[http://costaslapavitsas.blogspot.gr/p/cv.html]
1999, Political Economy of Money and Finance, with Makoto Itoh, pp. 1-301, Macmillan: London, ISBN 0-333-66521-X (hardcover), 0-333-66522-8 (paperback). Japanese was published in 2002, Iwanami Shoten: Tokyo, pp. 1-330, ISBN4-00-022424. Chinese translation was published in 2002, Economic Science Press: Beijing, pp. 1-370, ISBN 7-5058-2758-8. Greek translation was published in 2004, Polytropon Press: Athens, pp. 1-544, ISBN 960-8354-16-1. Turkish translation was published in 2008, Yordam Kitap: Istanbul, pp. 1-285, ISBN: 978-605-5541-73-6.
[http://costaslapavitsas.blogspot.gr/p/cv.html]
Acknowledgments
Introduction
Part I: Classical Foundations
Classical Political Economy of Money and Credit
Value and Money in Marx's Political Economy
Interest-Bearing Capital: The Distinctive Marxist Approach
Part II: Principles of Credit and Finance
The Credit System
Joint-Stock Capital and the Capital Market
Monetary and Financial Aspects of the Business Cycle
Central Banking
Post-War Realities and Theories
The Loss of Control Over Money and Finance
The Rise and Fall of Keynesianism
Post-Keynesian Monetary Theory
Money and Credit in a Socialist Economy
name::
* McsEngl.economist.1961.VAROUFAKIS.YANIS {1961},
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy438.5,
* McsEngl.human.varoufakis.yanis,
* McsEngl.varoufakis.yanis@cptEconomy438.5, {2012-06-05}
* McsEngl.varufakis.yanis@cptEconomy438.5,
* McsEngl.varufakis@cptEconomy,
* McsEngl.humanVfy, {2014-10-08}
* McsEngl.vy@cptEconomy, {2013-05-13}
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.Βαρουφακης.Γιαννης@cptEconomy438.5, {2012-06-06}
* McsElln.Βαρουφάκης.Γιάννης@cptEconomy438.5,
_DESCRIPTION:
Thank you for visiting my blog. A short introduction seems in order. So, let me begin with a confession: I am a Professor of Economics who has never really trained as an economist. But let’s take things one at a time.
I was born in Athens back in the mists of 1961. Greece was, at the time, struggling to shed the post-civil war veil of totalitarianism. Alas, those hopes were dashed after a brief period of hope and promise. So, by the time I was six, in April of 1967, a military coup d’ etat plunged us all into the depths of a hideous neo-Nazi dictatorship. Those bleak days remain with me. They endowed me with a sense of what it means to be both unfree and, at once, convinced that the possibilities for progress and improvement are endless. The dictatorship collapsed when I was at junior high school. This meant that the enthusiasm and political renaissance that followed the junta’s collapse coincided with my coming of age. It was to prove a significant factor in the way that I resisted conversion to the ways of anglosaxon cynicism in the years to come.
When the time came to decide on my post-secondary education, around 1976, the prospect of another dictatorship haδ not been erased. Given that students were the first and foremost targets of the military and paramilitary forces, my parents determined that it was too risky for me to stay on in Greece and attend University there. So, off I went, in 1978, to study in Britain. My initial urge was to study physics but I soon came to the conclusion that the lingua franca of political discourse was economics. Thus, I enrolled at the University of Essex to study the dismal science. However, within weeks of lectures I was aghast at the content of my textbooks and the inane musings of my lecturers. Quite clearly economics was only interested in putting together simplistic mathematical models. Worse still, the mathematics utilised were third rate and, consequently, the economic thinking that emanated from it was atrocious. In short shrift I changed my enrolment from the economics to the mathematics school, thinking that if I am going to be reading maths I might as well read proper maths. After graduating from Essex, I moved to the University of Birmingham where I read toward an MSc in Mathematical Statistics. By that stage I was convinced that my escape from economics had been clean and irreversible. How deluded that conviction was! When looking for a thesis topic, I stumbled upon a piece of econometrics (a statistical test of some economic model of industrial disputes) that angered me so much with its methodological sloppiness that I set out to demolish it. That was the trap and I fell right into it. From that moment onwards, a series of anti-economic treatises followed, a Phd in… Economics and, naturally, a career in exclusively Economics Departments, in every one of which I enjoyed debunking that which my colleagues considered to be legitimate ‘science’.
Between 1982 and 1988 I taught at the University of Essex, the University of East Anglia and the University of Cambridge. My break from Britain occurred in 1987 on the night of Mrs Thatcher’s third election victory. It was too much to bear. Soon I started planning my escape. But where to? Continental Europe was closed to non-native academics, at that time, and Greece awaited with open arms – to enlist me into its conscript army. No, thanks, I thought to myself. Even Thatcherism is preferrable. My break came shortly after when, out of the blue, I was invited to take up a lectureship at the University of Sydney. And so the die was cast. From 1988 to 2000 I lived and worked in Sydney, with short stints at the University of Glasgow (and an even shorter one at the Universite' Catholique de Louvain). In 2000 a combination of nostalgia and abhorrence of the concervative turn of the land down under (under the government of that awful little man, John Howard) led me to return to Greece. Since then I have been teaching political economics at the University of Athens. Besides surviving life in a country that is very tough on those who are not used to working in an institutional setting where everything needs to be created from scratch, I feel a sense of accomplishment from having set up an innovative, progressive, pluralist, international Doctoral Program in Economics, also known as UADPhilEcon.
My next pivotal moment, and the last I shall be bothering you with, is the year 2005. For it was in that August that my extremely young daughter, Xenia, was taken away from me, leaving me behind in a state of shock (she has been living since then in Sydney, thus guaranteeing the longevity of my relationship with Sydney). As luck would have it, a few months later, I was saved from near oblivion by Danae Stratou with whom, ever since, we have been sharing life, work and a myriad of projects. An artistic-cum-political project called CUT- 7 dividing lines brought us together. That project evolved into another one called The Globalising Wall. The latest project to come out of this fortunate (for us) union is called www.vitalspace.org. Above all else, we are having fun doing the things that matter (to us).
Lastly, the Crash of 2008 and the subsequent metamorphoses of the crisis (in Europe and in the world at large) seem to have energised me no end. The very motivation behind this blog is to help in the dissemination of ideas and suggestions concerning the way we interpret and act upon our mad, sad and highly mysterious post-2008 era.
[http://yanisvaroufakis.eu/about/]
Γιάνης Βαρουφάκης
Διδάσκει οικονομική θεωρία στο Πανεπιστήμιο Αθηνών προσποιούμενος έντεχνα τον οικονομολόγο. Έχοντας ζήσει είκοσι τρία χρόνια στην Αγγλία, στην Σκωτία, στο Βέλγιο και στην Αυστραλία, όπου και δίδασκε πριν την επιστροφή στα πάτρια, έχει δεθεί συναισθηματικά με την ιδιότητα του 'ξένου' - ιδίως τώρα που ζει μόνιμα στην Ελλάδα. Γράφει περί οικονομικών, φιλοσοφίας, πολιτικής και... θεωρίας παιγνίων. Μεγαλύτερό του κατόρθωμα θεωρεί ότι το 2005 η Αυστραλιανή κυβέρνηση αναγκάστηκε να περάσει ειδική τροπολογία από την Ομοσπονδιακή Βουλή ώστε να εξαναγκαστεί το κρατικό ραδιόφωνο να καταργήσει εβδομαδιαία του εκπομπή.
[http://www.protagon.gr/?i=protagon.el.authors&id=58]
_Email:
* varoufakis@protagon.gr
name::
* McsEngl.hmnVfy'concept,
* McsEngl.Vy@cptEconomy, {2013-05-12}
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.βγ'έννοια@cptEconomy,
name::
* McsEngl.hmnVfy'capital,
* McsEngl.capital@cptVarufakis,
_DESCRIPTION:
In short, production and growth depends on material or physical capital. And while capital is a form of wealth, a great deal of wealth is not a form of capital; i.e. it is not an input into any production process generating hitherto non-existent commodities. Thus, the growth of an economy cannot rely on wealth. It needs a particular kind of wealth: capital goods. So if we conflate capital with wealth, our theory of production will suffer to the extent that we will have wilfully misspecified a key input, mistaking all increases in wealth as increases in capital’s contribution to the production process.
[http://www.paecon.net/PAEReview/issue69/Varoufakis69.pdf]
name::
* McsEngl.hmnVfy'leverage,
* McsEngl.levereage@cptVarufakis,
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.μόxλευση@cptVarufakis,
ΛΟΓΟΣ ΜΟΧΛΕΥΣΗΣ 1 προς 35 δηλαδή για κάθε 1 δικό τους δολάριο το οποίο είχαν στοιχηματίσει είχαν 'παίξει' άλλα 35 δολάρια τα οποία είχαν δανειστεί.
[Βαρουφάκης, Μινώταυρος, 2011, 409]
name::
* McsEngl.hmnVfy'money.private,
* McsEngl.private-money@cptVarufakis,
_DESCRIPTION:
Ιδιωτικό χρήμα = χάρτινοι τίτλοι που κυκλοφορούν ως άτυπο χρήμα.
[Βαρουφάκης, Μινώταυρος, 2011, 353]
...
παραγωγή ιδιωτικού χρήματος = μέσω δανεισμού εξωφρενικών διαστάσεων.
[Βαρουφάκης, Μινώταυρος, 2011, 409]
name::
* McsEngl.hmnVfy'curriculum-vitae,
Curriculum Vitae
of
Yanis Varoufakis
1. Personal information
Place and date of birth: Athens, 24 March 1961
Nationality: Greek and Australian
Address: Department of Economics, University of Sydney, Sydney 2006, Australia
tel. Sydney (612)-93513799
facsimile: Sydney (612)-95521118
E'mail YANISV@BULLWINKLE.ECON.SU.OZ.AU
Home address in Greece: 102 Naiadon Street, Paleo Phaliro, Athens, Greece, 175.62
tel. (301)-9820918
Home address in Sydney: 85 Simmons Street, Enmore, Sydney, Australia 2042
tel. (612)-95199825
2. Educational Background
Doctorate: University of Essex, Department of Economics, 1987, PhD in Economics; Title: Optimisation and Strikes; Description: A statistical investigation of competing time series, cross-section, econometric, parametric and game theoretical models of industrial strikes based on USA and UK data. The data sets used were of two forms: macroeconomic (aggregate), and panel data.
Supervisor: Professor Monojit Chatterji (currently at Dundee University); Examiners: Professors David Ulph (University of Bristol) and Anthony Shorrocks (University of Essex).
Masters: University of Birmingham, Department of Mathematical Statistics, 1982, MSc in Mathematical Statistics Specialisation: Time series, statistical inference, statistical theory, stochastic processes, limited dependent variable estimation, maximum likelihood estimation, non-parametric statistics.
Bachelor: University of Essex, School of Mathematical Studies, 1981, BA(Hons) Mathematical Economics
High School Moraitis School, Athens, Greece
3. Academic positions
Primary position
January 1990 to date
Associate Professor in Economics, Department of Economics, University of Sydney
Recently appointed Associate Professor in Economic Theory, Department of Economic and Social Science, University of Athens
Other current appointments
September 1996 to date
Hoover Fellow in Economic and Social Ethics, UniversitP Catholique de Louvain, Louvain-la-Neuve, Belgium
February 1991 to date
Visiting Professor, Graduate School of Business, University of Sydney
Previous appointments
September 1995 to September 1996
Senior Lecturer in Economics, Department of Political Economy, University of Glasgow UK
June 1993 to September 1993
Visiting Professor, Australian Graduate School of Management, Sydney
September 1988 to December 1990
Lecturer in Economics, Department of Economics, University of Sydney, Sydney
January 1986 to September 1988
Lecturer in Economics, School of Economic and Social Studies, University of East Anglia, Norwich UK
April 1985 to December 1986
Senior Research Associate, Economics Research Centre, School of Economic and Social Studies, University of East Anglia, Norwich UK
October 1983 toApril 1985
Teaching and Research Assistant, Department of Economics, University of Essex UK
4. Major research areas
A. From game theory to economic and political philosophy
This is an area of ongoing interest in which I have published three books and a series of chapters as well as articles. (See publications B2, B3, B4, C1, C2, C3, C5, C8, A1, A2, A4, A5, A7, A8, A9, A10, M2, M5)
A. Experimental economics
An experimental (laboratory based) study of patterns of cooperation, antagonism and discrimination in the context of various economic (including bargaining) games/interactions. This project is being funded directly by an Australian Research Council grant and has strong links with similar projects in the UK. (See publications B2, C3, C4, C7, A1, A2, A4, M3, M4)
C. Labour Economics and models of wage inflation in Britain and Australia
Theoretical as well as empirical issues in industrial conflict, wage setting, labour productivity as well as of trade union collective action, have been addressed in publications B3, C9, A3, A6, A11, A13, A15, A16, M1.
D. Statistical theory and method
Techniques for assessing the predictive performance of cross section and time series models. This work falls under two categories: (a) predicting largely binary events (eg. devaluations, strikes) and (b) incorporating non-linear structural shifts in time series macroeconometric models. For examples see publications A11 and A13/A15 respectively. For an application of these techniques in a study of the growth rate in labour productivity in 21 OECD countries, see publication A6.
E. Commodity prices
See articles A14 and A17 below
F. Economic education
I have recently published a book (see B1 below) for first year economics undergraduates. Its purpose is to offer students as well as their teachers a means of escaping the conventional textbook. It attempts to provide a critical, yet readable, guide to the meaning, purpose, history and significance of the various models in their textbook by demonstrating the links between economic techniques on the one hand and traditional philosophical and political debates on the other. (See also publications B55 and A12).
5. Publications (--------- denotes Yanis Varoufakis)
Books
B1. --------- (1998), Foundations of Economics: A beginner's companion, London and New York: Routledge
B2. Hargreaves-Heap, S. and --------- (1995), Game Theory: a critical introduction, London and New York: Routledge (Japanese and Italian translations, second English edition in preperation)
B3. --------- (1991), Rational Conflict, Oxford: Blackwell Publishers
B4. --------- and D. Young (eds.) (1990), Conflict in Economics, Hemel Hempstead: Wheatsheaf and New York: St Martin's Press
B5. --------- (1988), Econometric Methods on MINITAB: A manual, Norwich: University of East Anglia
Chapters in Books
C1. Lyons, B. and -------- (1997), >Game theory, oligopoly and bargaining= in M. La Manna (ed), Readings in Microeconomic Theory, London: Dryden Press (reprinted from C10 below)
C2. --------- (1996), 'Economics as the Ethic of Our Times' in P. Groenewegen (ed.), Ethics and Economics, London:Routledge
C3. Hargreaves-Heap, S. and -------- (1995), 'Experimenting with Neo-Classical Economics: a critical review of experimental economics', in I. Rima (ed), Measurement, Quantification and Development of Modern Economic Analysis, New York: Routledge
C4. --------- (1995), >Comment= in T. Aspromourgos and M. Smith (eds.), The Pursuit of Full Employment in the 1990s, Sydney: Department of Economics, University of Sydney
C5. Lyons, B. and --------- (1993), 'Theories of Games and Contracts', in L. Fillipini (ed.), Rational Choice and Information (in Italian), Milano
C6. --------- (1992), 'The Writing of an Economic Rationalist Manifesto', in Stilwell et al (eds.), Alternatives to Economic Rationalism, Sydney: Pluto Press
C7. Hargreaves-Heap, S. and --------- (1991), 'Economic Theories of Information: a critique', in B. Williams and B. Spawl (eds.), Information Technology and Accounting: the impact of information technology, London: Chapman and Hall
C8. --------- (1990), 'Conflict in Equilibrium', in 4 above
C9. --------- (1990), 'Solidarity in Conflict', in 4 above
C10. Lyons, B. and --------- (1989), 'Game theory, Oligopoly and Bargaining', in J. Hey (ed.), Current Issues in Microeconomics, London: Macmillan
Articles
A1. --- ---- (1998/9), >Defending History=, Science and Society, 62,585-91
A2. ---------- (1997), 'Moral rhetoric in the face of strategic weakness: experimental clues for an ancient puzzle', Erkenntnis, 46, 87-110
A3. ----- (1997), 'H Kritikh twn koinwnikwn diakrisewn kai thV HqikhV: O Hume kai o Marx sunantoun thn exeliktikh qewria twn paigniwn=, Axiologika, TeucoV 10, 109-151 [Towards a Critique of Social Asymmetry and Ethics', Axiologika, 10, 109-151]
A4. ---------- (1996), 'Bargaining and Strikes: from an equilibrium to an evolutionary framework', Labour Economics, 3, 385-98
A5. Anagnostopoulou, M. and --------- (1996), >H Exelixh thV AnisothtaV: ExeliktikeV qewrieV kai h koinwnikh qesh thV gunaikaV=, To Giofuri (Periodiko Neoellhnikwn Spoudwn), 14, 36-44 [=The Evolution of Inequality: Evolutionary theories and the social status of women=, To Yiofiri, 14, 36-44]
A6. ----------- (1996), 'Coercion and allocation', Science and Society, 59, 420-430
A7. Sapsford, D. and Y. Varoufakis (1995), 'Labour productivity growth trends in OECD countries: Selection of sub-periods', International Journal of Manpower, 16, 46-57
A8. --------- (1993/94), 'Reason without Freedom: a response to Mayer', Science and Society, 57, 453-460
A9. --------- (1993), 'Modern and Postmodern Challenges to Game Theory', Erkenntnis, 38,371-404
A10. --------- (1992/93), 'Freedom within Reason: from axioms to praxis', Science and Society, 56, 440-466
A11. --------- (1992), 'Modelling Rational Conflict', Economie Appliquee, XLV, 53-78
A12. --------- (1992), 'Evaluating Probability Predictions: an application of Copas' diagrammatic method in comparing two models of strikes', Rivista Internazionale di Scienze Economiche e Commerciali, 38, 693-700
A13. --------- (1991), 'The Neoclassical Theory of Choice: Introducing undergratuates to criticism', Economics (The journal of the 'Economics in Higher Education Society'), June issue, 2-14
A14. --------- and D. Sapsford (1991), 'Discrete and smooth switching regressions for Australian labour productivity growth', Applied Economics, 23, 1299-1304
A15. Sapsford, D. and --------- (1991), 'Forecasting coffee prices: ARIMA versus econometric approaches', Rivista Internazionale di Scienze Economiche e Commerciali, 37, 551-63
A16. --------- and D. Sapsford (1990), 'A real target model of wage inflation with variable union power: the case of the UK 1962-1985', Applied Economics, 22, 1103-1117
A17. --------- (1989), 'Worker solidarity and strikes', Australian Economic Papers, June, 76-92
A18. Sapsford, D. and --------- (1987), 'An ARIMA model of tea prices', Journal of Agricultural Economics, 34, 121-32
Book Review
R1. -------(1994), 'Soviet Marxism and Soviet Analytical Philosophies of History by Eero Loone', Science and Society, 58, 344-46
6. Teaching experience
Currently, I teach four courses: First year microeconomics and macroeconomics, third year game and bargaining theory, a fourth year and master=s course in political philosophy and a master=s/PhD course in advanced microeconomics.
A list of courses I have taught at Universities in the United Kingdom and Australia follows:
General courses Microeconomics (from introductory to postgraduate level); Macroeconomics (especially New Classical and Post-Keynesian); Labour Economics; International Economics; Development Economics; Mathematical Methods; Applied Econometrics; History of Economic Thought
Graduate courses Philosophical, Economic and Political Liberalism; Game Theory and Decision Theory; Applied Econometrics; Methodology of Economics; General Equilibrium Theory
MBA Courses Microeconomics for management; Markets and prices
Research Supervision I have supervised to completion two PhD students (theses titles: General Disequilibrium Theory and Government Regulation and The Political Economy of Domestic Labour) plus numerous MPhil, MA and Honours theses.
Other activities
1. Political and Economic Commentator of SBS-TV, SBS-Radio and ABC-Radio (Australia).
2. Member of council of the Centre for European Studies of the University of Sydney.
name::
* McsEngl.hmnVfy'family,
Α_ΣΥΖΥΓΟΣ:
Για την σχέση με τον πρώην σύζυγο της και υπουργό οικονομικών της Ελλάδας, μίλησε η ακαδημαϊκός Μαργαρίτα Πούλου, η οποία έχει ελληνικές ρίζες και μένει μόνιμα στην Αυστραλία.
Η ίδια σε συνέντευξη της, στο «Australian Financial Review» είπε για την σχέση της με τον Γιάνη Βαρουφάκη: «Ας πούμε απλώς ότι η θαυμάσια προσωπικότητα του συναγωνιζόταν την δική μου»!
Η σχέση τους ξεκίνησε το 1990 όταν εκείνη ήταν ακόμη φοιτήτρια και αυτός καθηγητής στο πανεπιστήμιο του Σίδνεϋ. Ερωτεύτηκαν και από το 1990 μέχρι και το 2001 το ζευγάρι έζησε στο Σίδνεϋ…Όταν όμως ο τότε καθηγητής Βαρουφάκης κλήθηκε να διδάξει στο Οικονομικό Πανεπιστήμιο της Αθήνας, μετακόμισαν στην Ελλάδα.
Για τα επόμενα χρόνια μοίραζαν την ζωή τους ανάμεσα σε Ελλάδα κι Αυστραλία, ωστόσο το 2005 ο γάμος τους διαλύθηκε… Οι δυο τους απέκτησαν μια κορούλα, την 10χρονη Ξένια, η οποία είναι και η μεγάλη αδυναμία του υπουργού!
Πάντως η πρώην σύζυγος του ξεκαθάρισε ότι διατηρούν άψογες σχέσεις ενώ τόνισε ότι είναι σίγουρη πώς εκείνος θα τα καταφέρει. Σε ερώτηση του δημοσιογράφου σχετικά με τον τίτλο ροκ σταρ που του έχουν δώσει η ίδια σχολίασε: «Μολονότι έχει τα εφόδια να το απολαύσει και να το αντιμετωπίσει προς το παρόν αυτό είναι κάτι που του διαφεύγει. Κι αυτό γιατί το βάρος των καθηκόντων που έχει αναλάβει ξεπερνά κατά πολύ την γοητεία της διασημότητας».
www.star.gr
Β_ΣΥΖΥΓΟΣ:
Δανάη Στράτου με πρώην σύζυγο το Γιώργο Μομφεράτο, υποψήφιος ευρωβουλευτής της ΝΔ,
* Η Δανάη Στράτου, είναι η κόρη του Φαίδωνα Στράτου, το όνομα του οποίου είναι συνυφασμένο με την ιστορική Πειραϊκή Πατραϊκή
* Μεγάλωσε στο κέντρο της Αθήνας, στην Πλάκα, με την τέχνη να παίζει καθοριστικό ρόλο στη ζωής της, αφού η μητέρα της είναι η εικαστικός-γλύπτρια Ελένη Πόταγα-Στράτου. Τα γλυπτά της ήταν μεγάλης κλίμακας και η παρουσία τους γέμιζε τον χώρο. Η Δανάη Στράτου βίωνε τη δημιουργία στην καθημερινότητά της.
Η Δανάη Στράτου είναι μία πολύ ιδιαίτερη φυσιογνωμία. Σπούδασε Καλές Τέχνες στο Central St. Martins College of Art and Design του Λονδίνου (1983 – 1988) και δηλώνει γλύπτρια, εικαστικός, σύζυγος, μητέρα.
* γιο της Νικόλα και την κόρη της Εσμεράλδα
Αιγυπτιώτης Καϊρινός είναι ο Γιώργος Βαρουφάκης, πατέρας του νέου Υπουργού Οικονομικών της Ελλάδας Γιάννη Βαρουφάκη.
Ο κ. Γιώργος Βαρουφάκης είναι Επίκουρος Καθηγητής Πανεπιστημίου Αθηνών (ΕΚΠΑ).
Επίσης, τυγχάνει Πρόεδρος της “ΧΑΛΥΒΟΥΡΓΙΚΗ Α.Ε.” καθώς και Επίτιμος Πρόεδρος του Ελληνικού Οργανισμού Τυποποίησης (ΕΛΟΤ).
varoufakis giorgos
Ο Καϊρινός κ. Γιώργος Βαρουφάκης ολοκλήρωσε τις εγκύκλιες σπουδές του στο Κάιρο της Αιγύπτου. Κατόπιν σπούδασε Χημεία στη Φυσικομαθηματική Σχολή του Πανεπιστημίου Αθηνών (ΕΚΠΑ), από το οποίο αποφοίτησε το 1953. Το 1965 απέκτησε διδακτορικό δίπλωμα, ορμώμενος αρχικά από τη μελέτη της διάβρωσης αρχαίων μπρούτζινων αγαλμάτων του Κούρου και της Αρτέμιδος, τα οποία τώρα εκτίθενται στο Αρχαιολογικό Μουσείο Πειραιά. Το 1979 κατέθεσε διατριβή επί υφηγεσία με τίτλο “Χημική και μεταλλουργική έρευνα γύρω από 19 σιδερένια πόδια τριπόδων της γεωμετρικής εποχής”
Ξεκίνησε την επαγγελματική του πορεία στην εταιρεία “ΧΑΛΥΒΟΥΡΓΙΚΗ Α.Ε.”. Η ενασχόλησή του με την αρχαία μεταλλουργία και τεχνολογία τον οδήγησε στην απόκτηση του τίτλου του υφηγητή το 1979 και αργότερα του άμισθου επίκουρου καθηγητή του ΕΚΠΑ. Από το 2003 είναι πρόεδρος της “ΧΑΛΥΒΟΥΡΓΙΚΗ Α.Ε.”
Μελετά αρχαία μεταλλικά ευρήματα σε συνεργασία με αξιόλογους αρχαιολόγους
Το 1996 δημοσίευσε βιβλίο βασισμένο στις εργασίες του με τίτλο “Αρχαία Ελλάδα και Ποιότητα – Η ιστορία και ο έλεγχος των υλικών που σημάδεψαν τον ελληνικό πολιτισμό”. Το βιβλίο εκδόθηκε το 1999 στην αγγλική γλώσσα. Δημοσιεύει πρωτότυπες εργασίες με αντικείμενο τη χρήση μετάλλου σε αρχαία αντικείμενα κ.ά. Από τις σημαντικότερες είναι η μελέτη που δημοσιεύτηκε στο Journal of Historical Metallurgy Society και είχε αντικείμενο τους σιδερένιους συνδέσμους των μαρμάρινων όγκων του γείσου και της βάσης των ναών του Παρθενώνα και του Ερεχθείου. Κατά το παρελθόν έχει παρουσιάσει πολλές εργασίες στην Κύπρο, στο Βρετανικό Μουσείο του Λονδίνου, στην Πράγα, στη Ζυρίχη, στις Η.Π.Α. και αλλού, συνήθως μετά από πρόσκληση. Το 2005 εξέδωσε βιβλίο με τίτλο “Η Ιστορία του σιδήρου από τον Όμηρο στον Ξενοφώντα – Τα σιδερένια ευρήματα και η αρχαία ελληνική γραμματεία με το μάτι ενός μεταλλουργού».
[http://www.notosnet.gr/news/item/3300-oi-gynaikes-kai-i-zoi-tou-gianni-varoufaki]
name::
* McsEngl.hmnVfy'resourceInfHmn,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* {2016-04-11} http://www.thepressproject.gr/article/92548/Riksi-xoris-apeili-eksodou-Apantisi-Baroufaki-stin-epistoli-Lazaridi,
* finger: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Vx-1LQu6mAE,
* http://yanisvaroufakis.eu//
* http://varoufakis.files.wordpress.com/2010/11/yvs-english-cv-2013.pdf,
* http://www.protagon.gr/?i=protagon.el.authors&id=58,
* http://blogs.valvesoftware.com/category/economics//
* http://www.iefimerida.gr/news/89099/βαρουφάκης-στο-iefimeridagr-είμαι-απαισιόδοξος-για-την-πορεία-της-ελλάδας-τα-χειρότερα-έρ, 2013-04-02,
* http://www.lifo.gr/mag/columns/5676, 15.5.2013 Μια πραγματικά ριζοσπαστική εκπαιδευτική μεταρρύθμιση.
* http://www.reddit.com/r/Yanis//
* Η Ευρώπη μετά την κρίση: Μεταξύ του εφικτού, του επιθυμητού και του απαραίτητου
04/06/2013
http://www.blod.gr/lectures/Pages/viewlecture.aspx?LectureID=848#.UbBOkqYm72E.twitter,
Όλα όσα είπε ο Γιάνης Βαρουφάκης στο Eurogroup
Στην ομιλία του προς τους ομολόγους του ο Γιάνης Βαρουφάκης πίσω από τις κλειστές πόρτες του Eurogroup είπε πως η Ελλάδα θα λάβει μέτρα ώστε να “φρενάρει” αυτομάτως η αύξηση του ελλείμματος, ζητώντας παράλληλα να αλλάξει ο τρόπος αποπληρωμής του χρέους με δάνειο μέσω ESM
Το υπουργείο Οικονομικών έδωσε στη δημοσιότητα ολόκληρη την ομιλία του Έλληνα υπουργού όπου χαρακτηριστικά αναφέρει σε ότι αφορά στο χρέος πως θα πρέπει “η Ελλάδα να πάρει ένα νέο δάνειο από τον μηχανισμό ESM, να αγοράσει τα ομόλογα SMP από την EKT και να τα αποσύρει. Για να υποστηριχτεί αυτό το δάνειο, συμφωνούμε ότι οι βαθιές μεταρρυθμίσεις θα αποτελέσουν κοινή συνθήκη για την επιτυχή ολοκλήρωση του τρέχοντος προγράμματος καθώς και για τη διασφάλιση του νέου σχεδίου με τον ESM το οποίο θα τεθεί σε εφαρμογή αμέσως μετά την ολοκλήρωση του τρέχοντος προγράμματος και θα είναι σε ισχύ παράλληλα με το συνεχιζόμενο πρόγραμμα του ΔΝΤ έως τον Μάρτιο του 2016. Η βραχυπρόθεσμη χρηματοδότηση βασίζεται στις εναπομείνασες εκταμιεύσεις από το υπάρχον πρόγραμμα, και η μεσοπρόθεσμη και μακροπρόθεσμη χρηματοδότηση θα ολοκληρωθούν από την επιστροφή των κερδών από τα ομόλογα SMP τα οποία ανέρχονται σε €9 δισ. (από τα €27 δισ. που έχουν απομείνει) και τα οποία θα μπουν σε λογαριασμό με χρηματική εγγύηση που θα χρησιμοποιηθεί για τις αποπληρωμές της Ελλάδας στο ΔΝΤ.”
Ολόκληρη η ομιλία του Γιάνη Βαρουφάκη στο Eurogroup
Συνάδελφοι,
Πριν πέντε μήνες, με την πρώτη μου παρέμβαση στο Eurogroup εξέφρασα την άποψη ότι η νέα Ελληνική κυβέρνηση αντιμετώπιζε μια διπλή πρόκληση:
Έπρεπε να κερδίσουμε μια πολύτιμη αξία χωρίς να εξαντλήσουμε ένα σημαντικό κεφάλαιο.
Η πολύτιμη αξία που έπρεπε να κερδίσουμε είναι η εμπιστοσύνη, εδώ, με τους Ευρωπαίους εταίρους μας και τους θεσμούς. Η επίτευξη αυτού θα απαιτούσε μια σημαντική δέσμη μεταρρυθμίσεων και ένα αξιόπιστο σχέδιο δημοσιονομικής εξυγίανσης.
Όσον αφορά το σημαντικό κεφάλαιο που δεν έπρεπε να εξαντλήσουμε, αυτό ήταν η εμπιστοσύνη του Ελληνικού λαού ο οποίος θα έπρεπε να συμπλεύσει με ένα συμφωνημένο πρόγραμμα μεταρρυθμίσεων που θα τερματίσει την Ελληνική κρίση. Η προϋπόθεση για να μην εξαντληθεί αυτό το κεφάλαιο ήταν και παραμένει μία: η απτή ελπίδα ότι η συμφωνία με την οποία θα επιστρέψουμε πίσω στην Αθήνα:
είναι η τελευταία που σφυρηλατείται μέσα σε συνθήκες κρίσης?
αποτελείται από μία δέσμη μεταρρυθμίσεων που βάζουν τέλος στην 6-ετή και συνεχιζόμενη ύφεση?
δεν χτυπάει άγρια τους πιο φτωχούς όπως οι προηγούμενες μεταρρυθμίσεις?
καθιστά το χρέος μας βιώσιμο και δημιουργεί πραγματική προοπτική για επιστροφή στις αγορές χρήματος, βάζοντας έτσι τέλος στην αναξιοπρεπή εξάρτησή μας από τους εταίρους μας για να πληρώσουμε τα δάνεια που έχουμε λάβει από αυτούς.
Πέντε μήνες έχουν περάσει, το τέλος του δρόμου είναι κοντά, αλλά αυτήν τη λεπτή πράξη εξισορρόπησης δεν την έχουμε ακόμα επιτύχει. Πράγματι, στο Brussels Group έχουμε έρθει κοντά. Αλλά πόσο κοντά; Στο δημοσιονομικό κομμάτι οι θέσεις είναι πραγματικά κοντά, ειδικά για το 2015. Για το 2016, το υπολειπόμενο κενό είναι της τάξης του 0.5% του ΑΕΠ. Έχουμε προτείνει παραμετρικά μέτρα που ανέρχονται στο 2% του ΑΕΠ, έναντι του 2.5% στο οποίο επιμένουν οι θεσμοί. Το υπόλοιπο 0.5% έχουμε προτείνει να καλυφθεί με διοικητικά μέτρα. Θα ήταν, κατά την άποψή μου, μείζον σφάλμα να αφήσουμε μια τέτοια ελάχιστη διαφορά να προκαλέσει τεράστια ζημιά στην ακεραιότητα της Ευρωζώνης. Έχουμε επίσης επιτύχει σύγκλιση σε μια ευρεία σειρά θεμάτων.
Ωστόσο, δεν μπορώ να αρνηθώ ότι οι προτάσεις μας δεν φαίνεται να σάς έχουν εμπνεύσει την εμπιστοσύνη που χρειάζεστε. Παράλληλα, οι προτάσεις των θεσμών που ο κ. Juncker έχει μεταφέρει στον Πρωθυπουργό κ. Τσίπρα δεν προκαλούν την ελπίδα που ο λαός μας έχει τόση ανάγκη. Έτσι, έχουμε έρθει κοντά σχεδόν σε αδιέξοδο.
Σε αυτή την ύστατη στιγμή, στο στάδιο των διαπραγματεύσεων στο οποίο βρισκόμαστε τώρα, και πριν μας προλάβουν ανεξέλεγκτες καταστάσεις, έχουμε ηθικό καθήκον, πόσο μάλλον πολιτικό και οικονομικό, να ξεπεράσουμε αυτό το αδιέξοδο. Δεν είναι η ώρα για αντεγκλήσεις και αλληλοκατηγορίες. Οι Ευρωπαίοι πολίτες θα μας καταστήσουν συλλογικά υπεύθυνους, όλους όσους θα έχουμε αποτύχει να καταλήξουμε σε μια βιώσιμη λύση.
Ακόμα και εάν κάποιοι, έχοντας παραπλανηθεί από φήμες ότι μια Ελληνική έξοδος από το ευρώ δεν μπορεί να είναι και τόσο τραγική, ή ακόμα και ότι μπορεί να είναι και επωφελής για την υπόλοιπη Ευρωζώνη, έχουν ήδη αποδεχθεί ένα τέτοιο αποτέλεσμα, αυτό είναι ένα γεγονός που θα απελευθερώσει καταστρεπτικές δυνάμεις που κανένας δεν μπορεί να δαμάσει. Οι λαοί σε κάθε γωνιά της Ευρώπης θα στοχεύσουν, όχι τους θεσμούς, αλλά τους δικούς τους εκλεγμένους υπουργούς οικονομικών, τους δικούς τους Πρωθυπουργούς και Προέδρους. Εξάλλου, μάς εξέλεξαν να προωθήσουμε την κοινή μας ευημερία στην Ευρώπη και να αποφύγουμε τις παγίδες που θα βλάψουν την Ευρώπη.
Η πολιτική μας εντολή είναι να βρούμε έναν έντιμο, λειτουργικό συμβιβασμό. Είναι τόσο δύσκολο; Δεν νομίζουμε. Πριν λίγες μέρες ο Olivier Blanchard, επικεφαλής Οικονομολόγος του ΔΝΤ, δημοσίευσε ένα άρθρο με τίτλο: «Ελλάδα: Μία αξιόπιστη συμφωνία θα απαιτήσει δύσκολες αποφάσεις από όλες τις πλευρές». Έχει δίκιο, και η έμφαση είναι στο «από όλες τις πλευρές». Ο Δρ Blanchard πρόσθεσε τα εξής: «Στην καρδιά της διαπραγμάτευσης είναι βρίσκεται απλό ερώτημα. Πόση προσαρμογή πρέπει να γίνει από την Ελλάδα, και πόση από τους επίσημους πιστωτές της;»
Ότι η Ελλάδα χρειάζεται να προσαρμοστεί δεν υπάρχει αμφιβολία. Το ερώτημα ωστόσο δεν είναι πόση προσαρμογή πρέπει να γίνει. Είναι μάλλον τι είδους προσαρμογή πρέπει να γίνει. Αν με «προσαρμογή» εννοούμε τη δημοσιονομική εξυγίανση, μειώσεις μισθών και συντάξεων και αυξήσεις φόρων, τότε είναι ξεκάθαρο ότι έχουμε προσαρμοστεί περισσότερο από κάθε άλλη χώρα σε καιρό ειρήνης.
Το δημοσιονομικό έλλειμμα, σε δομική ή κυκλικά προσαρμοσμένη βάση, μετατράπηκε σε πλεόνασμα με προσαρμογή της τάξης του 20% - ένα «παγκόσμιο ρεκόρ» προσαρμογής
Οι μισθοί μειώθηκαν κατά 37%
Οι συντάξεις κόπηκαν μέχρι και 48%
Οι εργαζόμενοι στο δημόσιο μειώθηκαν κατά 30%
Η καταναλωτική δαπάνη περιορίστηκε κατά 33%
Ακόμα και το έλλειμμα τρεχουσών συναλλαγών - ένα χρόνιο εθνικό πρόβλημα, έπεσε κατά 16%.
Δεν μπορεί κανένας να ισχυριστεί ότι η Ελλάδα δεν έχει προσαρμοστεί στις καινούργιες, μετά το 2008, συνθήκες. Αυτό όμως που μπορούμε να πούμε είναι ότι αυτή η γιγαντιαία προσαρμογή, είτε απαραίτητη είτε όχι, έχει προκαλέσει περισσότερα προβλήματα από αυτά που έχει λύσει:
Το πραγματικό ΑΕΠ μειώθηκε κατά 27% ενώ το ονομαστικό ΑΕΠ συνεχίζει να πέφτει - κάθε τρίμηνο για 18 συνεχόμενα τρίμηνα χωρίς διακοπή μέχρι σήμερα
Η ανεργία ανέβηκε στο δυσθεώρητο 27%
Η μη δηλωμένη και ανασφάλιστη εργασία έφτασε το 34%
Οι τράπεζες πασχίζουν να δουλέψουν με τα μη-εξυπηρετούμενα δάνεια να υπερβαίνουν το 40% της αξίας των δανείων τους
Το δημόσιο χρέος έχει υπερβεί το 180% του ΑΕΠ
Νέοι με προσόντα εγκαταλείπουν μαζικά την Ελλάδα
Η φτώχεια, η πείνα και η στέρηση ενεργειακών αγαθών έχουν αυξηθεί με ταχύτητα που παρατηρείται συνήθως σε συνθήκες πολέμου
Οι επενδύσεις στο παραγωγικό δυναμικό έχουν εξανεμιστεί.
Συμπερασματικά, το πρώτο σκέλος του ερωτήματος του Δρα Blanchard «πόση προσαρμογή πρέπει να γίνει από την Ελλάδα;» πρέπει να απαντηθεί ως εξής: Πάρα πολλή. Αλλά όχι η ίδια προσαρμογή που έγινε στο παρελθόν. Χρειαζόμαστε περισσότερες μεταρρυθμίσεις, όχι περισσότερες μειώσεις. Για παράδειγμα,
Θα πρέπει να προσαρμοστούμε σε νέα ήθη όσον αφορά την πληρωμή των φόρων, όχι σε πιο ψηλούς συντελεστές ΦΠΑ που ενισχύουν τη φοροδιαφυγή και σπρώχνουν τίμιους συμπολίτες μας σε ακόμα μεγαλύτερη φτώχεια
Θα πρέπει να καταστήσουμε το συνταξιοδοτικό σύστημα βιώσιμο με το να εξαλείψουμε την ανασφάλιστη εργασία, να ελαχιστοποιήσουμε τις πρόωρες συνταξιοδοτήσεις, να εξαλείψουμε την απάτη, να ενισχύσουμε την απασχόληση – όχι με το να καταργήσουμε τα επιδόματα αλληλεγγύης στους φτωχότερους συνταξιούχους, όπως έχουν απαιτήσει οι θεσμοί, σπρώχνοντας έτσι τους φτωχότερους σε περισσότερη φτώχεια και ανακινώντας την λαϊκή έχθρα προς μια ακόμα δήθεν μεταρρύθμιση.
Στις προτάσεις μας προς τους θεσμούς, έχουμε συμπεριλάβει:
Μια εκτενή (αλλά βελτιστοποιημένη) ατζέντα ιδιωτικοποιήσεων για την περίοδο 2015-2025
Τη δημιουργία μια εντελώς ανεξάρτητης Αρχής Φόρων και Τελωνείων (υπό την αιγίδα και την επίβλεψη του Κοινοβουλίου)
Τη δημιουργία του Δημοσιονομικού Συμβουλίου που θα επιβλέπει την υλοποίηση του προϋπολογισμού
Ένα βραχυπρόθεσμο πρόγραμμα για περιορισμένους πλειστηριασμούς και για τη διαχείριση των μη εξυπηρετούμενων δανείων
Μεταρρυθμίσεις στη δικαιοσύνη και αλλαγές στον αστικό κώδικα
Την απελευθέρωση κλειστών αγορών προϊόντων και υπηρεσιών (παρέχοντας προστασία στην μεσαία τάξη και σε επαγγέλματα που άπτονται του κοινωνικού ιστού)
Κατάργηση πολλών εισφορών προς τρίτους
Μεταρρυθμίσεις στη δημόσια διοίκηση (εισάγοντας το κατάλληλο σύστημα αξιολόγησης του προσωπικού της, μειώνοντας τα μη-μισθολογικά κόστη και εκμοντερνίζοντας και ενοποιώντας την μισθοδοσία του δημοσίου).
Επιπλέον των ανωτέρω μεταρρυθμίσεων, οι ελληνικές Αρχές εξασφάλισαν την συνεργασία του ΟΟΣΑ για να μας βοηθήσουν να σχεδιάσουμε, υλοποιήσουμε και διαχειριστούμε ένα δεύτερο κύκλο αλλαγών. Χθες συναντήθηκα με τον Γενικό Γραμματέα του ΟΟΣΑ, τον κ. Άνχελ Γκουρία και την Ομάδα του, με σκοπό την ανακοίνωση της νέας –κοινής – ατζέντας, που συνοδεύεται και από τον αντίστοιχο οδικό χάρτη, για τα ακόλουθα:
Μια μεγάλη προσπάθεια κατά της διαφθοράς, αποτυπώνοντας και τα κατάλληλα εργαλεία για την υποστήριξή της, κυρίως στον τομέα των προμηθειών
Απελευθέρωση του κατασκευαστικού τομέα και αγοράς, συμπεριλαμβανομένων και των σχετικών προτύπων που αφορούν στα αντίστοιχα υλικά
Απελευθέρωση του χονδρικού εμπορίου
Δημιουργία κώδικα για τα ΜΜΕ, ηλεκτρονικά και έντυπα
Κέντρα εξυπηρέτησης επιχειρήσεων one-stop, που θα ελαχιστοποιούν τα γραφειοκρατικά εμπόδια για την λειτουργία των επιχειρήσεων στην Ελλάδα
Μεταρρυθμίσεις στο συνταξιοδοτικό σύστημα, μέσω μιας σωστής και μακρόχρονης αναλογιστικής μελέτης, την σταδιακή μείωση των πρόωρων συνταξιοδοτήσεων, την μείωση του λειτουργικού κόστους των ασφαλιστικών ταμείων, την ενοποίηση των ασφαλιστικών ταμείων- εν αντιθέσει με απλή μείωση των συντάξεων.
Ναι, συνάδελφοι, οι Έλληνες χρειάζονται περαιτέρω προσαρμογές. Χρειαζόμαστε επειγόντως βαθιές μεταρρυθμίσεις. Όμως σας καλώ να λάβετε σοβαρά υπόψη αυτή τη σημαντική διαφορά μεταξύ:
Αλλαγών που αντιμετωπίζουν παρασιτικές συμπεριφορές, προσοδοθηρία και αναποτελεσματικότητες, και
Παραμετρικών αλλαγών που μόνο αυξάνουν τους φόρους και μειώνουν τις παροχές προς τους πιο αδύναμους.
Χρειαζόμαστε περισσότερες αλλαγές της πρώτης κατηγορίας και πολύ λιγότερες της δεύτερης.
Πολλά έχουν ειπωθεί και γραφτεί για τις υπαναχωρήσεις μας στο θέμα των διαρθρωτικών αλλαγών στην αγορά εργασίας και την απόφασή μας να επαναφέρουμε την προστασία της μισθωτής εργασίας μέσω των συλλογικών διαπραγματεύσεων. Είναι αυτή μια δική μας αριστερή εμμονή που θέτει σε κίνδυνο την αποτελεσματικότητα; Όχι, συνάδελφοι, δεν είναι. Πάρτε για παράδειγμα το χάλι των νέων εργαζομένων σε διάφορες αλυσίδες καταστημάτων, που απολύονται μόλις φτάνουν το 24ο έτος της ηλικίας τους, ώστε οι εργοδότες να προσλάβουν στη θέση τους νεότερους εργαζομένους , τους οποίους θα συνεχίσουν να πληρώνουν με το μειωμένο μισθολόγιο που ισχύει για νέους κάτω των 24 ετών. Ή πάρτε την περίπτωση υπαλλήλων μερικής απασχόλησης με €300 το μήνα, που αναγκάζονται να εργάζονται full-time και απειλούνται με απόλυση αν δεν το κάνουν. Χωρίς τις συλλογικές διαπραγματεύσεις, αυτές οι καταχρηστικές συμπεριφορές προκαλούν επιπλέον ανταγωνιστικό βάρος στους σωστούς εργοδότες, και στερούν πόρους από τα ασφαλιστικά ταμεία και τα δημόσια έσοδα. Υπάρχει κανείς που να πιστεύει σοβαρά ότι η υιοθέτηση των καλά σχεδιασμένων συλλογικών διαπραγματεύσεων σε συνεργασία με τον ILO και τον OOΣΑ, αποτελούν «αντιστροφή των μεταρρυθμίσεων» ή υπαναχώρηση;
Επανερχόμενος σύντομα στο θέμα των συντάξεων, πολλά έχουν γίνει για την αντιμετώπιση του γεγονότος ότι οι συντάξεις κοστίζουν περισσότερο από ό,τι στο παρελθόν και φθάνουν περίπου το 16% του ΑΕΠ. Αναλογιστείτε όμως αυτό: Αφενός οι συντάξεις μειώθηκαν κατά 40%, και αφετέρου ο αριθμός των συνταξιούχων παρέμεινε σταθερός. Άρα η δαπάνη για τις συντάξεις μειώθηκε, δεν αυξήθηκε. Αυτό το ποσοστό δεν οφείλεται λοιπόν στην αύξηση της δαπάνης αλλά στη δραματική πτώση του ΑΕΠ, που έφερε και μια δραματική πτώση στα έσοδα των ασφαλιστικών εισφορών λόγω της μείωσης της απασχόλησης και της αύξησης της αδήλωτης εργασίας.
Οι υποτιθέμενες λοιπόν υπαναχωρήσεις μας στο συνταξιοδοτικό είναι ότι αναστείλαμε την περαιτέρω μείωση των συντάξεων, που έχουν ήδη χάσει το 40% της αξίας τους, όταν οι τιμές των προϊόντων που οι συνταξιούχοι έχουν πρωτίστως ανάγκη, όπως είναι τα φάρμακα, σχεδόν δεν έχουν μειωθεί καθόλου. Λάβετε δε υπόψη σας και αυτό το σχεδόν άγνωστο γεγονός: περίπου ένα εκατομμύριο οικογένειες επιβιώνουν σήμερα με την πενιχρή σύνταξη του παππού ή της γιαγιάς όταν τα υπόλοιπα μέλη της οικογένειας είναι άνεργοι, σε μια χώρα που μόνο το 9% των ανέργων λαμβάνει κάποιο επίδομα ανεργίας. Μειώνοντας και αυτή τη μοναχική πηγή εισοδήματος, ισοδυναμεί με το να «βγάζουμε την οικογένεια στο δρόμο».
Αυτός είναι και ο λόγος που συνεχίζουμε να λέμε στους θεσμούς ότι, ναι, χρειαζόμαστε αλλαγές στο συνταξιοδοτικό μας σύστημα, αλλά, όχι, δεν μπορούμε να κόψουμε τη συνταξιοδοτική δαπάνη κατά 1% του ΑΕΠ, γιατί αυτό θα επιφέρει όχι μόνο ένα νέο κύμα μιζέριας αλλά και ένα νέο υφεσιακό κύκλο, δεδομένου ότι το €1.8 δις πολλαπλασιαζόμενο με έναν μεγάλο δημοσιονομικό πολλαπλασιαστή (περίπου 1.5) αφαιρείται από την κυκλική ροή του εισοδήματος. Αν υπήρχαν ακόμα υψηλές συντάξεις, των οποίων η περικοπή θα είχε θετική δημοσιονομική επίπτωση, θα το κάναμε. Όμως, η κατανομή των συντάξεων είναι τόσο συμπιεσμένη που εξοικονομήσεις τέτοιου μεγέθους θα εξαφάνιζαν τις συντάξεις των χαμηλοσυνταξιούχων. Για το λόγο αυτό, υποθέτω ότι οι θεσμοί ζητούν την κατάργηση των επικουρικών συντάξεων των χαμηλοσυνταξιούχων. Και είναι για το λόγο αυτό που εμείς αντιπροτείνουμε σωστές μεταρρυθμίσεις: δραστική μείωση έως εξαφάνιση των πρόωρων συνταξιοδοτήσεων, ενοποίηση των ασφαλιστικών ταμείων και παρεμβάσεις στην αγορά εργασίας για πάταξη της αδήλωτης εργασίας.
Οι διαρθρωτικές αλλαγές ενισχύουν το αναπτυξιακό δυναμικό. Όμως, μόνο περικοπές σε μια οικονομία όπως η Ελληνική σήμερα, θα επιφέρει περαιτέρω ύφεση. Η Ελλάδα πρέπει να προσαρμοστεί, με την υιοθέτηση ουσιαστικών μεταρρυθμίσεων. Ταυτόχρονα όμως, και πηγαίνοντας πίσω στην απάντηση του Δρα Blanchard, και οι θεσμοί θα πρέπει να προσαρμόσουν τον ορισμό που δίνουν στις αναπτυξιακές μεταρρυθμίσεις και να αναγνωρίσουν ότι, οι παραμετρικές περικοπές και οι φορολογικές επιδρομές δεν είναι μεταρρυθμίσεις και ότι, τουλάχιστον στην περίπτωση της Ελλάδας, υπέσκαψαν την ανάπτυξη.
Ορισμένοι συνάδελφοι έχουν επισημάνει στο παρελθόν, και ενδεχομένως να το ξαναεπισημάνουν, ότι οι συντάξεις μας είναι πολύ υψηλές αν συγκριθούν με εκείνες που λαμβάνουν οι πιο ηλικιωμένοι στις χώρες τους, και ότι είναι απαράδεκτο η Ελληνική κυβέρνηση να περιμένει από τις χώρες αυτές να συνεισφέρουν στο λογαριασμό για τις συντάξεις. Επιτρέψτε μου να είμαι σαφής σε αυτό: Δεν θα σας ζητήσουμε ποτέ να επιδοτήσετε το κράτος μας, τους μισθούς μας, τις συντάξεις μας, τις δημόσιες δαπάνες μας. Το Ελληνικό κράτος ζει με τα μέσα που διαθέτει. Τους τελευταίους μήνες καταφέραμε εξάλλου να αποπληρώσουμε τους δανειστές μας, παρά τη μηδενική πρόσβαση στις αγορές και τις μηδενικές εκταμιεύσεις. Σκοπεύουμε να συνεχίσουμε να το κάνουμε.
Κατανοώ ότι υπάρχει ανησυχία ότι η κυβέρνησή μας μπορεί να παρουσιάσει ξανά πρωτογενές έλλειμμα και ότι αυτός είναι ο λόγος που οι θεσμοί μάς πιέζουν να δεχτούμε μεγάλες αυξήσεις στον ΦΠΑ και μεγάλες περικοπές στις συντάξεις. Παρόλο που η άποψή μας είναι ότι η ανακοίνωση μιας βιώσιμης συμφωνίας θα είναι αρκετή για να ενισχύσει την οικονομική δραστηριότητα ώστε να υπάρξει υγιές πρωτογενές πλεόνασμα, καταλαβαίνω απόλυτα ότι οι δανειστές και οι εταίροι μας ενδεχομένως να έχουν λόγο να αμφιβάλλουν και να ζητούν εξασφάλιση: μια πολιτική που να τους ασφαλίζει για το τυχόν ενδεχόμενο που η κυβέρνησή μας δείξει ανεντιμότητα. Αυτό είναι που βρίσκεται πίσω από την προτροπή του Δρα Blanchard η Ελληνική κυβέρνηση να προσφέρει «πραγματικά αξιόπιστα μέτρα». Έτσι, προτείνουμε την παρακάτω ιδέα. Ένα «πραγματικά αξιόπιστο μέτρο».
Αντί να διαφωνούμε για μισές ποσοστιαίες μονάδες σχετικά με τα μέτρα (ή για το αν αυτά τα φορολογικά μέτρα θα πρέπει να είναι παραμετρικά ή όχι), γιατί να μην κάνουμε μια βαθύτερη, πιο λεπτομερή και μόνιμη μεταρρύθμιση; Ένα αυτόματο φρενάρισμα του ελλείμματος που να είναι θεσμοθετημένο και να εποπτεύεται από το ανεξάρτητο Δημοσιονομικό Συμβούλιο πάνω στο οποίο οι θεσμοί κι εμείς έχουμε ήδη συμφωνήσει. To Δημοσιονομικό Συμβούλιο θα εποπτεύει την εκτέλεση του κρατικού προϋπολογισμού σε εβδομαδιαία βάση, θα προειδοποιεί αν ένας επιμέρους στόχος για το πρωτογενές πλεόνασμα πάει να καταπατηθεί και, αν χρειαστεί, θα εφαρμόζει αυτόματα οριζόντιες μειώσεις σε όλες τις δαπάνες με σκοπό να αποτρέψει τον εκτροχιασμό του στόχου κάτω από το προ-συμφωνηθέν όριο. Με τον τρόπο αυτό τίθεται σε εφαρμογή ένα αλάνθαστο σύστημα που εξασφαλίζει την φερεγγυότητα του Ελληνικού κράτους, ενώ η Ελληνική κυβέρνηση διατηρεί την ελευθερία που χρειάζεται για χάραξη πολιτικής, για να παραμείνει κυρίαρχη και ικανή να κυβερνήσει σε ένα δημοκρατικό πλαίσιο. Θεωρήστε αυτή την ιδέα ως μια απτή πρόταση που η κυβέρνησή μας θα υλοποιήσει αμέσως μετά την ύπαρξη μιας συμφωνίας.
Με δεδομένο ότι η κυβέρνησή μας δε θα χρειαστεί ποτέ ξανά να δανειστεί από τους φορολογούμενούς σας ή τους φορολογούμενους που βρίσκονται πίσω από το ΔΝΤ, δεν έχει νόημα μια συζήτηση μεταξύ κρατών-μελών σχετικά με το ποιας χώρας οι συνταξιούχοι είναι φτωχότεροι, οδηγώντας τελικά όλους στα χαμηλότερα επίπεδα. Αντί για αυτό, η συζήτηση προχωράει στις αποπληρωμές του χρέους. Πόσο μεγάλα θα πρέπει να είναι τα πρωτογενή μας πλεονάσματα; Υπάρχει κανείς που να πιστεύει σοβαρά ότι ο ρυθμός ανάπτυξης είναι ανεξάρτητος από το στόχο του πρωτογενούς πλεονάσματος; Το ΔΝΤ κατανοεί πλήρως ότι αυτοί οι δύο αριθμοί είναι ενδογενώς συνδεδεμένοι, και αυτός είναι ο λόγος που το δημόσιο χρέος της Ελλάδας πρέπει να εξεταστεί άμεσα.
Το μεγάλο μας υπερβολικό χρέος πρέπει να το σκεφτούμε ως μια μεγάλη μη χρηματοδοτούμενη φορολογική υποχρέωση. Παρόλο που είναι αλήθεια ότι τα κομμάτια του χρέους στο EFSF και το GLF αργούν να λήξουν και το επιτόκιό τους δεν είναι υψηλό, η μη χρηματοδοτούμενη φορολογική υποχρέωση του Ελληνικού κράτους, το χρέος μας, περιέχει μια εξέχουσα συνιστούσα που εμποδίζει τις επενδύσεις και την ανάκαμψη σήμερα. Αναφέρομαι εδώ στα €27 δις των ομολόγων του προγράμματος SPM που κρατούνται ακόμα από την ΕΚΤ. Πρόκειται για μια βραχυπρόθεσμη μη χρηματοδοτούμενη υποχρέωση που οι πιθανοί επενδυτές στην Ελλάδα κοιτούν και μετά αποχωρούν, επειδή αναγνωρίζουν το χρηματοδοτικό κενό που δημιουργείται από αυτό το κομμάτι χρέους, και επειδή κατανοούν ότι αυτά τα 27 δις στα βιβλία της ΕΚΤ απαγορεύουν στην Ελλάδα να εκμεταλλευτεί την ποσοτική χαλάρωση της ΕΚΤ, ακριβώς τη στιγμή που αυτό το πρόγραμμα είναι σε εξέλιξη και αγγίζει τα όρια των δυνατοτήτων του προκειμένου να βοηθήσει τις χώρες που έχουν πληγεί από τον αποπληθωρισμό. Είναι τραγική ειρωνία που η χώρα που έχει χτυπηθεί περισσότερο από τον αποπληθωρισμό είναι και η μοναδική που έχει εξαιρεθεί από το πρόγραμμα της ΕΚΤ κατά του αποπληθωρισμού. Και έχει εξαιρεθεί εξαιτίας αυτών των 27 δις.
Η πρότασή μας για αυτό είναι απλή, αποδοτική και αμοιβαία επωφελής. Δεν προτείνουμε νέα χρήματα, ούτε ένα φρέσκο ευρώ για το κράτος μας. Φανταστείτε ότι η ακόλουθη συμφωνία σε τρία βήματα ανακοινώνεται μέσα στις επόμενες ημέρες:
Βήμα 1: Βαθιές μεταρρυθμίσεις, που θα περιλαμβάνουν και το αυτόματο φρενάρισμα του ελλείμματος που προανέφερα.
Βήμα 2: Ένας εξορθολογισμός του σχεδίου αποπληρωμών του χρέους της Ελλάδας με την ακόλουθη λογική. Πρώτον, μια επαναγορά των ομολόγων από το πρόγραμμα SMP: η Ελλάδα να πάρει ένα νέο δάνειο από τον μηχανισμό ESM, να αγοράσει τα ομόλογα SMP από την EKT και να τα αποσύρει. Για να υποστηριχτεί αυτό το δάνειο, συμφωνούμε ότι οι βαθιές μεταρρυθμίσεις θα αποτελέσουν κοινή συνθήκη για την επιτυχή ολοκλήρωση του τρέχοντος προγράμματος καθώς και για τη διασφάλιση του νέου σχεδίου με τον ESM το οποίο θα τεθεί σε εφαρμογή αμέσως μετά την ολοκλήρωση του τρέχοντος προγράμματος και θα είναι σε ισχύ παράλληλα με το συνεχιζόμενο πρόγραμμα του ΔΝΤ έως τον Μάρτιο του 2016. Η βραχυπρόθεσμη χρηματοδότηση βασίζεται στις εναπομείνασες εκταμιεύσεις από το υπάρχον πρόγραμμα, και η μεσοπρόθεσμη και μακροπρόθεσμη χρηματοδότηση θα ολοκληρωθούν από την επιστροφή των κερδών από τα ομόλογα SMP τα οποία ανέρχονται σε €9 δισ. (από τα €27 δισ. που έχουν απομείνει) και τα οποία θα μπουν σε λογαριασμό με χρηματική εγγύηση που θα χρησιμοποιηθεί για τις αποπληρωμές της Ελλάδας στο ΔΝΤ.
Βήμα 3: Ένα επενδυτικό πρόγραμμα για την επανεκκίνηση της Ελληνικής οικονομίας που θα χρηματοδοτηθεί από το Σχέδιο Γιούνκερ, την ΕΚΤ – με την οποία ήδη είμαστε σε συνομιλίες, την Ευρωπαϊκή Τράπεζα Ανασυγκρότησης και Ανάπτυξης και άλλους εταίρους που θα προσκληθούν να συμμετάσχουν και σε συνδυασμό με το πρόγραμμα μας για τις ιδιωτικοποιήσεις και την ίδρυση μιας τράπεζας ανάπτυξης που θα στοχεύει στην ανάπτυξη, την αναμόρφωση και την χρηματοοικονομική ασφάλεια των δημοσίων αγαθών, συμπεριλαμβανομένων των ακινήτων.
Αμφιβάλλει στα αλήθεια κανείς ότι η ανακοίνωση αυτών των τριών βημάτων θα άλλαζε δραματικά το κλίμα, θα ενέπνεε τους Έλληνες να εργαστούν σκληρά με την ελπίδα ενός καλύτερου μέλλοντος, θα προσέλκυε επενδυτές σε μια χώρα όπου οι τιμές των περιουσιακών στοιχείων έχουν μειωθεί τόσο πολύ, και θα έδινε εμπιστοσύνη στους Ευρωπαίους ότι η Ευρώπη μπορεί, έστω και την τελευταία στιγμή, να κάνει το σωστό;
Συνάδελφοι, σε αυτή την περίσταση, είναι επικίνδυνα εύκολο να σκέφτεται κανείς ότι δεν μπορεί να γίνει τίποτα. Ας μην γίνουμε θύματα μιας τέτοιας νοοτροπίας. Μπορούμε να σμιλέψουμε μια καλή συμφωνία. Η κυβέρνησή μας είναι σε αναμονή, με ιδέες και την αποφασιστικότητα να καλλιεργήσει τα δύο είδη εμπιστοσύνης που χρειάζονται για να μπει τέλος στο Ελληνικό δράμα: την εμπιστοσύνη σας προς εμάς και την εμπιστοσύνη των ανθρώπων μας στη δυνατότητα της Ευρώπης να χαράσσει πολιτικές που δουλεύουν για αυτούς, και όχι εναντίον τους.
[http://www.newsit.gr/politikh/ola-osa-eipe-gianhs-varoyfakis-sto-eurogroup/411130]
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://www.patakis.gr/viewshopproduct.aspx?id=696118,
Μιλώντας στην κόρη μου για την οικονομία
Τιμή εκδότη με ΦΠΑ: €10,80
Τιμή καταστήματος με ΦΠΑ: €9,72
Συντελεστές
Εκδότης : ΕΚΔΟΣΕΙΣ ΠΑΤΑΚΗ
Συγγραφέας : Βαρουφάκης Γιάνης
Περιγραφή
Όποιος δεν µπορεί να εξηγήσει µε απλά λόγια δύσκολες έννοιες σε νέους ανθρώπους απλά δεν τις κατανοεί αρκετά καλά ο ίδιος. Αυτό ισχύει τόσο στην περίπτωση των Μαύρων Τρυπών στα πέρατα του Σύµπαντος όσο και σε εκείνη των µαύρων τρυπών του δηµόσιου χρέους και των τραπεζικών ζηµιών. Το βιβλίο τούτο πασχίζει λοιπόν να παραθέσει µια αφήγηση για την οικονοµία που η κόρη του συγγραφέα δεν θα τη βαριόταν και η οποία, παράλληλα, θα εξηγούσε δύο πράγµατα: πώς προέκυψε ο σύγχρονος κόσµος µας και γιατί οι θεωρίες των οικονοµολόγων είναι µέρος των προβληµάτων –και όχι των λύσεων– που γεννά ο κόσµος αυτός. Θέτει, και απαντά, προκλητικά ερωτήµατα, όπως:
- Γιατί εισέβαλαν οι Βρετανοί αποικιοκράτες στην Αυστραλία και όχι οι Αβορίγινες στην Αγγλία;
- Πότε και πώς γεννήθηκε η πρωτοκαθεδρία του κέρδους;
- Γιατί δεν θα υπήρχε ποτέ πλούτος χωρίς χρέος;
- Από πού προκύπτει η εξοργιστική εξουσία των τραπεζιτών;
- Τι κρύβεται πίσω από τις οικονοµικές κρίσεις;
- Υπάρχει ελπίδα η ανθρωπότητα να πάψει να λειτουργεί ως ανόητος ιός που σκοτώνει τον οργανισµό στον οποίο ζει;
- Τι είναι το χρήµα και γιατί έχει «ανάγκη» τη δηµοκρατία;
Αν και δεν εστιάζει στην ελληνική καθηµερινότητα των τελευταίων, θλιβερών ετών, το βιβλίο πραγµατεύεται τα µεγάλαζητήµατα της κοινωνικής οικονοµίας που αγγίζουν όλους τους ανθρώπους, παντού, αλλά µε τρόπο που, όποιος αναγνώστης θέλει, µπορεί να χρησιµοποιήσει ώστε να δει µε διαφορετικό µάτι την πρόσφατη κατάρρευση της ελληνικής οικονοµίας, καθώς και τους λόγους που οι κρατούντες αρνούνται πεισµατικά να λάβουν τις αποφάσεις που θα έφερναν τη λύτρωση των κοινωνιών µας στην Ευρώπη, στην Ελλάδα, στον κόσµο όλο.
Βάρος: 0,275 kgr
Χαρακτηριστικά
Γενικά
ISBN: 9789601655444
Σελίδες: 208
B.K.M. ( Βοηθητικός Κωδικός Μηχανογράφησης ): 09544
Ημερομηνίες Έκδοσης
Ημερομηνία 1ης έκδοσης: Οκτώβριος 2014
Ημερομηνία τελευταίας έκδοσης: Οκτώβριος 2014
[http://www.patakis.gr/viewshopproduct.aspx?id=696118]
name::
* McsElln.{2013-02-14} The Global Minotaur Edition.2,
The Global Minotaur
America, Europe and the Future of the Global Economy
Yanis Varoufakis
In this remarkable and provocative book, Yanis Varoufakis explodes the myth that financialisation, ineffectual regulation of banks, greed and globalisation were the root causes of the global economic crisis. Rather, they are symptoms of a much deeper malaise which can be traced all the way back to the Great Crash of 1929, then on through to the 1970s: the time when a 'Global Minotaur' was born. Just as the Athenians maintained a steady flow of tributes to the Cretan beast, so Europe and the rest of the world began sending incredible amounts of capital to America and Wall Street. Thus, the Global Minotaur became the 'engine' that pulled the world economy from the early 1980s through to the financial collapse of 2008.
Today's deepening crisis in Europe is just one of the inevitable symptoms of the weakening Minotaur; of a global 'system' which is now as unsustainable as it is imbalanced. Going beyond this, Varoufakis lays out the options available to us for reintroducing a modicum of reason into a highly irrational global economic order.
An essential account of the socio-economic events and hidden histories that have shaped the world as we now know it.
14 February 2013
Paperback
ISBN: 9781780324500
296 pages
198mm x 129mm
Economics
Economic Controversies
History, Economics, International Relations, Politics, Sociology, Europe
[http://www.zedbooks.co.uk/paperback/the-global-minotaur-0]
name::
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy438.7,
* McsEngl.The-Global-Minotaur-2011@cptEconomy438.7,
The Global Minotaur
America, the True Origins of the Financial Crisis and the Future of the World Economy
Yanis Varoufakis
In this remarkable and provocative book, Yanis Varoufakis explodes the myth that financialisation, ineffectual regulation of banks, greed and globalisation were the root causes of the global economic crisis. Rather, they are symptoms of a much deeper malaise which can be traced all the way back to the Great Crash of 1929, then on through to the 1970s: the time when a 'Global Minotaur' was born. Just as the Athenians maintained a steady flow of tributes to the Cretan beast, so the 'rest of the world' began sending incredible amounts of capital to America and Wall Street. Thus, the Global Minotaur became the 'engine' that pulled the world economy from the early 1980s to 2008.
Today's crisis in Europe, the heated debates about austerity versus further fiscal stimuli in the US, the clash between China's authorities and the Obama administration on exchange rates are the inevitable symptoms of the weakening Minotaur; of a global 'system' which is now as unsustainable as it is imbalanced. Going beyond this, Varoufakis lays out the options available to us for reintroducing a modicum of reason into a highly irrational global economic order.
An essential account of the socio-economic events and hidden histories that have shaped the world as we now know it.
£12.99 | $19.95
18 August 2011
Paperback
ISBN: 9781780320144
264 pages
216mm x 138mm
Economics
Economic Controversies
Economics, International Relations, Politics, Sociology and Social Policy, History
[http://zedbooks.co.uk/paperback/the-global-minotaur]
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://zedbooks.co.uk/paperback/the-global-minotaur,
* http://www.amazon.com/dp/1780320140/ref=rdr_ext_tmb,
* http://yanisvaroufakis.eu/2011/01/15/so-why-did-the-crash-of-2008-happen-a-first-glimpse-of-the-global-minotaur//
* http://yanisvaroufakis.eu/2011/02/01/the-global-minotaur-is-finished//
The remarkable opportunity
The United States of America came out of the Second World War as the
major and, in fact, if one excludes Switzerland, the only creditor nation. For
the first time since the rise of capitalism, all of the world’s trade relied on a
single currency, the dollar, and financed from a single epicentre, Wall Street.
While half of Europe was under the control of the Red Army, and Europeans
were openly questioning the merits of the capitalist system, the New Dealers,
who had been running Washington since 1932, realised that history had
presented them with a remarkable opportunity: To erect a post-war global
order that would cast American hegemony in stainless steel. It was an
opportunity that they seized with glee.
Their audacious scheme sprang from the two sources that lie behind
every great achievement: Fear and Power. The war endowed the United
States with unprecedented military and economic might. But, at the same
time, it acted as a constant reminder of America's failure properly to come to
terms with the legacy of 1929 before the Japanese navy unleashed its bombs
and torpedoes over Pearl Harbour. The New Dealers never forgot the
unexpectedness of the Great Depression and its resistance to 'treatment'. The
more power they felt they had in their hands the greater their fear that a new
1929 could turn it into thin ash running through their fingers.
Even before the guns had gone silent in Europe, and before the Soviet
Union emerged as a dragon to be slain, the United States understood that it
had inherited the historic role of reconstructing, in its image, the world of
global capitalism. For if 1929 nearly ended the dominion of capital at a time of
multiple capitalist centres, what would a new 1929 do when the larger game,
global capitalism, revolved around a single axis; namely the dollar?
In 1944 the New Dealers' anxieties led to the famous Bretton Woods
conference. The idea of designing a new global order was not so much
grandiose as it was essential. At Bretton Woods a new monetary framework
was designed acknowledging the dollar's centrality but also taking steps to
create international shock absorbers in case the US economy wavered. It took
fifteen years before the agreement could be fully implemented. During that
preparatory phase, the United States had to put together the essential pieces
of the jigsaw puzzle that I call the Global Plan, of which Bretton Woods was
an important piece.
Bretton Woods
While the war was still raging in Europe and the Pacific, in July 1944, seven
hundred and thirty delegates converged upon the plush Mount Washington
Hotel located in the New Hampshire town of Bretton Woods. Over three
weeks of intensive negotiations, they hammered out the nature and
institutions of the post-war global monetary order.
They did not come to Bretton Woods spontaneously but at the behest
of President Roosevelt whose New Deal administration was determined to win
the peace, after almost having lost the war against the Great Depression. The
2
one lesson the New Dealers had learnt was that capitalism cannot be
managed effectively at a national level. In his opening speech Roosevelt
made that point with commendable clarity: "The economic health of every
country is a proper matter of concern to all its neighbours, near and far."
The two issues that were, ostensibly, central to the Conference were
the design of the post-war monetary system and the reconstruction of the wartorn
economies of Europe and Japan. However, under the surface, the real
questions concerned the institutional framework that would keep a new Great
Depression at bay and who would be in control of that framework. Both
questions created significant tensions, especially between the two great allies
represented, in the US corner, by Harry Dexter White1 and, in the British
corner, by none other than John Maynard Keynes. In the aftermath of the
conference, Keynes remarked: "We have had to perform at one and the same
time the tasks appropriate to the economist, to the financier, to the politician,
to the journalist, to the propagandist, to the lawyer, to the statesman - even, I
think, to the prophet and to the soothsayer."
Two of the institutions that were designed at Bretton Woods are still
with us and still in the news. One is the International Monetary Fund (IMF),
the other the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, today
known simply as the World Bank. The IMF was to be the global capitalist
system's 'fire brigade'; an institution that would rush to the assistance of any
country whose house caught (fiscal) fire, handing out loans under strict
conditions that would ensure that the failures would be fixed and the loans
repaid. As for the World Bank, its role would be of an international investment
bank with a remit to direct productive investments in regions of the world
devastated by the war.
However, the one institution that left the greatest mark on post-war
history is no longer with us, its demise in 1971 marking the end of the Global
Plan and the beginning of the Global Minotaur's reign: It was the new
exchange rate regime that came to be known as the Bretton Woods system: A
system of fixed exchange rates with the dollar at its heart. The main idea was
that each currency would be locked to the dollar at a given exchange rate.
Fluctuations would be allowed only within a narrow band of, plus or minus, 1%
which governments would try to stay within by buying or selling their own
dollar reserves. A re-negotiation of the exchange rate of a particular country
was only allowed if it could be demonstrated that its balance of trade and its
balance of capital flows could not be maintained given its dollar reserves. As
for the United States, to create the requisite confidence in the international
system, it committed to peg the dollar to gold at the fixed exchange rate of
$35 per ounce of gold and to guarantee full gold convertibility for anyone,
American or non-American, wanting to swap their dollars for gold.
During the debate on what that new system should look like, John
Maynard Keynes made the most audacious proposal that has ever reached
the bargaining table of a major international conference: Create an
International Currency Union (ICU), a single currency (which he even named
it: the bancor) for the whole capitalist world, with its own International Central
1 White was an ardent New Dealer and avowed Keynesian. A Harvard PhD economist, he served in
the US Treasury as assistant to Secretary Henry Morgenthau. A committed internationalist, he not
only helped create the IMF but also became its director. In 1947, he resigned abruptly under a
cloud of innuendo that he had acted as a Soviet spy. He died the following year of a heart attack.
3
Bank and matching institutions. Keynes' proposal was not as impudent as it
seemed. In fact, it has stood the test of time quite well. In a recent BBC
interview,2 Dominic Strauss-Kahn, the IMF's current Managing Director, called
for a return to Keynes' original idea as the only solution to the troubles of the
post-2008 world economy. But what was the proposal's gist? It was to bring
on the benefits of a common currency (trade facilitation and convenience,
price stability, predictability in international trading) without suffering the main
demerits that come when disparate economies are monetarily bound up.
The lost opportunity
The problem with currency unions, as Argentina were to discover in the late
1990s and Europe in the aftermath of the Crash of 2008, is the simple fact of
life that trade and capital flows can remain systematically unbalanced for
decades, if not centuries. Some regions within a country (e.g. the Stuttgart
area in Germany, the Greater London area in Britain, or the Shanghai region
in China), come what may, will always post a surplus in their trading with other
regions (e.g. with eastern Lδnder, with Yorkshire, or with the western
provinces of China). Similarly with states within federations: California will
never balance its trade with Arizona and Tasmania will always be in deficit
vis-ΰ-vis Victoria and New South Wales. Given that these trade imbalances
are chronic, something has to take the slack; something must give.
When each of these entities has its own currency, it is the exchange
rate that gradually shifts in order to absorb the strain caused by the trade
imbalances. Before the euro was established, Germany's persistent surplus
vis-ΰ-vis countries like Greece and Italy resulted in a gradual devaluation of
the drachma and the lira relative to the Deutschmark. Thus balance was
maintained as the growing trade asymmetries were cancelled out by
analogously deepening imbalances in the exchange rates.
However, once these economic regions are bound together with the
same currency (as in the United States or the eurozone), something else is
required to release the tension caused by unbalanced trade and capital flows:
Some mechanism for recycling surpluses from the surplus regions (e.g.
London or California) to the deficit regions (e.g. Wales and Delaware). Such
recycling can take the form of simple transfers (e.g. paying unemployment
benefits in Yorkshire by taxes raised in Sussex) or, and this is much more
desirable for both the surplus and the deficit regions, the form of productive
and profitable investments in the deficit regions (e.g. directing business to
build factories in North England or Ohio).
In a sense, the reason why the dollar-zone, i.e. the United States, is a
successful currency union whereas the eurozone is plagued with crises, is
because America features at least two Surplus Recycling Mechanisms3
whereas Europe sports none. Indeed, without an effective Surplus Recycling
2 Sunday, 19th Dec 2010, 17:00, BBC Radio 4
3 One such mechanism is a simple Transfer Union: The unemployment and health benefits of
distressed states are paid for by Washington, dipping into taxes raised from surplus states, like
California and New York. The second mechanism is the military-industrial complex: Whenever
Boeing or General Dynamics got a large Pentagon contract to build a new fighter jet or missile
system, it was stipulated that some of the production facilities be located in depressed, deficit,
states.
4
Mechanism in place, a currency union is bound to succumb to tectonic shifts
that, eventually, cause great cracks to form before the union shatters.
At Bretton Woods, where the whole post-war order was being
blueprinted, Keynes was a concerned man. He knew that, just like the pre-war
Gold Standard, an international system of fixed exchange rates would not be
able to sustain serious shocks. He predicted that even minor crises could
bring on a major Crisis. To avert that, the new international system ought to
feature a Global Surplus Recycling Mechanism. Its purpose? To prevent the
build-up of systematic surpluses in some countries and of persistent deficits in
others.
Why were trade imbalances such a source of worry? Keynes believed
that, if global trade was badly imbalanced, with some countries (e.g. the
United States) enjoying large surpluses and others in deep deficits, a small
crisis anywhere could easily turn into another global catastrophe. To begin
with, note that trade deficits usually go hand in hand with governments that
are also in deficit. Suppose that a crisis were to happen anywhere in the
Bretton Woods system. The fall in demand would trickle down to the deficit
countries. And then all hell would break loose.
Once the crisis began, in a surplus or a deficit country, it wouldl soon
reach some deficit nation. Even if it arrived in the form of a small downturn,
some debtors would be made to feel that they were carrying too much debt.
Keen to reduce their exposure, they would then cut spending. But since, at
the level of the national economy, society's overall demand is the sum of
private and public expenditure, when a large segment of the business
community try to reduce debt (by cutting expenditure), overall demand
declines, sales drop, businesses close their doors, unemployment rises and
prices fall. As prices fall, consumers decide to wait for them to fall further
before buying costly items. The debt-deflation vicious cycle thus takes hold.
Now, since this is a deficit country, the government is more likely than
not to labour under an already considerable budget deficit (taxes less than
expenditures) and a large accumulated public debt. The recession squeezes
taxes, boosts the state's deficit and forces the government to pay higher
interest rates to service its increasing debts. Politicians react instinctively by
cutting down public spending in the midst of the recession. Thus, with both
private and public expenditure falling fast, domestic demand collapses.
In a knee jerk reaction, the stricken government, unable to increase
public expenditure itself, will seek ways to 'import' demand from abroad. This
meant, Keynes surmised, that it would purposely violate the rules of the
Bretton Woods system. Why? The 'system' requires that, to counter the
tendency of the currency to fall during the debt-deflationary crisis, the
government should use its dollar reserves to stabilise it within the original ±1%
band. But the government, desperate to increase exports as the only way to
counter the recession, would have every incentive to do exactly the opposite:
To hoard its dollar reserves and to approach instead the Bretton Wood
system's administrators with pleas that its currency be allowed to devalue.
All sorts of excuses could be made in support of this demand (e.g. that
the country has run out of dollars). Keynes knew that, at a time of crisis, it
would be politically impossible to force the deficit countries to apply the
agreed rules. Other deficit countries would follow suit and the system of fixed
exchange rates would collapse. Precisely as it did on 15th August 1971!
5
With these troubled thoughts in mind, Keynes designed and proposed
the ICU so as to deal with two potential problems at once: To avert systematic
trade imbalances and to endow the commonwealth of capitalist nations with
the flexibility necessary to deal with future catastrophic crashes (like that of
1929). The proposal was simple and audacious at once: The ICU would grant
each member country an overdraft facility, i.e. the right to borrow at zero
interest from the International Central Bank. Loans in excess of 50% of a
deficit country's average trade volume (measured in bancors) would also be
made but at the cost of a fixed interest rate. In this manner, deficit countries
would be given the flexibility to boost demand in order to arrest any debtdeflation
cycle without seeking to undervalue the currency.
At the same time, there would be a penalty for excess trade surpluses:
Recognising that a systematic surplus is the other side of the problematic coin
of a systematic deficit, Keynes' proposal stipulated that any country with a
trade surplus exceeding a similar percentage of its trade volume be charged
interest and its currency would, therefore, be forced to appreciate. These
penalties would, in turn, finance the loans to the deficit countries, acting as an
automatic Global Surplus Recycling Mechanism.
Lionel Robbins, an influential British economist and the pioneer behind
the rise of the London School of Economics and Political Science, wrote that,
upon hearing Keynes' proposals, the conference participants were stunned.
"[I]t would be difficult to exaggerate the electrifying effect on thought
throughout the whole relevant apparatus of government... nothing so
imaginative and so ambitious had ever been discussed". Nevertheless, the
intellectual value and technical competence of this well laid plan was not in
tune with America's priorities.4
The United States, exiting the war as the world's powerhouse, had no
interest in restraining its own capacity to run large, systematic trade surpluses
with the rest of the world. The New Dealers, however respectful they might
have been of John Maynard Keynes, had another plan: A Global Plan
according to which the dollar would become the effective world currency5 and
the United States would export goods and capital to Europe and Japan in
return for direct investment and political patronage; a hegemony based on the
direct financing of foreign capitalist centres in return for an American trade
surplus with them.
The Rise of the Fallen
The Global Plan started life as an attempt to kickstart international trade,
create markets for US exports, and address the dearth of international
investment by private US companies. But before long it developed into
something bigger and better.
To give the Bretton Woods a strong backbone, the New Dealers were
determined to support the dollar by creating, within the Bretton Woods fixed
4 White's unequivocal words were: "We have been perfectly adamant on that point. We have
taken the position of absolutely no."
5 It is important to note that, as the war was coming to its conclusion, all war-torn European
nations were highly indebted to the USA and transferred large amounts of gold to the USA, a
fact that contributed to the latter's determination to turn the dollar into the Bretton Wood's
system's central axis.
6
exchange system, at least two additional strong currencies that would act as
shock absorbers in case the American economy went into one of its many
periodic downturns. The idea was to find ways to absorb such shocks until
Washington managed to reverse the downturn in its own backyard. Without
these supporting pillars, the Bretton Woods system, they feared, would be too
precariously balanced.
However, strong currencies cannot be willed into existence. They must
be underpinned by heavy industry as well as adjacent trade zones, a form of
Lebensraum (or vital space) that provides the requisite demand for its
manufacturing products. The New Dealers, thus, understood that their work
was cut out for them. Had they not been energised by the experience of
running the war economy for four long years, it is doubtful whether they would
have taken on a task of such scope and ambition.
It is history's wont to turn unimaginable developments into seeming
inevitabilities. At war's end, with Germany still smouldering, divided into
different occupation zones, devastated, despised by the whole world; with
Japan still numb at the humiliation of surrender, wounded by the nuclear
attacks at Hiroshima and Nagasaki, coming to terms with the immense death
toll on the east Asian and Polynesian battlefields, and labouring under an
American occupation,... the writing of the eventual post-war script was
definitely not on the wall!
No one had an inkling of the role that these, once proud but now
ruined, countries would be playing within a few years. The notion that
Germany and Japan would become pillars of the new Global Plan was as
outlandish as it was outrageous. And yet, it was the notion on which the New
Dealers converged around 1947. How did that choice transpire? The answer
is: Gradually!
The Global Plan's architects
Four New Dealers played crucial roles in fashioning the Global Plan. They were, not by
chance, also the architects of the Cold War. They shared a pragmatic view that was forged
during the war and hatched under the shadow of the Great Depression. Convinced that 'free
market capitalism' had to be planned meticulously by Washington, and in a manner not too
dissimilar to the successful running of the war economy, they sought to project on a global
canvass the successful recipe that had brought America out of the doldrums. Intent on
winning the Peace, they sought to empower US business through a combination of New Dealinspired
interventions and the technological advances achieved by the military-industrial
complex. The four men in question were:
James Forrestal, Secretary of Defence (previously Secretary of the Navy)
James Byrnes, Secretary of State
George Kennan, Director of Policy Planning Staff at the State Department and
renowned ‘prophet’ of Soviet containment
Dean Acheson, Leading light in all major post-war designs (the Bretton Woods
agreement, the Marshall Plan, the persecution of the Cold War etc.) and Secretary of State
from 1949 onwards.
At first, it was inconceivable that Britain would not be a central pillar of
the Global Plan. However, the fiscal weakness of the British state, its fast
declining industry, the 1945 electoral victory of the Labour Party, the clear
reluctance to come to terms with the impending End of Empire and, last but
not least, the slide of the pound to eventual non-convertibility, alerted the New
Dealers to the possibility that Britain is better left out of the Global Plan.
Britain had to experience the Suez Canal trauma, in 1956, not to mention the
7
undermining of its colonial rule in Cyprus by the CIA throughout the 1950s,
before realising this turn in US thinking.6
Once Britain was deemed 'inappropriate', the choice of Germany and
Japan increasingly appeared entirely logical: Both countries had been
rendered dependable (thanks to the overwhelming presence of the US
military), both featured solid industrial bases, both offered a highly skilled
workforce and a people who would jump at the opportunity of rising, Phoenixlike,
from their ashes. Moreover, they both held out considerable geo-strategic
benefits vis-ΰ-vis the Soviet Union.
Nonetheless, that realisation had to overcome a great deal of
resistance grounded on an opposite instinct: the urge to punish Germany and
Japan by forcing them to de-industrialise and return to an almost pastoral
state from which they would never again find it possible to launch an
industrial-scale war. Indeed, Harry White, the US representative at Bretton
Woods, had advocated that Germany's industry be effectively removed,
forcing German living standards to those of its, less developed, neighbours. In
1946, the Allies, under the auspices of the Allied Control Council, ordered the
dismantling of steel plants with a view to reducing German steel production to
less than six million tons annually, i.e. around 75% of Germany's pre-war steel
output. As for car production, it was decided that output should dwindle to
around 10% of what it was before Germany invaded Poland.
Things were a little different in Japan. Administered as an occupied
country by one man, General Douglas MacArthur or SCAP (Supreme
Commander of the Allied Powers), United States policy could be dictated
directly, unencumbered by the need to negotiate with other allies (as was the
case in Germany). MacArthur decided that Japan should not go through an
equivalent process to de-Nazification and went to great lengths to exonerate
the Emperor and the Japanese political, military and economic elites.
Nevertheless, during the first two years of occupation, he too had to argue
vigorously with Washington policymakers against punishing Japan by
destroying, or severely circumscribing, its industrial base.
The sea change against the idea of flattening Germany's and Japan's
industrial sectors came with the increasing tension between the United States
and the Soviet Union. It was George Kennan's Long Telegram from Moscow
in February 1946, heralding the Cold War spirit, that created the
circumstances for a change of heart about Germany. The pivotal moment
came in 1947 when President Harry Truman (who had taken over in 1945
after President Roosevelt's passing) announced his notorious Doctrine in
1947: The United States would, from that moment onwards, make the
containment of Soviet influence its top priority.
The first on-the-ground manifestation of the Truman Doctrine was the
American involvement in the brutal Greek Civil War (which the British had
started but could not afford to finish). A few months later the proxy war that
unfolded on the mountains of Greece nearly turned into a direct confrontation
when the Western occupiers in West Berlin tussled with the Soviet occupiers
6 It was at that point that successive British governments began clutching at straws; namely, the
‘Special Relationship’, which turned the UK into a minor executor of US policy in exchange for
privileged access to the US market for British multinationals and the linkage of the City of London to
Wall Street.
8
of East Berlin; a mκlιe which led to a prolonged air-lift of supplies from
Western Germany to West Berlin, over the lines of the Red Army.
The Cold War had thus began. From the perspective of the Global
Plan, the Truman Doctrine, the Greek Civil War and the Berlin crisis signalled
the end of any plan to level W. Germany or to keep a grudge against the
Japanese. The road was thus clear for turning the two conquered industrial
nations, Germany and Japan, into the Global Plan's pillars.
The Marshall Plan to dollarise Europe and rehabilitate Germany
The speech by which President Truman announced his Doctrine, on 12th March
1947, contained some firm financial data: The United States was committing $400
million to a Civil War that still haunts Greeks to this day. A few months later, on 5th
June, George Marshall, Truman's Secretary of State, addressed a Harvard
audience with a speech that marked the beginning of the Marshall Plan: a massive
aid package that was to change Europe forever.
Its formal name was the European Recovery Program (ERP), the brainchild
of the Global Plan's four architects already mentioned earlier. The fact that it was
meant as a game changing intervention, the purpose of which was clearly to
establish a new Global Plan, can be gleaned from some key words employed by
Marshall in that important speech: "The modern system of the division of labour
upon which the exchange of products is based is in danger of breaking down." The
point of the Marshall Plan was, put simply, to save global capitalism from some
future 1929-like Crisis.
During the first year of the Marshall Plan, the total sum involved was in the
order of $5.3 billion, a little more than 2% of the United States' GDP. By 31st
December 1951, when the Marshall Plan came to an end, $12.5 billion had been
expended. The end result was a sharp rise in European industrial output (about
35%) and, more importantly, political stabilisation and the creation of sustainable
demand for manufacturing products, both European and American.
Not all of the New Dealers, it must be said, bought into the Truman Doctrine
and the Marshall Plan. For instance, Henry Wallace, the former Vice President and
Secretary of Agriculture, who was fired by Truman for disagreeing with the Cold
War's imperatives, referred to the Marshall Plan as the 'Martial Plan', warning
against creating a rift with America's wartime ally, the Soviet Union, and remarking
that the conditions by which the Soviet Union was invited to be part of the Marshall
Plan were designed in order to force Stalin to reject them (which, of course, Stalin
did). A number of academics of the New Deal generation, amongst them Paul
Sweezy and John Kenneth Galbraith, also rejected Truman's cold warrior tactics.
However, they were soon to be silenced with the witch-hunt orchestrated by
Senator Joseph McCarthy and his House Committee on Un-American Activities.
The Marshall Plan involved not only a great deal of money but also vital
institutions. On 3rd April 1948, Truman established the Economic Cooperation
Administration and thirteen days later the United States and its European allies
created the Organisation for European Economic Co-operation (OEEC), with a
remit to work out where to channel the funding, under what conditions, and to
which purpose. The first Chair of the OEEC (which later, in 1961, evolved into what
we know today as the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development,
9
the OECD) was Robert Marjolin.7 One of the most unsung yet lasting legacies of
the Marshall Plan was the integration of defeated and despised Germany into the
institutions of European integration.
Indeed, the Americans' condition for parting with about 2% of their GDP
annually was the erasure of intra-European trade barriers and the commencement
of a process of economic integration that would increasingly be centred around
Germany's reviving industry. In this sense, the Marshall Plan can be fruitfully
thought of as the progenitor of today's European Union. Indeed, from 1947
onwards the US military (and in particular the Joint Chiefs of Staff at the Pentagon)
called for the "complete revival of Germany industry, particularly coal mining" and
pronounced that the latter was acquiring "primary importance" for the security of
the United States.
However, it would be a while longer before the rejuvenation of Germany's
industrial might would become an openly declared aim. For even as the Marshall
Plan was unfolding, the dissolution of German factories was continuing. It is
indicative of the period that the German Chancellor, Konrad Adenauer, pleaded in
1949 with the Allies to put an end to factory liquidations.
The most resistant of the Allies to the notion of an industrialised post-war
Germany was, as one might have expected, France. The French demanded the
implementation of the 29th March 1946 agreement, in which the Allies had ruled
that half of Germany's industrial capacity would be destroyed (involving the
demolition of 1500 plants). It was, at least in part. By 1949 more than 700 plants
had been disassembled and Germany's steel output was reduced by a massive
6.7 million tons.
So, what was it that convinced the French to accept the re-industrialisation
of Germany? The United States of America, is the simple answer. When the New
Dealers formed the view, around 1947, that a new currency must rise in Europe to
support the dollar, and that this currency would be the Deutschmark, it was only a
matter of time before the plan to destroy German industry would be scrapped. The
price France had to pay for the great benefits of the Marshall Plan, and for its
central administrative role in the management of the whole affair (through the
OEEC), was the gradual acceptance that Germany would be restored to grace,
courtesy of the United States' new Global Plan.
In this context, it is useful to think of the Marshall Plan as the Global Plan's
foundation stone. And when the Marshall Plan began running out of steam, in
1951, Phase 2 of the American design for Europe was commencing: Integration of
its markets and of its heavy industry. That second phase came to be known as the
European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC), the precursor to today's European
Union. The new institution was soon to provide, as was intended by the New
Dealers, the vital space that the resurgent German industry required in its
immediate economic environment.
7 Interestingly, Marjolin had spend his formative pre-war years as a Rockefeller Fellow at Harvard.
In fact, while there, he participated in a reading group dedicated to understanding Keynes' General
Theory. The other two participants were John Kenneth Galbraith (1908-2006) and Paul Samuelson
(1915-2009). Galbraith was to spend the war as Roosevelt’s ‘price czar’, determining the price of all
major commodities. Samuelson won the Nobel Memorial Economics Prize and is credited for
introducing Keynes (albeit in an oversimplified and, I would argue, toxic form) to Americans.
10
The European Union and the Japanese miracle
Students of European integration are taught that the European Union started life in
the form of the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC). What they are less
likely to come across is the well kept secret that it was the United States that
cajoled, pushed, threatened and sweet-talked the Europeans to put it together.
Technically speaking, the ECSC was a common market for coal and steel
linking Germany, France, Italy, Belgium, Luxembourg and Holland. Not only did it
involve the dismantling of all trade barriers between these countries concerning
coal and steel products but, additionally, it featured supra-national institutional links
whose purpose was to regulate production and price levels. In effect, and despite
the propaganda to the contrary, the six nations formed a cartel over coal and steel.
European leaders, like Robert Schuman (a leading light in the ECSC's
creation), stressed the importance of this coming-together from the (pertinent)
perspective of averting another European war and forging a modicum of political
union. Creating a shared heavy industry across, primarily, France and Germany
would, Schuman believed (quite rightly), both remove the causes of conflict and
deprive the two countries of the means by which to persecute it.
Thus, Germany was brought in from the cold and France gradually accepted
its re-industrialisation; a development essential to the New Dealers' Global Plan.
Indeed, it is indisputable that without the United States' guiding arm, the ECSC
would not have materialised. Contrary to the Europeans' self-adulating narrative
(according to which European unification was a European dream made real by
means of European diplomacy and because of an iron will to put behind Europe its
violent past), the reality is that European integration was a grand American idea
implemented by American diplomacy of the highest order. That the Americans who
effected it enlisted to their cause enlightened politicians, like Schuman, does not
change this reality.
There was one politician who saw this clearly: General Charles De Gaulle,
the future President of France who was to come to blows with the United States in
the 1960s, so much so that he removed France from NATO's military wing. When
the ECSC was formed, De Gaulle denounced it on the basis that it was creating a
united Europe in the form of a restrictive cartel and, more importantly, that it was
an American creation, under Washington's influence, and better suited to serve
'their' Global Plan than to provide a sound foundation for a New Europe. For these
reasons, De Gaulle and his followers voted against the formation of the ECSC in
the French parliament.
Turning now to the second pillar that was intended to support the dollar
on the other side of the northern hemisphere, the restoration of Japan as an
industrial power proved less problematic for the New Dealers than Germany
had. The eastern version of the Global Plan was helped significantly by the
onslaught of Chairman Mao's Chinese Communist Party against Chiang Kaishek's
nationalist government army.
The more Mao seemed to be evading attacks against his guerrillas,
and to attract the support of the Chinese people in the context of his fabled
Long March, the more General MacArthur edged toward a resolution to
bolster Japanese industry, rather than succumbing to pressures to weaken it.
However, there was a snag: While the Japanese industry and infrastructure
emerged from the war almost intact (in sharp contrast to Europe's), Japanese
industry was plagued by a dearth of demand. The New Dealers' original idea
11
was that the Chinese mainland would provide the Yen zone with its much
needed vital space, just like the rest of Europe were to provide Germany's
factories with the requisite markets. Alas, Mao's Long March and his eventual
victory threw a spanner in those works.
General MacArthur understood the problem and tried to convince
Washington to embark upon a second Marshall Plan, within Japan itself.
However, the New Dealers could not see how enough demand might ever be
created within Japan alone, without significant trade links with its neighbours.
In any case, at that time they had enough on their plate, preoccupied as they
were with the struggle to convince Congress to keep pumping dollars into
Europe. However, MacArthur's luck changed when on 20th June 1950 Korean
and Chinese communists attacked South Korea, with a view to unifying the
peninsula under their command.
Suddenly, the Truman Doctrine shifted focus from Europe to Asia and
the great beneficiary was Japanese industry. Mindful of the difficulty Japan
was having to develop its industry given when lack of consumer purchasing
power, the New Dealers sought ways to boost demand within Japan well
before Kim Il Sung's escapade in Korea. Indeed had Kim Il Sung ever
imagined that by attacking the South he would be helping his worst enemy,
Japan, turn into an industrial superpower, I am tempted to think that he might
have stayed put!
The Marshall Plan was, initially, to last until 1953. But the war in Korea
encouraged the New Dealers to alter course: They would wind the Marshall
Plan down in Europe and shift funds to Japan, whose new role would be to
produce the goods and services required by US forces in Korea. A fascinating
case of indirect war-financing of an old foe!
As for looking after Europe, the idea was that the first three years of the
Marshall Plan dollarised Europe sufficiently and that, from 1951 onwards,
cartelisation centred around Germany's resurgent industry (in the context of
the newly instituted ECSC) would generate enough surplus for Europe to
move ahead under its own steam.8
The United States' transfers to Japan were quite handsome. From day
one, they amounted to almost 30% of Japan's total trade. And, just as in
Europe, the United States did not just pour money in. They also created
institutions and used their global power to bend existing institutions to the
Global Plan's will. Within Japan, the United States wrote the country's new
constitution and empowered MITI (the famed Ministry for International Trade
and Industry) to create a powerful, centrally planned (but privately owned),
multi-sectoral industrial sector. Overseas, the New Dealers clashed with,
amongst others, Britain to have Japan admitted to the General Agreement on
Tariffs and Trade (the ancestor of today's World Trade Organisation). The
8 In a radio interview some years ago, linguist and political activist Noam Chomsky pointed
out an interesting fact about the Marshall Plan; one that links the United States, France, and
Holland with European imperialism in Asia. A large part of France's share of Marshall Plan aid
went to re-colonising Indochina, a prelude to the Vietnam War that was, eventually, to have
such catastrophic effects on everyone involved but, also, for the Global Plan itself. Another
example is Holland. It used its portion of Marshall Plan aid to re-conquer Indonesia, a Dutch
colony that had managed to liberate itself from Japan toward the end of the war. Interestingly,
the United States, quite furious with the Dutch, leaned on them heavily in 1950, pressurising
them to send troops to Korea (so as to make amends for the misuse of Marshall Plan, for the
purpose of its delusions of colonial grandeur).
12
importance of this manoeuvre cannot be underestimated, as it allowed
Japanese manufactures to be exported with minimal restrictions wherever the
United States deemed as a good destination for its new protιgι's goods.
In conclusion, the New Dealers' central organising principle was that
American global hegemony meant 'looking after', nursing and nurturing, two
ex enemy countries. This they did by ensuring that there was strong demand
for German and Japanese industrial output from other capitalist countries. It
also meant that Europe and US-controlled Asia were well stocked with US
dollars, so as to buy selected, high value-added, American goods (e.g.
airplanes, armaments, construction equipment). Stabilising global capitalism
was essential for maintaining the Bretton Woods system and enhancing US
prosperity and power.
With these intentions in mind, US administrators took audacious steps
to create the Deutschmark and the Yen zones, to provide them with the initial
liquidity necessary to restart their industrial engines, and to found the political
institutions that would allow the green shoots to flourish and grow into the
mighty pillars that the dollar zone required for long term support. Never before
in history has a victor supported the societies that it had so recently defeated
in order to enhance its own long term power, turning them, in the process, into
economic giants.
The Global Plan's geo-political ideology
The United States had come out of the World War II with a healthy respect of
the colonised and a short temper toward their European colonisers. Britain's
stance in India, Cyprus, even its incitement of the Greek Civil war (as early as
in 1944), was thoroughly criticised by the New Dealers. France too, Holland
and Belgium, were chastised for their ludicrous ambition to remain the colonial
masters in Africa, Indochina and Indonesia, despite the sorry state that the
war had left them in.
Yet, the Global Plan put the United States' liberal attitude toward
liberation movements under strain. To sustain it, the America was obliged to
tend to its European and East Asian creations for at least two decades.
Europe and Japan could only be 'stabilised' politically if the New Dealers coopted
some rather unsavoury characters9. Moreover, securing unhindered
energy supplies to Europe and Japan, as well as sources of plentiful demand
for their industrial output, put the United States on a collision course with
various liberation movements that would otherwise appear to Washington
quite benign (e.g. Vietnamese anti-colonialists).
The loss of China, the escalation of liberation movements in south east
Asia that Mao's victory was inspiring, the stirrings in Africa which gave the
Soviet Union an opening into that continent; all these developments enticed
the United States into developing an aggressive stance against liberation
movements in the Third World which Washington soon came to identify with
the threat of rising input prices not so much for itself but mainly for its two
important protιgιs: Japan and Germany.
9 E.g. an alliance with Nazi collaborators in Greece, against the Left, the appeasement of the
Franco and the Portuguese regimes on the Iberian peninsula and, lastly, the non-persecution of
Japanese war criminals.
13
In short, the US took it upon itself to relegate the periphery, and the
Third World in toto, into the role of supplier of raw materials to Japan and
Western Europe. The result was a series of coups and wars which the New
Dealers and their successors in government pursued as part of consolidating
the Global Plan. In due course, distrusted elected governments were
overthrown, military interventions were authorised, nasty dictatorships were
either installed or supported, large scale wars were fought in Korea and
Vietnam. Partly in the context of persecuting the Cold War, and partly in order
to maintain the Global Plan, the geopolitical plot was thickening by the day.
With every new twist the stakes got higher but the rewards seemed to be
proliferating too.
In the process, American multi-nationals in energy and other mining
activities counted themselves among the beneficiaries, as did many sectors of
the US domestic economy. However, the Global Plan's architects saw much
further than the narrow interests of any American company. Their audacious
policies to promote capital accumulation in distant lands, over which they had
no personal or political interest (in the narrow sense), can only be explained if
we take onboard the weight of history under which they laboured.
Indeed, to understand the scale of the New Dealers' ethical ambition
we must again take pause and look briefly for clues of what they were on
about in their own, not too distant, past: in the Great Depression that formed
their mindset. The Global Plan, we must not forget for a moment, was the
work of individuals belonging to a damaged generation; a generation that had
experienced poverty, a deep sense of loss, the anxieties engendered by the
near collapse of capitalism, and a consequent war of inhuman proportions.
In addition, they were educated men who understood in their bones
how prone labour and money markets are to an instant melt down. Their
experiences steeled their determination not to allow capitalism to slip and fall
again under their watch. They would do anything it took to avert another
Crisis, especially now that the Soviet bear was straining at the leash, ready to
pounce the moment the Global Plan faltered.
Although most of the New Dealers had been influenced by the writings
of John Maynard Keynes, and had taken note of his crucial advice not to trust
markets to organise themselves in a manner that brings about prosperity and
stability, the Cold War, which they had to prosecute in tandem with the
management of the Global Plan, and their closeness with the militaryindustrial
complex prevented them from seeing as clearly as Keynes had seen
the imperative of creating a formal, cooperative system of recycling surpluses.
Many observers note the deep chasm separating the New Deal
mindset from European, or British, Keynesianism. To begin with, whereas
Keynes had become convinced that global capitalism required a cooperative,
non-imperial Global Surplus Recycling Mechanism, the New Dealers both
wanted and were obliged to tailor-make their Global Plan in the context of the
Cold War imperatives and in clear pursuit of American hegemony.
It is also helpful to recall that the New Dealers had shed, very early in
the piece, their willingness seriously to confront corporate power. Once the
carnage had started, the war effort had brought officials closer together with
both the financiers and the captains of industry. To come out of the war as
victors, and to prevent another Great Depression while constructing a new
post-war global order, they felt that it was important to keep the US
14
government at the helm, both domestically and internationally, with American
multinationals as effective agents of the state both at home and abroad. But
this meant a hegemony that could not allow some international agency (like
Keynes' proposed ICU) the right to curtail either America's surpluses or its
government's capacity to mediate between conflicting interests.
What makes their story fascinating is the combination of their
sophisticated, discursive Keynesianism, their audacious initiatives, and the
interaction of their economic planning with the demands of the Cold War. In
this sense, the Global Plan comprised:
(a) Not only the creation of the Deutschmark and Yen Zones, by means
of economic injections and political interference for the benefit Germany and
Japan, but also
(b) The careful management of overall demand within the United
States, always with a clear view to its effects on these two zones, in Europe
and the Far East.
American domestic policies during the Global Plan
The fear that the end of World War II would spell the beginning of a new
slump energised the New Dealers to pursue two solutions. The first we have
already seen in some detail: dollarising the world in order to create foreign
demand for America's exports. The second set of policies concerned the
domestic economy and comprised three major, government-led, sources of
stimulus:
• The Intercontinental Ballistic Missile program (ICBM) program
• The Korean and Vietnam Wars
• President John Kennedy's New Frontier and, more importantly,
President Lyndon Johnson’s Great Society
The first two spending programs substantially strengthened US corporations
and kept them on side at a time when their own government was going out of
its way to look after foreign capitalists. The greatest benefits, of course,
accrued to companies somehow connected to what President Dwight
Eisenhower disparagingly (even though a celebrated ex-army commander
himself) labelled the Military-Industrial Establishment (MIE). The latter, and its
special treatment by government, contributed heftily to the development of the
Aeronautic-Computer-Electronics complex (ACE); an economic powerhouse
largely divorced from the rest of the US economy, but central to its growing
power.
Despite the positive impact of the Global Plan on the domestic
American economy, it was an uneven impact. That it was uneven is
evidenced from the fact that segments of the economy not linked to the MIE
or the ACE, never recovered in step with either Germany and Japan or with
the rest of the US economy. That it was not Washington's main aim to bolster
American companies across the board (though it was certainly one of its
aims) can be gleaned from the ruthlessness with which the United States
government introduced, whenever it saw fit, harsh regulations which ultimately
discriminated against American multinationals in pursuit of its top priority: the
15
augmentation of the Deutschmark and the Yen zones via the reinforcement of
German and Japanese industry.
The unevenness with which prosperity was distributed within the United
States, at a time of rising aspirations (not all of them income related), caused
significant social tensions. These tensions, and their gradual dissolution, were
the target of the Great Society spending programs of the 1960s. At first
President Kennedy and then his successor, Lyndon Johnson, pushed hard for
a series of domestic spending programs that would address the fact that the
Global Plan's domestic benefits were so unfairly spread as to undermine
social cohesion in important urban centres and regions. To prevent these
centrifugal forces from damaging the Global Plan, social welfare programs
acquired an inertia of their own.
To put the importance of the Kennedy-Johnson social programs in
perspective, it helps to note that, from 1955 until Kennedy's election in 1960,
economic growth tailed off in the United States; a petering out that affected
mostly the poor and the marginal. After eight years of Republican rule (1952-
1960), Kennedy was elected on a New Deal-alluding platform. His New
Frontier manifesto promised to revive the spirit of the New Deal by spending
on education, health, urban renewal, transportation, the arts, environmental
protection, public broadcasting, research in the humanities etc.
After Kennedy's assassination, President Johnson, especially after his
1964 landslide victory, incorporated many of the, largely un-enacted, New
Frontier policies into his much more ambitious Great Society proclamation.
While Johnson pursued the Vietnam War abroad with increasingly reckless
vigour, domestically he attempted to stamp his authority through the Great
Society, a program that greatly inspired progressives when it put centre stage
the goal of eliminating not only poverty for the white working class but also
racism.
The Great Society will be remembered for its effective dismantling of
American apartheid, especially in the southern states. Between 1964 and
1966 four pieces of legislation saw to this major transformation of American
society. Moreover, the Great Society had a strong Keynesian element that
came to the fore as Johnson's unconditional war on poverty. In its first three
years, 1964 to 1966, $1 billion were spent annually on various programs to
boost educational opportunities and to introduce health cover for the elderly
and various vulnerable groups.
The social impact of the Great Society's public expenditure was mostly
felt in the form of poverty reduction. When it began, more than 22% of
Americans lived below the official poverty line. By the end of the program, that
percentage had fallen to just below 13%. Even more significantly, the
respective percentages for Black Americans were 55% (in 1960) and 27% (in
1968). While such improvements cannot be explained solely as the effect of
Great Society funding, the latter played a major role in relieving some of the
social tensions during an era of generalised growth.
16
Conclusion: Capitalism's Golden Age
Gore Vidal once said that the trouble with golden ages is that, if you live in one,
everything looks a little yellow. The countless Americans who took to the streets to
protest against their government in the 1960s undoubtedly did not see their era as
golden. Yet, in retrospect, at least through our current lens, it looks like a
remarkable period. An era during which administrators truly believed that they
could create a rational world order that promotes inter-continental stability, growth
and relative equality. Compared to our current crop of poll-driven politicians, whose
raison d' κtre is to stay on the right side of Wall Street, lobbyists and assorted
business interests, it is easy to romanticise the first post-war phase - the Global
Plan era.
The Global Plan lasted from around 1950 to 1971. It boiled down to a simple
idea: A system of fixed exchange rates binding together the capitalist economies
complete with a particular type of Global Surplus Recycling Mechanism (GSRM)
which guarantees the system's immunity from centrifugal forces that would
otherwise tear it apart. How did that particular GSRM? The idea was that the
United States would retain its large post-war trade surplus but, in return, it would
export its surplus capital (or profits) back to its protιgιs in the form of direct
investment, aid or assistance, thus enabling them to continue to buy American
products. At the same time, the United States would ensure that Japan and
Germany could maintain a similar surplus position at a regional level, even at the
expense of America's own bottom line.
The Global Plan's most impressive feature was its incredible
adaptability; the way successive US administrations amended the Plan every
time bits of it got unstuck. Their policies toward Japan are an excellent
example: After Mao's unexpected victory, and the demise of the original plan
to turn the Chinese mainland into a huge market for Japanese industrial
output, US policy makers responded with a menu of inspired replies.
First, they utilised the Korean War, turning it into an excellent
opportunity to inject demand into the Japanese industrial sector. Secondly,
they used their influence over America's allies to allow Japanese imports
freely into their markets. Thirdly, and most surprisingly, Washington decided
to turn America's own market into Japan's vital space. Indeed, the penetration
of Japanese imports (cars, electronic goods, even services) into the US
market would have been impossible without a nod and a wink from
Washington's policy makers. Fourthly, the successor of the Korean War, the
war in Vietnam, was also enlisted as a further boost for Japanese industry. A
useful by-product of that murderous escapade was the industrialisation of
South East Asia, which further strengthened Japan by providing it, at long
last, with the missing link: a commercial vital zone in close proximity.
My argument here is not that the Cold Warriors in the Pentagon and
elsewhere were pursuing the New Dealers' Global Plan. While not innocent of
the idea, as the heavy involvement of military leaders in the Marshall Plan
reveals, they naturally had their own geo-political agenda. The point is that,
while the generals, the Pentagon and the State Department were putting
together their Cold War strategic plans, Washington’s economic planners
approached the wars in Korea and Vietnam from a quite distinct perspective.
At one level they saw these wars as crucial in maintaining a continual
supply of cheap raw materials to Europe and Japan. At another level,
17
however, they recognised a great chance to bring into being, through war
financing, the vital economic space that Mao had robbed ‘their’ Japan of. It is
indeed impossible to overstate the point raised earlier that the South East
Asian ‘tiger economies’ (Korea, Thailand, Malaysia and Singapore, which
were soon to become for Japan what France and Spain were to Germany)
would never have emerged without these two US-financed wars, leaving the
US as the only sizeable market for Japanese industrial output.
In retrospect, by the standards of large scale human design, the Global
Plan was a grand success. Not only did the end of World War II not plunge
the United States, and the rest of the West, into a fresh recession, as it was
feared that the winding down of war spending would do, but instead the world
experienced a period of legendary growth. The figure below offers a glimpse
of these golden years. The developed nations, victors and losers of the
preceding war alike, grew and grew and grew.
Real GDP per capita during period of the Global Plan
The Europeans and Japan, starting from a much lower level than the United
States, grew faster and made up for lost ground while, at the same time, the
United States continued along a path of healthy growth. However, this was
not a simple case of a spontaneously growing world economy. There was a
Global Plan behind it, one that involved a large scale, and impressively
ambitious, effort to overcome and to supplant the multiple, conflicting
imperialisms that had characterised the world political economy until World
War II.
While the Global Plan was put together to establish and bolster
American hegemony, the United States was happy to pay the price of
intentionally bolstering foreign demand levels and capital accumulation, in
Japan and Germany particularly. To maintain American prosperity and
growth, Washington purposefully dished out part of the global 'pie' to its
protιgιs: While the United States lost almost 20% of its share of world
income during the era of the Global Plan, Germany saw its share rise by 18%
and Japan by a stupendous 156.7%.
0
2000
4000
6000
8000
10000
12000
14000
16000
1948 1955 1960 1965 1970
USA
Germany
Japan
Britain
France
18
USA Germany Japan Britain France
1950-1972 -19.3% +18% +156.7% -35.4% +4.9%
Percentage increase in a country's share of world GDP
Was this a form of internationalist altruism at work? Of course not. At the
heart of the New Dealers' thinking, from 1945 onwards, was an intense
anxiety regarding the inherent instability of a single-currency, single-zone
global system. Indeed, nothing concentrated their minds like the memory of
1929 and the ensuing Depression. If a crisis of similar severity were to strike
while global capitalism had a single leg to stand on (the dollar), and in view of
the significant growth rates of the Soviet Union (an economy not susceptible
to contagion from capitalist crises), the future seemed bleak. Thus, these
same minds sought a safer future for capitalism in the formation of an
interdependent network comprising three industrial-monetary zones, in which
the dollar-zone would be predominant (reflecting the centrality of American
finance, and its military defence of the realm in the sphere of securing inputs
from the Third World). To them, this Global Plan was the optimal mechanism
design for the rest of the 20th century and beyond.
In this context, the notion that European integration sprang out of a
European urge to create some bulwark against American dominance appears
to be nothing more than the European Union’s ‘creation myth’. Equally, the
idea that the Japanese economy grew inexorably against the interests of the
United States does not survive serious scrutiny. However strange this may
seem now, behind the process of European integration and of Japanese
export-oriented industrialisation lies a prolonged and sustained effort by
Washington policy makers to plan and nurture it, despite the detrimental
effects on America's balance of trade that the rise of Europe and Japan
eventually entailed.
The simple lesson that the Global Plan can teach us today is that world
capitalism's finest hour came when the policy makers of the strongest political
union on the planet decided to play an hegemonic role; a role that involved
not only the exercise of military and political might but also a massive
redistribution of surpluses across the globe that the market mechanism is
utterly incapable of effecting.
[http://varoufakis.files.wordpress.com/2011/02/chapter-3-the-global-plan.pdf]
name::
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy438.8,
* McsEngl.book.varufakis-et-al.Modern-Political-Economics.Routledge.2011@cptEconomy438.8, {2012-09-06}
* McsEngl.Modern-Political-Economics@cptEconomy438.8, {2012-09-06}
* McsEngl.Modern-Political-Economics:-Making-Sense-of-the-Post-2008-World,
* McsEngl.vhthMpe@cptEconomy438.8, {2013-02-03}
_CITATION:
[Varoufakis, Halevi, Theocarakis. Modern Political Economics. 2011##cptEconomy438.8#]
_GENERIC:
* book#cptResource844#
_DESCRIPTION:
Modern Political Economics:
Making Sense of the Post-2008 World
By Yanis Varoufakis, Joseph Halevi, Nicholas J. Theocarakis
Published June 1st 2011 by Routledge – 536 pages
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://yanisvaroufakis.eu/books/modern-political-economics//
* http://www.panoeconomicus.rs/casopis/2012_4/07%20Book%20Review.pdf,
TABLE OF CONTENTS
1. Introduction
BOOK 1 SHADES OF POLITICAL ECONOMICS
Seeking clues for 2008 and its aftermath in the economists’ theories
2. Condorcet’s Secret: On the significance of Classical Political Economics
today
3. The Odd Couple: The struggle to square a theory of value with a theory of
growth
4. The Trouble with Humans: The source of radical indeterminacy and the
touchstone of value
5. Crises: The laboratory of the future
6. Empires of Indifference: Leibniz’s calculus and the ascent of Calvinist
political economics (With an addendum by George Krimpas entitled ‘Leibniz
and the ‘invention’ of General Equilibrium’)
7. Convulsion: 1929?s lasting legacy
8. A Fatal Triumph: 2008?s origins in the stirrings of the Cold War
9. A Most Peculiar Failure: The curious mechanism by which neoclassicism’s
theoretical failures have been reinforcing its dominance since 1950
10. A manifesto for Modern Political Economics: Postscript to Book 1
BOOK 2 MODERN POLITICAL ECONOMICS
Theory in action
11. From a Global Plan to a Global Minotaur: The two post-war phases of US
hegemony, 1947-2008
12. Crash: 2008 and its legacy (With an addendum by George Krimpas entitled
‘The Recycling Problem in a Currency Union’)
13. A future for hope: Postscript to Book 2
name::
* McsEngl.vhtMpe'Preface: Three authors; three forewords,
This book�fs origins can be traced to 1988 and, in particular, to a sedate corner of Merewether
Building (Sydney University�fs economics department) where Joseph Halevi and I used to
loiter until well after all our sensible colleagues had gone home. The conversation monotonously,
but also fiercely, negotiated the thorny question of whether one had the right to
pursue happiness in a troubled world. Joseph thought that the very idea was preposterous,
adopting a position somewhere between Schopenhauer and Comrade Barbuchenko (a fictitious
character with whom 1 identified him). I, on the other hand, having recently escaped
England, could not resist a sunnier disposition, one that enraged Joseph.
Then came 1991. The end of the Cold War gave a new twist to our continuing duel. For
Joseph it was not just an end of an era but the end of a raison d �fetre . the dissolution of an
identity that allowed him to subvert his origins, to exist as a progressive human being and to
wage battles against the sirens of racism, of sectarianism and, in the end, of idiocy organised
at a planetary scale. For myself, it was a relief that one no longer had to defend the indefensible
but, also, a portent of a bleak future both within the microcosm of academic life and
more broadly.
As the 1990s unfolded, our debate lost its antagonistic edge and our conversations edged
us closer and closer. In 2000,1 decided to leave Australia for my native Greece. It was my first
decision that Joseph approved of wholeheartedly, perhaps because a similar move was not,
and would never be, open to him. Geographic distance brought our narratives even closer
together. The Global Minotaur storyline, which appeared in 2002 in Monthly Review, was our
first joint publication and also a marker o f a deeper convergence. And when Joseph became,
against all prior signs, a gym addict, the foreshadowed union of perspectives was complete.
Soon after arriving in Greece, I met Nicholas Theocarakis, the polymath and a friend-inwaiting.
It only took a cruise in the Aegean (during which Joseph, Nicholas and I drank and
ate far too much for three days and nights) to forge the Joseph-Nicholas bond. After they
passed hours ignoring the splendid scenery in order to debate the most irrelevant and utterly
boring minutiae of political economics, it was clear that our trio would, at some point,
attempt to inflict some book or other on the world. You are holding the evidence.
Now that the ink is dry and the printer�fs job is done, it is becoming clear that our book lies
at the intersection of a number of failures, some heroic others less so. Capitalism�fs spectacular
failure in 2008, and the unmitigated defeat of the Left that preceded it in 1991, form the
bulk of the book�fs backdrop. Then there are the personal failures of the authoring troika, and
a fair share of loss that ail three of us experienced, in different contexts, during the book�fs
formative period.
Three authors, three forewords xiii
Leaving the personal losses unsaid, the personal failures alluded to above are mostly
related to our condition as economists. All three of us, though of slightly different vintage,
chose economics with high hopes of bringing & scientific disposition to bear upon economic
life. We embarked on our separate academic trajectories with a conviction that, even if the
mainstream of economics had got it wrong, it is not only possible but essential that the light
of scientific Reason be shone upon late capitalism. Years before we met, we had attempted
to blend mathematical rigour with a progressive political economy approach. We failed in a
variety of instructive ways.
Some time in the 1990s, Joseph and I converged on a difficult belief: that in economics,
error is not just what happens until one gets it right. It is all one can expect! Serious, Inherent
Error is the only thing that can come out of even the most sophisticated economics. The only
scientific truth economics can lead its honest practitioners to is that the study of capitalism
is guaranteed to lead to superstition if predicated upon a determination to extract truth from
the theoretical models and their empirical applications.
Our conclusion that all theoretical certainties, upon close inspection, turn into dust was
not easy on our minds or hearts. It did not come naturally to us. Yet we embraced it, and even
shouted it from the rooftops, once we became convinced of the basic truth therein: namely
that a scientific economics is an illusion leading one closer to astrology than to astronomy
and more akin to a mathematised religion than to mathematical physics.
Not having been privy to the many years of the rowing between Joseph and I, the
interminable quarrels that led us �eeffortlessly' to that joint thesis, Nicholas took some convincing.
After many conversations and a daylong Athens Summit (that Joseph happily compared
to a bygone Cold War institution), the common line was agreed: economic theory is
(and can pretend to no other office) a series of necessary errors that one must use as a training
ground for the mind before turning to an historical, open-ended analysis of capitalism. It
�΅is upon that idea that the method of Modern Political Economics is founded (see Chapter 10
�΅for a'full summary of the method and then to Book 2 for an historical analysis in concert with
our method).
At this point in a foreword, an author would, normally, offer a long list of acknowledgments.
Not so here. From the very beginning, we knew that this book will annoy even our
dearest colleagues. Not wishing to implicate anyone in what is certainly going to be a disreputable
volume, we desisted from communicating any of its ideas in advance. Thus, we
shall not be acknowledging the assistance, contribution, insights, collaboration of any colleague.
None was sought, no one read any of the book prior to its publication and, thus, no
one ought to share the blame.
No one, that is, except for one accomplice who must be exposed: George Krimpas. He
read every page, returned a red ink filled manuscript to Nicholas for urgent attention, was
exquisitely encouraging throughout, even contributed two important addenda (one at the
end of Chapter 6 and one at the end of Chapter 12). All blame for encouraging the authors
to get on with the book must go to him, save perhaps for a small portion of the blame
that ought rightfully to be directed at Robert Langham for believing in this project from
the outset (as he had done before with other less foolhardy projects) and supporting it
throughout.
The final acknowledgement must address my personal debt, gratitude and appreciation to
Danae Stratou - my partner in everything. The cover is based on one of her photographs.
It not only revisits a journey during which we both perished but also echoes a sense of
precariousness not unlike that which permeates our post-2008 world.
xiv Three authors, three forewords
For me, this book is the completion and the end of 30 years of economic theorising. When
push comes to shove, I think that the most relevant economic ideas for the present world are
those of the late Paul Sweezy, Paul Baran, Harry Magdoff and Paolo Sylos Labini. As I
worked and developed strong friendship relations with all of them (but Paul Baran who
passed away too early), I wish to remember them with the deepest respect that world
intellectuals command.
A central feature of the ideas of Sweezy, Baran, Magdoff and Sylos Labini was that economic
theories must be historically grounded since history is the laboratory of economics. In
this context, I should mention also the themes put forward by Michat Kalecki, who significantly
influenced the above authors as he was the first economic thinker to have developed
the theory of effective demand, which later became trivialised into Keynesian economics. In
Kalecki, thanks to his Marxist-Luxemburg background, the problem of effective demand is
not resolved by clever financial and policy tricks. Instead the question of profitable market
outlets becomes the central internal and systemic contradiction in the advanced stage of
capitalism. Wasn�ft he right all along?
name::
* McsEngl.Nicholas J. Theocarakis,
Yanis in his foreword reports that it took some convincing before I conceded the main point of this book and decided to go along in publicising our thesis. I still feel uneasy about it, but I do not regret it. For an academic it is a major cognitive dissonance and admission of personal
failure to accept that all his training, teaching and work had inadequately prepared him
to speak with relevance on his subject-matter as a scientist. It can be always the case that this
is indeed a matter of personal failure owing to limited ability, a manifestation of some quirky
psychological trait or a sublimation of some life grudge. Maybe it is the ship that has gone
astray, not the shoreline. I believe such ad hominem arguments will be raised by those who
will be annoyed by the book. I welcome reaction infinitely more than indifference.
The disillusion with the scientific pretensions of economic theory was even greater in my
case. The largest part of my working life was spent outside academia, with only a foothold
in it as an adjunct lecturer, and only for the last five years am l a full-time academic. Having
left industry to �eserve�f science, it was harder for me to accept that the greener grass was a
wasteland. I had been trained as a labour economist in the �e80s in Cambridge and this was
then a discipline where relevance and subtlety were still practised. My later retreat in the safe
haven of the history of economic thought, where my main research interests now lie and
where true scholarship is still evident, made me more reluctant to acknowledge the poverty
of theory, although more equipped to see how it came about.
Moreover, I quite liked the mathematical constructions of economic theory. I do not find
them boring or daunting. (Indeed, none of us do.) What I found boring was inane models
expounded in Diamond (and Ashes) list journal articles and departmental seminars with no
mathematical interest whatsoever (apart from convoluted irrelevant formalism and adhockery)
that pretended to be based on some essential, asocial and eternal human trait or condition
that provided the solution to real problems.I found it deeply offensive to see how
quasi-rigorous mental gymnastics are increasingly being used to dress up reactionary political
positions and end up in justifying policy measures that result in the misery of millions
and being hailed as �gharsh but necessary�h by �gembedded economists�h - a phrase borrowed
from my friend and colleague Thanassis Maniatis - singing in chorus with embedded
Three authors, three forewords xv
journalists serving specific class interests. Living in besieged Greece in the last two years
made this point even more painful.
Listening to Yanis�f recollection of the fall of the Soviet Empire, I must confess that I
never felt obliged to justify the indefensible or felt sorry for its demise. I think I saw it then
for what it was. But I was taken aback by the viciousness with which the 1 free-market system�f
was used by turn-coat kleptocrats to enrich themselves and turn their vengeance on the
people of the �eliberated�f states. And I admit that I also failed to see to what extent the countries
that purported to be exemplars of �ereally existing socialism�f served as a countervailing
power for the assault on the social rights of the working classes in the West that has been
unleashed in the last three decades.
Mainstream economic theory has played a sinister role as an ideological prop for this
assault. The practice of presenting political positions as scientific necessities, while paying
lip-service to a wert-frei, but truly wertlos, science, was one of the first reasons that convinced
me to reconsider my views on economic theory. The failure of the Left, and concerned economists,
to articulate a consistent, cogent and fruitful discourse convinced me that the problem
had to do more with the nature of our science than with the choice of the appropriate paradigm.
Equally annoying I found the self-proclaimed heterodoxy of alternative schools of
thought, where heterodoxy (with the appropriate flavour) was worn as a badge rather than as
an intention to do true political economy. Marx, Keynes and Veblen were my intellectual
heroes, but I always had a disdain for hero-worshippers.
Another aspect of our science that always worried me was that it pretended that you can
ostracise the political element from it. Siding with Protagoras instead of Plato, I believe that
you can never argue that politics, and economics, is a science that can be left safely in to the
hands of the experts. Scientific pontification in economics is often an attempt to win a political
argument with false pretences. The hoi polloi may never be able to argue competently about
physics, but a democracy requires that those who participate in it must be able to debate
political and economic arguments and take sides. This essential political element is what
renders inescapable economics�f duty to retain an irreducible and significant non-scientific
element two and half centuries after its birth.
Meeting Yanis when he came to our Department in Athens was a breath of fresh air and
gave hope for optimism. There it was a true intellectual force who wanted to do things about
our discipline and our students. We quickly became friends and established a common way
of thinking. We collaborated in an article and in a textbook and I joined in his efforts to
create a different doctoral programme that served economics as a social science. It was
through Yanis that I met Joseph, It was love at first sight. His erudition and profound thinking
impressed me and when they proposed that I should be part of their book I was thrilled.
This thrill was not to last. The best part of the writing of this book was shadowed by the
illness and eventual loss of my long life partner and wife Catherine. Apart from iny personal
devastation, her loss prevented my contribution to be what I had hoped for, even though
I proudly sign the product of a common belief of what we can do with our science and dedicate
it to the fond memory of my beloved and truly remarkable Catherine.
name::
* McsEngl.vhtMpe'BOOK1 SHADES OF POLITICAL ECONOMICS--Seeking clues for 2008 and its aftermath in the economists’ theories,
name::
* McsEngl.vhtMpe'ch2. Condorcet’s Secret: On the significance of Classical Political Economics today,
name::
* McsEngl.vhtMpe'ch3. The Odd Couple: The struggle to square a theory of value with a theory of growth,
name::
* McsEngl.vhtMpe'ch4. The Trouble with Humans: The source of radical indeterminacy and the touchstone of value,
name::
* McsEngl.vhtMpe'ch5. Crises: The laboratory of the future,
name::
* McsEngl.vhtMpe'ch6. Empires of Indifference: Leibniz’s calculus and the ascent of Calvinist political economics (With an addendum by George Krimpas entitled ‘Leibniz and the ‘invention’ of General Equilibrium’),
name::
* McsEngl.vhtMpe'ch7. Convulsion: 1929?s lasting legacy,
name::
* McsEngl.vhtMpe'ch8. A Fatal Triumph: 2008?s origins in the stirrings of the Cold War,
name::
* McsEngl.vhtMpe'ch9. A Most Peculiar Failure: The curious mechanism by which neoclassicism’s theoretical failures have been reinforcing its dominance since 1950,
name::
* McsEngl.vhtMpe'ch10. A manifesto for Modern Political Economics: Postscript to Book 1,
name::
* McsEngl.vhtMpe'BOOK2 MODERN POLITICAL ECONOMICS--Theory in action,
name::
* McsEngl.vhtMpe'ch11. From a Global Plan to a Global Minotaur: The two post-war phases of US hegemony; 1947-2008,
name::
* McsEngl.vhtMpe'ch12. Crash: 2008 and its legacy (With an addendum by George Krimpas entitled ‘The Recycling Problem in a Currency Union’),
name::
* McsEngl.vhtMpe'ch13. A future for hope: Postscript to Book 2,
name::
* McsElln.Κρίσης-λεξιλόγιο,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy438.6,
* McsEngl.book.Varoufakis.Krisis-leksiloyio.2011@cptEconomy438.6, {2012-06-12}
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.βιβλιο.Βαρουφακης.Κρισης-λεξιλόγιο.Ποταμός.2011@cptEconomy438.6, {2012-06-12}
_ADDRESS.WPG:
[Βαρουφάκης, Κρίσης Λεξιλόγιο, 2011, σ91#cptEconomy438.6#]
_DESCRIPTION:
Κρίσης λεξιλόγιο
Βαρουφάκης Γιάνης
ΙΣΤΟΡΙΑ & ΚΟΙΝΩΝΙΑ,
176 σελίδες
ISBN: 978-960-6691-87-4
Έτος έκδοσης: Μάιος 2011
Σχήμα: 17x24
Τιμή Καταλόγου: 15,00 ευρώ
Οι οικονομικοί όροι που μας καταδυναστεύουν
Ο καθηγητής Γιάνης Βαρουφάκης, δυναμική παρουσία στη σημερινή συζήτηση για την ελληνική κρίση, ερμηνεύει ζωηρά και με ακρίβεια τους οικονομικούς όρους που κυκλοφορούν στα στόματα όλων μας, καταδυναστεύουν την καθημερινότητα και υπονομεύουν ή δίνουν ελπίδες στο μέλλον μας.
«Το λεξικό τούτο από την μία, εξηγεί τους όρους που αιωρούνται παντού (CDS, spreads κλπ) ενώ από την άλλη, ελπίζει να διαταράξει την κοινή μας μελαγχολία θέτοντας τους όρους της Κρίσης στο φως της κριτικής».
[http://www.potamos.com.gr/edition-details.asp?edition=243]
Γιάννης Βαρουφάκης: Το χρέος κινεί τον καπιταλισμό και κάθε κρίση την επόμενη - ΠΕΡΙΟΔΙΚΟ ΚΑΘΗΜΕΡΙΝΗ GK
Κυριακή, 08 Μάιος 2011 00:00
Τι ακριβώς σημαίνει Κρίση; Γιατί ο καπιταλισμός είναι αδύνατον να λειτουργήσει χωρίς χρέος; Και, εν τέλει, πώς ακριβώς μια κρίση που ξέσπασε στη νοτιοανατολική Ασία το 1998 γονάτισε τις οικονομίες της Δύσης δέκα χρόνια αργότερα;
Τι σημαίνει Κρίση;
Πρόκειται για μια περίοδο κατά την οποία συμβιώνουν (για ικανά χρονικά διαστήματα, π.χ. πάνω από τουλάχιστον έξι μήνες) δυο πλεονάσματα: ένα πλεόνασμα μισθωτής εργασίας (που δεν θέλει κανείς να μισθώσει) και ένα πλεόνασμα κεφαλαίων (δηλαδή αποταμιεύσεων που δεν βρίσκουν επικερδή τοποθέτηση). Ας πάρουμε όμως τα πράγματα από την αρχή... Μια μεμονωμένη αγορά βρίσκεται σε κρίση όταν μαστίζεται από συστηματική υπερβάλλουσα προσφορά - π.χ. απούλητα σπίτια, αυτοκίνητα, κρεατικά. Συνήθως, μια τέτοια κρίση δεν διαρκεί πολύ, καθώς η τιμή πέφτει αρκετά έως ότου το απούλητο στοκ μειωθεί (καθώς η μείωση της τιμής οδηγεί όλο και πιο πολλούς αγοραστές να κάνουν την εμφάνισή τους ενώ, παράλληλα, η παραγωγή ή η προς πώληση ποσότητα μειώνεται). Στην περίπτωση όμως της Κρίσης (με κεφαλαίο Κ), η πλεονάζουσα προσφορά χτυπά τις δύο άκρως προβληματικές αγορές: την αγορά εργασίας και την αγορά χρήματος (ή κεφαλαίων). Γιατί είναι πιο προβληματικές αυτές οι αγορές από τις άλλες; Επειδή σε αυτές τις δύο αγορές η μείωση των τιμών δεν οδηγεί αναγκαστικά στην αύξηση της ζήτησης. Σε περίοδο Κρίσης παρατηρείται το εξής φαινόμενο: ακόμα κι όταν αρχίσει να μειώνεται η τιμή της εργασίας (ο μισθός) ή του χρήματος (το επιτόκιο), οι επιχειρηματίες, αντί να προσλάβουν εργαζομένους, μπορεί κάλλιστα να απολύσουν κι άλλους (δηλαδή να μειώσουν περισσότερο τη ζήτηση εργασίας) και παράλληλα να ακυρώσουν επενδυτικά προγράμματα (μειώνοντας τη ζήτηση χρήματος ή κεφαλαίων). Κι αυτό παρά το γεγονός ότι η τιμή της εργασίας και των κεφαλαίων μειώνεται, πολλές φορές ραγδαία. Γιατί το κάνουν αυτό; Επειδή ερμηνεύουν τη μείωση της τιμής της εργασίας και του χρήματος ως ένδειξη μιας μεγαλύτερης πτώσης της ζήτησης των προϊόντων τους - καθώς γνωρίζουν ότι οι σημερινοί μισθοί των εργαζομένων είναι η πηγή της μελλοντικής ζήτησης των προϊόντων τους. Έτσι, τα δύο αυτά πλεονάσματα (μισθωτής εργασίας και αδιάθετων αποταμιεύσεων) δεν διορθώνονται από τη φυσιολογική λειτουργία της αγοράς. Τότε, άνευ πολιτικής παρεμβάσεως (π.χ. επεκτατικής νομισματικής ή δημοσιονομικής πολιτικής) η Κρίση απλώς αναπαράγεται.
Χρέος και καπιταλισμός: μια έντονη σχέση
Το χρέος ηχεί ως κάτι κακό (ιδίως σε περίοδο Κρίσης Χρέους, όπως η τωρινή). Όμως, καπιταλισμός χωρίς χρέος είναι απλώς αδύνατος. Για να το δούμε αυτό, ας συγκρίνουμε την παραγωγική διαδικασία πριν και μετά την ανάδυση του καπιταλισμού. Επί φεουδαρχίας, οι κολίγοι παρήγαν, π.χ., σιτηρά με την εργασία τους επί των γαιών όπου παραδοσιακά κατοικούσαν. Στο τέλος του σίτου, ο αφέντης-γαιοκτήμονας έστελνε τον σερίφη να πάρει -με το καλό ή με το κακό- το μερίδιο του ηγεμόνα, αφήνοντας το υπόλοιπο για τους κολίγους και την κοινότητά τους. Πρώτα δηλαδή παρατηρούσαμε την παραγωγή και κατόπιν γινόταν η διανομή του παραχθέντος προϊόντος. Ο καπιταλισμός άλλαξε τη χρονική ακολουθία. Πώς; Κατά πρώτον ήρθε η έξωση των κολίγων από τις πατρογονικές γαίες, το φράξιμο των γαιών και η μίσθωση τους σε ιδιώτες επιχειρηματίες, κάποιες φορές τέως κολίγους ή επιστάτες, οι οποίοι, με τη σειρά τους, έπρεπε να μισθώσουν την εργασία τέως κολίγων ώστε να καλλιεργηθεί η γη και να πληρώσουν νοίκι στον γαιοκτήμονα. Για να το κάνουν αυτό, οι νέοι αυτοί επιχειρηματίες έπρεπε να δανειστούν χρήματα είτε από τον ντόπιο τοκογλύφο είτε, πολλές φορές, από τον ίδιο τον γαιοκτήμονα, ώστε να προκαταβάλουν ενοίκια, μισθούς και πρώτες ύλες. Έτσι, οι επιχειρηματίες ζούσαν με την αγωνία τού αν θα κατάφερναν στο τέλος να πουλήσουν τη σοδειά για ποσό που θα κάλυπτε τους μισθούς τα ενοίκια, τις πρώτες ύλες και τους τόκους του χρέους τους. Με άλλα λόγια, στον καπιταλισμό παρατηρείται ένας κομβικής σημασίας ετεροχρονισμός: πρώτα γίνεται η διανομή (μεταξύ γαιοκτημόνων, εργαζομένων, τραπεζιτών και επιχειρηματιών) και ακολουθεί η παραγωγή. Είναι σαν το χρέος να μεταφέρει αξία από το μέλλον στο παρόν - να παίρνει ένα μέρος αξίας που δεν έχει παραχθεί ακόμα και να το προκαταβάλλει σήμερα. Το χρέος κινεί τον καπιταλισμό και επιτρέπει στον επιχειρηματία να δηλώνει ότι το κέρδος του - η αξία που τον μένει, αφού πληρωθούν ο γαιοκτήμονας, ο εργαζόμενος, ο τραπεζίτης και ο προμηθευτής πρώτων υλών- αποτελεί μια «δίκαιη» ανταμοιβή για το ρίσκο που ανέλαβε.
Οι ρίζες της σημερινής κρίσης
Η κρίση που έπληξε τις λεγόμενες «Ασιατικές Τίγρεις» το 1998 ξεκίνησε από την υποτίμηση του νομίσματος της Ταϊλάνδης λίγους μήνες νωρίτερα και πολύ σύντομα παρέσυρε τις οικονομίες και των υπόλοιπων χωρών της ανατολικής Ασίας. Το κοινό στοιχείο με τη σημερινή Κρίση της Ευρωζώνης ήταν η μεταδοτικότητα των οικονομικών κραδασμών από τη μία χώρα στην άλλη. Όπως και στην Κρίση της Ευρωζώνης σήμερα, η ιστορία ξεκίνησε με τη χρηματοοικονομική απελευθέρωση, η οποία οδήγησε σε έκρηξη των νέων δανείων, που έτρεξαν να δώσουν οι ξένες τράπεζες στις επιχειρήσεις και στα νοικοκυριά. Οι ΗΠΑ αλλά και το ΔΝΤ άσκησαν τεράστιες πιέσεις με σκοπό να αναιρεθούν όλες οι ρυθμιστικές παρεμβάσεις.
Το αποτέλεσμα της ραγδαίας αύξησης του δανεισμού) με ξένα κεφάλαια έφερε μεγάλη αύξηση στην οικονομική δραστηριότητα και παραγωγή και γιγαντιαία αύξηση των τιμών των ακινήτων. Όταν η «φούσκα» άρχισε να σπάει, το πρόβλημα πήρε, όπως και στην Αργεντινή, μεγαλύτερες διαστάσεις, επειδή είχαν για καιρό συνδέσει τα νομίσματά τους με το δολάριο, το οποίο είχε ανατιμηθεί πάρα πολύ. Αυτό είχε συμπιέσει πολύ τις εξαγωγές τους, οδηγώντας τις χώρες αυτές στη δύσκολη θέση και να έχουν έλλειμμα στο εμπορικό ισοζύγιο, και να χρωστούν όλο και πιο πολλά σε ξένες τράπεζες. Έτσι, με το που φάνηκαν τα πρώτα σύννεφα στον ορίζοντα της αγοράς ακινήτων, πολλοί ξένοι και ντόπιοι, που ψυλλιάστηκαν τι έμελλε να γίνει, τράβηξαν τα χρήματα τους από τη χώρα και, παράλληλα, προσπάθησαν να πουλήσουν τα ακίνητά τους. Η αγορά ακινήτων κατέρρευσε, την ώρα που τα νομίσματα της χώρας δέχτηκαν αφόρητες πιέσεις να υποτιμηθούν - να σπάσει δηλαδή το peg το οποίο τα έδενε με το δολάριο. Ανοήτως (όπως και στην Αργεντινή), οι αρχές προσπάθησαν να υπερασπίσουν το peg, ξοδεύοντας όλα τους τα αποθέματα σε δολάρια για να αγοράζουν τα δικά τους νομίσματα, μήπως και τα στηρίξουν, και ανεβάζοντας τα επιτόκια στα ουράνια, μήπως και ελκύσουν νέα ξένα κεφάλαια. Όμως, τα υψηλά επιτόκια δεν προσέλκυσαν ξένα κεφάλαια, παρά μόνο «δολοφόνησαν» τις επενδύσεις στην εγχώρια βιομηχανία, οδηγώντας τις χώρες αυτές στην απόλυτη κατάρρευση.
Εν τέλει, όπως και στην Αργεντινή, το peg, το οποίο έδενε τα ντόπια νομίσματα με το δολάριο, καταργήθηκε, τα νομίσματα υποτιμήθηκαν πολύ και κατέφτασε το ΔΝΤ, κομίζοντας δάνεια. Οι όροι όμως που έθεσε όχι μόνο ήταν αποικιοκρατικοί, αλλά και παντελώς εκτός τόπου και χρόνου για χώρες όπως η Νότια Κορέα και η Μαλαισία. Το ΔΝΤ επέβαλε τις συνταγές που είχε ετοιμάσει για πτωχευμένες χώρες του Τρίτου Κόσμου με μεγάλα, συστηματικά ελλείμματα, διεφθαρμένους κρατικούς οργανισμούς και ισχνές βιομηχανίες. Οι χώρες όμως της νοτιοανατολικής Ασίας δεν είχαν ποτέ παράδοση μεγάλων ελλειμμάτων, διαφθοράς και αναποτελεσματικών κρατών. Ακόμη, διέθεταν κραταιές, παραγωγικότατες βιομηχανίες, που αντιμετώπιζαν προβλήματα μόνο και μόνο επειδή το νόμισμα διατηρούνταν υπερτιμημένο από τα κράτη και το ΔΝΤ. Η πολιτική των δανειστών ήταν, ως φάρμακο, πολύ χειρότερο από την αρρώστια.
Όταν επιτέλους, και έπειτα από τεράστιες απώλειες που θα μπορούσαν απλά και ανέξοδα να έχουν αποφευχθεί, οι χώρες της νοτιοανατολικής Ασίας κατάφεραν να υπερβούν την κρίση (μέσα από γενναία υποτίμηση και σκληρή δουλειά), το πρώτο τους μέλημα ήταν να μην ξαναδούν ποτέ στο κατώφλι τους τους εκπροσώπους του μισητού ΔΝΤ. Άρχισαν να αποταμιεύουν τα εμπορικά τους πλεονάσματα για μια δύσκολη στιγμή. Το ίδιο κάνει και η Κίνα. Πολλοί είναι εκείνοι που ισχυρίζονται (όχι χωρίς κάποιο δίκιο) ότι η κρίση της νοτιοανατολικής Ασίας, και η εγκληματική παρέμβαση του ΔΝΤ σε αυτήν, είναι ο βασικός λόγος που οι ασιατικές χώρες συνεισέφεραν τόσο πολύ στις διεθνείς ανισορροπίες. Ανισορροπίες που ήθελαν τις ΗΠΑ να διατηρούν τεράστια ελλείμματα και τις ασιατικές χώρες να στέλνουν τα κεφάλαιά τους προς φύλαξη στη Νέα Υόρκη, βοηθώντας έτσι στη διατήρηση και τη μεγέθυνση των ανισορροπιών. Στο βαθμό που οι διεθνείς ανισορροπίες έπαιξαν σημαντικό ρόλο στο να ξεσπάσει η Κρίση του 2008, η Κρίση της νοτιοανατολικής Ασίας ήταν ένας από τους παράγοντες που γονάτισαν τη διεθνή οικονομία δέκα χρόνια αργότερα.
Ο Γιάννης Βαρουφάκης είναι καθηγητής Οικονομικής Θεωρίας και Πολιτικής Οικονομίας στο Τμήμα Οικονομικών Επιστημών του Πανεπιστημίου Αθηνών
[http://www.imegsevee.gr/arhtrografia/294--gk]
Διάλεξη από τον Καθηγητή Γιάννη Βαρουφάκη, Τμήμα Οικονομικών Επιστημών, Πανεπιστήμιο Αθηνών «ΜΕΤΑ ΤΟΝ ΠΑΓΚΟΣΜΙΟ ΜΙΝΩΤΑΥΡΟ, ΤΙ; Η Οικονομική Κρίση του 2008 ως το Τέλος της Β΄ Φάσης της Μεταπολεμικής Περιόδου»
ΕΠΙΣΤΗΜΩΝ ΠΟΛΙΤΗΣ 2009-2010
ΠΑΝΕΠΙΣΤΗΜΙΟ ΚΡΗΤΗΣ ΒΙΚΕΛΑΙΑ ΔΗΜΟΤΙΚΗ ΒΙΒΛΙΟΘΗΚΗ
«Η ΚΡΙΣΗ ΤΗΣ ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΙΑΣ ΚΑΙ Η ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΙΑ ΤΗΣ ΚΡΙΣΗΣ»
Δ Ι Α Λ Ε Ξ Η
Από τον Καθηγητή Γιάννη Βαρουφάκη
Τμήμα Οικονομικών Επιστημών
Εθνικό και Καποδιστριακό Πανεπιστήμιο Αθηνών
με θέμα «ΜΕΤΑ ΤΟΝ ΠΑΓΚΟΣΜΙΟ ΜΙΝΩΤΑΥΡΟ, ΤΙ; Η Οικονομική Κρίση του 2008 ως το Τέλος της Β΄ Φάσης της Μεταπολεμικής Περιόδου»
την Παρασκευή 23 Απριλίου 2010
στις έξι το απόγευμα (18:00)
στον Πολυχώρο Πολιτισμού του Δήμου Ηρακλείου
(Παλιά Λαχαναγορά, Λεωφ. Σοφοκλή Βενιζέλου)
Βιογραφικό σημείωμα του ομιλητή
Ο Γιάνης Βαρουφάκης είναι καθηγητής οικονομικής θεωρίας στο Τμήμα Οικονομικών Επιστημών του Πανεπιστημίου Αθηνών και Διευθυντής του Τομέα Πολιτικής Οικονομίας του ιδίου Τμήματος. Είναι παντρεμένος με την Δανάη Στράτου και έχει μία κόρη, την Ξένια.
Σπούδασε μαθηματικά στα Πανεπιστήμια του Essex και Birmingham της Βρετανίας και εκπόνησε τη διδακτορική του διατριβή στην οικονομική θεωρία Πανεπιστήμιο του Essex. Αρχικά δίδαξε στο Πανεπιστήμιο του Essex. Αργότερα, το 1985, μετακόμισε στο Πανεπιστήμιο του East Anglia, Norwich όπου και δίδαξε έως το 1987 όταν εκλέχτηκε καθηγητής στο Πανεπιστήμιο του Cambridge. Από το 1988 έως το 2000 δίδασκε οικονομική θεωρία και πολιτική φιλοσοφία στο Πανεπιστήμιο του Sydney της Αυστραλίας. Παράλληλα έχει διδάξει στο Πανεπιστήμιο της Γλασκώβης (Σκοτία) και κατέχει ερευνητική θέση, στον τομέα της πολιτικής και οικονομικής φιλοσοφίας, στο Universite Catholique de Louvain (Βέλγιο). Από το 2000 διδάσκει στο Πανεπιστήμιο Αθηνών.
Βασικοί ερευνητικοί τομείς στους οποίους δραστηριοποιείται είναι η Πολιτική Οικονομία, η Θεωρία Παιγνίων, η Πειραματική Οικονομική και η Πολιτική Φιλοσοφία. Τα βιβλία του περιλαμβάνουν τα:
Θεωρία Παιγνίων: Η θεωρία που φιλοδοξεί να ενοποιήσει τις κοινωνικές επιστήμες, Αθήνα: Gutenberg, 2007
Πολιτική Οικονομία: Η οικονομική θεωρία στο φως της κριτικής, Αθήνα: Gutenberg, 2007
Game Theory: a critical text, Λονδίνο και Νέα Υόρκη: Routledge (από κοινού με τον S. Hargreaves-Heap), 2004
Foundations of Economics, Λονδίνο και Νέα Υόρκη: Routledge, 1998
Rational Conflict, Οξφόρδη: Blackwell Publishers, 1991
Περίληψη
Μετά το τέλος του 2ου παγκοσμίου πολέμου, οι ΗΠΑ βρέθηκαν να είναι οι μοναδικοί δανειστές (με την εξαίρεση ίσως της Ελβετίας) και η χώρα με το μοναδικό μετατρέψιμο νόμισμα (ιδίως μετά την κρίση της στερλίνας το 1947). Όλο το διεθνές εμπόριο (με εξαίρεση τις σοσιαλιστικές χώρες) βασιζόταν στο δολάριο, κάτι που συνέβαινε για πρώτη φορά στην ιστορία.
Οι Αμερικανοί ιθύνοντες των πρώτων μεταπολεμικών χρόνων συνειδητοποίησαν γρήγορα τη μοναδική ευκαιρία για παγκόσμια κυριαρχία, αλλά και τους τεράστιους κινδύνους από αυτήν. Είχαν όλοι τους ζήσει το Κραχ του Μεσοπολέμου και βίωναν την αγωνία μιας νέας Αμερικανικής κρίσης που θα οδηγούσε ολόκληρη τη Δυτική οικονομία σε κατάρρευση (εφόσον το διεθνές εμπόριο στηριζόταν αποκλειστικά στο δολάριο). Λαμπρά μυαλά όπως ο James Forrestral, George Kennan, ο υπ. Εξωτερικών Byrnes, δρομολόγησαν τη δημιουργία δύο άλλων ισχυρών νομισμάτων τα οποία θα λειτουργούσαν επικουρικά ως προς το δολάριο μετριάζοντας τις επιπτώσεις των κρίσεων της Αμερικανικής οικονομίας στον υπόλοιπο κόσμο.
Βέβαια ισχυρά νομίσματα δεν νοούνται δίχως ισχυρές βιομηχανίες που έχουν εξασφαλισμένη ικανή ζήτηση για τα προϊόντα τους και πρόσβαση σε πρώτες ύλες. Για τουλάχιστον 25 χρόνια, οι ΗΠΑ επένδυσαν στο προσεκτικό κτίσιμο αυτών των δύο «ζωτικών οικονομικών χώρων»: Έναν για την Γερμανία και έναν για την Ιαπωνία ? χώρες με βιομηχανική παράδοση, σημαντική γεωπολιτική θέση και, βεβαίως, ηττημένες δυνάμεις υπό την διοίκηση του Αμερικανικού στρατού.
Η κυοφόρηση του μάρκου και του γιεν ως ισχυρά νομίσματα δεν ήταν απλή υπόθεση. Οι ΗΠΑ δεν δίστασαν να επενδύσουν γενναιόδωρα για να δημιουργήσουν τους κατάλληλους «ζωτικούς χώρους». Το σχέδιο Μάρσαλ στην Ευρώπη τροφοδότησε (κυρίως) την Γερμανία με τα δολάρια που χρειαζόταν για να εισάγει πρώτες ύλες και Αμερικανική τεχνολογία. Η Ευρωπαϊκή ενοποίηση ήταν Αμερικανική ιδέα προτού την ενστερνιστούν οι Ευρωπαίοι: στόχος της η επέκταση των αγορών των Γερμανικών βιομηχανιών προϊόντων μετά από πολιτικές συμφωνίες με άλλες ομάδες συμφερόντων (π.χ. αγρότες). Κάθε φορά που το μάρκο βρισκόταν υπό πίεση, η κεντρική τράπεζα των ΗΠΑ στεκόταν αλληλέγγυα στο πλευρό της Μπούντεσμπανκ πουλώντας δολάρια. Όταν το μάρκο έδειχνε τάσεις υπερβολικής ανατίμησης, οι ΗΠΑ βοηθούσαν την ανάσχεσή του εις βάρος ακόμα και των αμερικανικών πολυεθνικών.
Στην ’πω Ανατολή ο Μάο χάλασε το Αμερικανικό σχέδιο για μετατροπή της Κίνας στην Ιταλο-Γαλλία της Ιαπωνίας. Το ιαπωνικό θαύμα κινδύνευε να μην προκύψει. Προέκυψε επειδή οι Αμερικανοί άνοιξαν φαρδιές-πλατιές τις αγορές τους στην Ιαπωνική βιομηχανία (εις βάρος της Αμερικανικής) και, κυρίως, επειδή ο πόλεμος της Κορέας λειτούργησε ως γεννήτρια ζήτησης για τα ιαπωνικά προϊόντα. Ο μετέπειτα πόλεμος στο Βιετνάμ συνέχισε αυτή την δυναμική.
Δύο μεγάλες αποτυχίες του αρχικού Αμερικανικού σχεδιασμού άλλαξαν την μεταπολεμική διεθνή τάξη: Βιετνάμ και πετρελαϊκή κρίση. Στα πεδία των μαχών οι Βιετκόνγκ ανέτρεψαν τον προϋπολογισμό των ΗΠΑ. Το έλλειμμα στο ισοζύγιο πληρωμών λύγισε το δολάριο και «απελευθέρωσε» τις ισοτιμίες. Το έλλειμμα και η κρίση του δολαρίου έγιναν ο μεγάλος εφιάλτης της Ουάσινγκτον.
Σύμφωνα με τον Κίσινγκερ και τον Όπενχαιμ οι ΗΠΑ εξώθησαν τον ΟΠΕΚ να αυξήσει τις τιμές του πετρελαίου πιστεύοντας ότι θα μπορούσαν να αντεπεξέλθουν καλύτερα από τους γερμανούς και τους ιάπωνες. Ήταν η δεύτερη αποτυχία: Όπως είχαν υποτιμήσει τους Βιετκόνγκ, έτσι υποτίμησαν και τις προθέσεις του ΟΠΕΚ. Οι τιμές του μαύρου χρυσού αυξήθηκαν πολύ περισσότερο απ? όσο σχεδίαζαν. Το αποτέλεσμα ήταν ο στασιμοπληθωρισμός της περιόδου 1972-1985.
Όμως, και αυτό έχει μεγάλο ιστορικό ενδιαφέρον, και οι δύο αποτυχίες των ΗΠΑ (Βιετνάμ και τιμές πετρελαίου) οδήγησαν στην ενδυνάμωση της κυριαρχίας τους. Ο πόλεμος του Βιετνάμ δημιούργησε τις τίγρεις της ΝΑ Ασίας και την οικονομική περικύκλωση της Κίνας. Από την άλλη, η πετρελαϊκή κρίση, αν και παρά λίγο να γονατίσει την Αμερικανική οικονομία, οδήγησε στην μετάλλαξη της Αμερικανικής παγκόσμιας κυριαρχίας. Ξάφνου η Ουάσινγκτον έπαψε να φοβάται το έλλειμμα στο εμπορικό της ισοζύγιο με τον υπόλοιπο κόσμο. Αντίθετα με όλες τις άλλες χώρες, βρήκε την μυστική συνταγή για να εισάγει περισσότερα απ? όσα εξάγει χωρίς να κινδυνεύει το δολάριο. Πως κατάφερε τέτοιο θαύμα;
Από τα τέλη της δεκαετίας του 1970, ενώ το εμπορικό ισοζύγιο των ΗΠΑ χειροτερεύει, σημαντικές μεταφορές κεφαλαίων από Ευρώπη και Ιαπωνία στην Αμερική το καλύπτουν. Από το 1980, οι Αμερικανικές κυβερνήσεις συνειδητοποίησαν ότι μπορούν να αγνοούν τα ελλείμματά τους εφόσον κεφάλαια που δημιουργούνται εκτός ΗΠΑ μεταναστεύουν συνεχώς προς τη Ν. Υόρκη. Τι είναι όμως αυτό που εξασφαλίζει τη συνεχή ροή κεφαλαίων προς τις ΗΠΑ; Μήπως η παραγωγικότητα των επιχειρήσεών της; Όχι. Η ζήτηση δολαρίων στηρίζεται στην ηγεμονική θέση των ΗΠΑ. Όταν η Ελλάδα αγοράζει, π.χ., πετρέλαιο από την Βενεζουέλα, αγοράζει πρώτα δολάρια ανεξάρτητα από την παραγωγικότητα των Αμερικανικών επιχειρήσεων. Ίσως το μεγαλύτερο «έγκλημα» του Σαντάμ, στα μάτια των Αμερικανών, να ήταν ότι το 1999 όρισε το Ευρώ ως το νόμισμα στο οποίο θα πωλείται το Ιρακινό πετρέλαιο!
Ουσιαστικά, το Αμερικανικό οικονομικό «θαύμα» της περιόδου 1979-2008 βασίστηκε στη δυνατότητα των ΗΠΑ να ελκύουν συνεχώς κεφάλαια από τον υπόλοιπο κόσμο καταδικάζοντας Ευρώπη και Ιαπωνία σε κατάσταση συνεχούς ύφεσης. Πρόκειται για μια δυνατότητα που θα διατηρούν όσο διατηρούν την γεωστρατηγική τους παγκόσμια ηγεμονία.
Συνεπώς, η σχετική υποχώρηση της ανταγωνιστικότητας της Ευρωπαϊκής οικονομίας την περίοδο 1979-2008 δεν οφείλεται στην έλλειψη επιχειρηματικότητας ή ευλυγισίας στην Ευρωπαϊκή αγορά. Είναι απλά αποτέλεσμα της αφαίμαξης της Ευρώπης από κεφάλαια που όδευαν προς τις ΗΠΑ καλύπτοντας το Αμερικανικό έλλειμμα. Η μετάλλαξη του μοντέλου παγκόσμιας οικονομικής κυριαρχίας των Ηνωμένων Πολιτειών της Αμερικής επήλθε στα μέσα της δεκαετίας του 1970 και διήρκησε μέχρι πρότινος: Από χρηματοδότης του παγκόσμιου καπιταλισμού (1947-1971), οι ΗΠΑ μετατράπηκαν σε έναν Οικουμενικό Μινώταυρο. Η διόγκωση του χρηματοπιστωτικού τομέα χτίστηκε πάνω σε ένα τσουνάμι ξένων κεφαλαίων που εισέρρεαν καθημερινά στην Wall Street - περί τα 2 με 3 δισεκατομμύρια δολάρια την ημέρα για είκοσι χρόνια.
Το 2008, ξεκινώντας από την καθίζηση της υπερτιμημένης αγοράς ακινήτων των ΗΠΑ, το χρηματοπιστωτικό σύστημα κατέρρευσε. Από τότε η παγκόσμια οικονομία παραπαίει. Ένα είναι σίγουρο: Ο Οικουμενικός Μινώταυρος τραυματίστηκε, ίσως θανάσιμα. Τι θα πάρει την θέση του; Πως θα τροφοδοτείται η παγκόσμια ζήτηση αγαθών την οποία για είκοσι χρόνια διατηρούσε σε υψηλά επίπεδα ο Μινώταυρος; Η Κίνα; Η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση;
name::
* McsElln.βιβλίο.βαρουφάκης.θεωρία-παιγνίων.Gutenberg.2007,
name::
* McsElln.βιβλίο.βαρουφάκης.πολιτική-οικονομία.Gutenberg.2007,
_CITATION-FORMAT: Πολιτική Οικονομία: Η οικονομική θεωρία στο φως της κριτικής, Αθήνα: Gutenberg, 2007.
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://www.dardanosnet.gr/book_details.php?id=1452, 37€
* http://www.24grammata.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/VAROUFAKIS-24GRAMMATA.COM_.pdf,
ΜΕΤΑΦΡΑΣΗ ΑΓΓΛΙΚΩΝ ΚΕΙΜΕΝΩΝ
Βαγγέλης Κοντογιάννης, Αιμιλία Μαρσέλλου,
Δημήτρης Μπίμπας, Μόνα Παπαδάκου,
Λυδία Σταμέλου, Λευτέρης Τσερκέζης
1.2.1. Η έλευση της ΒιoμηXανικής Επανaστασης .................................. 31
1.2.2. O φιλόσoφoς της Ηθικής: Adam Smith ........................................ 38
1.2.3. O xρηματιστής: David Ricardo....................................................... 46
1.2.4. O επαναστάτης: Karl Marx ............................................................. 50
1.2.5. Oι δύo αφέντες των Oικoνoμικών: ιδεoλoγία και Ιστoρία .......... 54
1.3.1. Η γέννηση των Νεoκλασικών Oικoνoμικών 57
1.3.2. Η γέννηση των Νεoκλασικών Oικoνoμικών: Ωφέλεια και η Ισο-Oριακή Αρχή 61
1.3.3. O ιμπεριαλισμός των Νεoκλασικών Oικoνoμικών 63
1.3.4. Oικoνoμική Επιστήμη και διδακτικά εγxειρίδια 66
2.1.1. Εργαλειακός oρθoλoγισμός και η έννoια της ισoρρoπίας.......... 71
2.1.2. Ωφέλεια και η Ισο-Οριακή Αρχή .................................................... 75
2.1.3. Oι συνεπείς πρoτιμήσεις ως oρθoλoγικότητα ............................... 84
2.1.4. Επεκτείνoντας την Ισο-Οριακή Αρχή ........................................... 90
2.1.5. Από την Ισο-Οριακή Αρχή στην Θεωρία Zήτησης τoυ Καταναλωτή 97
2.2.1. Συγκεντρώνoντας πληρoφoρίες 100
2.2.2. Από την ζήτηση στην πρoσφoρά: O xρόνoς και η πρoσφoρά απoταμιεύσεων 102
2.2.3. Από την ζήτηση στην πρoσφoρά: Η απόφαση κάπoιoυ να πoυλήσει την εργασιακή τoυ δύναμη 106
3.1.1. Μια μικρή ιστoρία για τo πρoσωπικό συμφέρoν και τoν εργαλειακό oρθoλoγισμό 113
3.1.2. Η γένεση τoυ ωφελιμισμoύ 118
3.1.3. Από την ωφέλεια τoυ Bentham στα Νεoκλασικά Oικoνoμικά 120
3.2.1. Από τα πάθη τoυ Hume στην διατακτική ωφέλεια 123
3.2.2. Τα όρια της διατακτικής ωφέλειας και η μερική επιστρoφή της μετρήσιμης ωφέλειας 124
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* McsEngl.3.3. Εργαλειακός oρθoλoγισμός και μεγιστoπoίηση της ωφέλειας: η κρυμμένη πoλιτική διάσταση 130,
4.2.1. Συμπεριφερόμενoι σύμφωνα με μια θεωρία, ακόμα κι αν δεν ξέρoυμε τίπoτα γι’ αυτήν 138
4.2.2. Ύπoπτες επιθυμίες και η απειλή της oρθoλoγικής ηλιθιότητας 140
4.2.4. O πρώτoς λόγoς για την απόρριψη της Μηxανής Ωφέλειας: Η ρευστότητα των επιθυμιών 151
4.2.5. O δεύτερoς λόγoς για την απόρριψη της Μηxανής Ωφέλειας: Η αναζήτηση της ευτυxίας δεν θυμίζει την αναζήτηση xρυσoύ 154
4.3.1. «Κρεμαστάρια» και κατασκευασμένες επιθυμίες 156
5.1. Oι επιxειρήσεις και η Ισο-Οριακή Αρχή ................................................... 171
5.1.1. Η φύση των εισρoών της επιxείρησης ........................................... 171
5.1.2. Η επιλoγή τoυ συνδυασμoύ των εισρoών από την επιxείρηση.. 175
5.1.3. Τo κόστoς παραγωγής της επιxείρησης ........................................ 182
5.1.4. Μεγιστoπoίηση τoυ κέρδoυς .......................................................... 184
5.2. Επιxειρήσεις και αγoρές ............................................................................. 185
5.2.1. O ανταγωνισμός ως πρoσδιoριστικός παράγoντας των εσόδων
μιας επιxείρησης ............................................................................... 185
5.2.2. Μια αγoρά με δύo ανταγωνιστές (δηλαδή ένα δυoπώλιo) ........ 187
5.2.3. Συμπράξεις, καρτέλ και μoνoπώλια .............................................. 191
5.2.4. Επεκτείνoντας τoν ανταγωνισμό ................................................... 192
5.2.5. Τέλειoς ανταγωνισμός ..................................................................... 195
5.2.6. Η σημασία τoυ τέλειoυ ανταγωνισμoύ.......................................... 199
5.2.7. Oι αγoρές συντελεστών παραγωγής.............................................. 200
6.1. Παραγωγή: Από την κλασική αφήγηση στα νεoκλασικό υπoδείγματα 207
6.1.1. Η κλασική άπoψη: Oι επιxειρήσεις ως «πακέτα» κεφαλαίoυ.... 208
6.1.2. Η νεoκλασική άπoψη: η παραγωγή ως ανταλλαγή ..................... 216
6.2. Αγoρές και ανταγωνισμός 219
6.2.1. Κλασικές θεωρίες της αγoράς: Oι ρίζες τoυς στην φιλoσoφία
τoυ Φυσικoύ Νόμoυ......................................................................... 219
6.2.2. Κλασικές θεωρίες της αγoράς: Ανταγωνισμός και η τάση
τoυ πoσoστoύ κέρδoυς να εξισώνεται........................................... 221
6.2.3. Νεoκλασικές θεωρίες της αγoράς: O τέλειoς ανταγωνισμός
ως η ιδανική αγoρά .......................................................................... 226
7.1. Εργασία και παραγωγή .............................................................................. 231
7.1.1. Δυσκoλίες στην διάκριση μεταξύ παραγωγής και κατανάλωσης 231
7.1.2. Δυσκoλίες στην διάκριση μεταξύ εργασίας και ελεύθερoυ xρόνoυ 232
7.1.3. Oι έννoιες «εργασία» και «παραγωγή» ως πρoϊόντα
τoυ νεωτερισμoύ ............................................................................... 234
7.2. Η παραγωγή ως ανταλλαγή 236
7.2.1. Η εργασία ως κάτι περισσότερo από εμπόρευμα ........................ 236
7.2.2. Η απόκρυψη της πoλιτικής διάστασης της θεωρίας:
o αφανής ρόλoς των ισoπoσoτικών καμπυλών............................ 243
7.2.3. Η άδηλη πoλιτική διάσταση των ισoπoσoτικών καμπυλών....... 246
7.2.4. Συναίνεση στην εκμετάλλευση ....................................................... 248
7.3. Η πρoέλευση τoυ κέρδoυς στις ανταγωνιστικές αγoρές 251
7.3.1. Η πoλιτική διάσταση τoυ κέρδoυς................................................. 251
7.3.2. Τo κέρδoς ως δίκαιη αμoιβή ........................................................... 253
7.3.3. Oι παραγωγικές και καταναλωτικές επιλoγές τoυ νεoκλασικoύ
ινδάλματoς: τoυ Ρoβινσώνα Κρoύσoυ .......................................... 257
7.4. Δύo εναλλακτικά υπoδείγματα παραγωγής, τιμών και απασxόλησης 261
7.4.1. Τo κεφάλαιo ως κoινωνική σxέση.................................................. 261
7.4.2. Τo δυναμικό υπόδειγμα μισθών, ανεργίας και oικoνoμικών κύκλων τoυ Marx 265
7.4.3. Τo νεo-ρικαρδιανό υπόδειγμα τιμών και παραγωγής τoυ Piero Sraffa 272
7.4.4. Τα πλεoνεκτήματα, oι αδυναμίες και oι πoλιτικές πρoεκτάσεις των υπoδειγμάτων τoυ Marx και του Sraffa 276
7.4.5. Μια αντι-νεoκλασική υπεράσπιση τoυ καπιταλισμoύ 281
8.1. Τα Oικoνoμικά της Ευημερίας και τα τρία θεωρήματά τoυς 291
8.1.1. Τo κερασάκι στην τoύρτα 291
8.1.2. Τo Πρώτο Θεώρημα: Η Ισο-Οριακή Αρχή και η oικoνoμική απoτελεσματικότητα 293
8.1.3. Η Ισο-Οριακή Αρχή και o εισoδηματικός περιoρισμός της κoινωνίας. Η Καμπύλη των Παραγωγικών Δυνατoτήτων (ΚΠΔ) 301
8.1.4. Τo Δεύτερο Θεώρημα: Η Ισο-Οριακή Αρχή και η αναδιανoμή 304
8.1.5. Τα δύo πρώτα θεωρήματα και η κατανoμή της ωφέλειας μεταξύ των μελών της κoινωνίας 308
8.1.6. Τo Τρίτο Θεώρημα: Τo αδύνατo των συναθρoιστικών πρoτιμήσεων 313
8.1.7. Μια σύντoμη περίληψη 316
8.2. Απoτυxίες της αγoράς 317
8.2.1. Η σύνδεση της παραγωγικότητας μεταξύ διαφoρετικών κλάδων και η υπερ-παραγωγή 317
8.2.2. Εκμετάλλευση των δημoσίων και φυσικών πόρων 320
8.2.3. Μη παρoxή δημoσίων αγαθών 321
8.2.4. Ανακεφαλαιώνoντας: Εξωτερικές oικoνoμίες, απoτυxία της αγoράς και τo Πρόβλημα τoυ Τζαμπατζή 323
8.2.5. Απoτυxίες της αγoράς λόγω άγνoιας και αβεβαιότητας 326
8.2.6. Τo μoνoπώλιo ως κoινωνική απoτυxία 331
8.3. Διόρθωση της απoτυxίας της αγoράς 331
8.3.1. Διoρθώνoντας τις αγoρές μέσω της επέκτασής τoυς 331
8.3.2. Μια ακόμα απoτυxία εντoπισμoύ τoυ κoινωνικoύ συμφέρoντoς: Η Αρxή της Απoζημίωσης 337
8.3.3. Συμπέρασμα: τα Νεoκλασικά Oικoνoμικά για τις oρθoλoγικές κoινωνίες 344
9.1. Εισαγωγή: Τo xρoνικό μιας πρoαναγγελθείσης απoτυxίας ................... 349
9.2. Η μεγάλη φιλελεύθερη διαμάxη: Απoτελεσματικότητα ή ισότητα ...... 353
9.2.1. Η εκλoγίκευση τoυ πλoύτoυ και των πρoνoμίων ........................ 353
9.2.2. Oι φιλελεύθερoι στoxαστές και η «αντίφαση»
απoτελεσματικότητας - ισότητας ................................................... 355
9.2.3. Η διαμάxη απoτελεσματικότητας - ισότητας και τo αδιέξoδo
των Oικoνoμικών της Ευημερίας................................................... 357
9.3. Η πρώτη πρόταση απόδρασης από τo αδιέξoδo των Νεoκλασικών
Oικoνoμικών: Η Θεωρία της Διανεμητικής Ισότητας τoυ John Rawls 358
9.3.1. Πρoς μία oρθoλoγικά αλληλέγγυα κoινωνία ............................... 358
9.3.2. Oρθoλoγική αλλά ανιδιoτελής διαβoύλευση περί της έννoιας
τoυ δικαίoυ: τo πiπλ yγνιας τoυ Rawls .................................... 360
9.3.3. Από την θεωρία στην πράξη: Ανακατανέμoντας σύμφωνα
με την αρxή Maximin ....................................................................... 365
9.3.4. O Rawls για τo δίλημμα απoτελεσματικότητας - ισότητας ........ 368
9.3.5. Σύνoψη: O Rawls και η καλή κoινωνία ......................................... 369
9.4. Η δεύτερη πρόταση απόδρασης από τo αδιέξoδo των Νεoκλασικών
Oικoνoμικών: Η Θεωρία Δικαιoσύνης τoυ Robert Nozick .................. 373
9.4.1. Η διαδικασία μετράει, όxι τo απoτέλεσμα!................................... 373
9.4.2. Τα τρία δικαιώματα πoυ διασφαλίζει στo άτoμo η καλή
κoινωνία, κατά τoν Nozick .............................................................. 375
9.4.3. Σύνoψη .............................................................................................. 376
9.5. Rawls και Nozick: Μια απoτίμηση ............................................................ 377
9.5.1. Oι Rawls και Nozick ως συνεxιστές της παράδoσης
τoυ Κoινωνικoύ Συμβoλαίoυ........................................................... 377
9.5.2. Εσωτερικές αντιφάσεις στις θεωρίες των Rawls και Nozick...... 379
9.6. Συμπέρασμα: Oι oικoνoμoλόγoι και τα εγxειρίδιά τoυς σε αδιέξoδo .... 386
10.1. Εισαγωγή: Η oικoνoμική θεωρία στo έλεoς της ιδεoλoγίας και της Ιστoρίας ......................................................................................... 391
10.1.1. Η oικoνoμική θεωρία ως ιδεoλoγία............................................ 391
10.1.2. Τα Oικoνoμικά ως Ιστoρία.......................................................... 393
10.1.3. Oικoνoμική Επιστήμη και η έννoια τoυ καινoύργιoυ .............. 404
10.2. Η κoινωνική δικαιoσύνη και η απελευθέρωση από την αγoρά.......... 407
10.2.1. Απελευθέρωση από την αγoρά εργασίας: Η παράλειψη
τoυ Nozick και τOυ Rawls ............................................................. 407
10.2.2. Εμπoρευματoπoιημένη πληρoφόρηση και τo δώρo της γνώσης 414
10.2.3. Η βεβήλωση της ανθρώπινης υπόστασης: Αίμα, εκπαίδευση
και ανθρώπινα μέλη σε τιμή ευκαιρίας! .................................... 421
10.3. Oι αγoρές ενίoτε απoτυγxάνoυν ή είναι στην φύση τoυς να απoτυγxάνoυν;...................................................................................... 426
10.3.1. Απoτυxία της αγoράς: Εξαίρεση ή κανόνας;............................. 426
10.3.2. Μπoρεί να διoρθωθεί η xρόνια απoτυxία της αγoράς
εργασίας; Η απάντηση τoυ Keynes ............................................ 428
10.3.3. Η διόγκωση της ανεργίας ως o απαραίτητoς ρυθμιστικός
μηxανισμός τoυ καπιταλισμoύ: Η άπoψη τoυ Marx ................ 435
10.4. Συμπέρασμα: Αμφισβητώντας τo Μεγάλo Δίλημμα τoυ Φιλελευθερισμoύ................................................................................ 441
10.4.1. Καμία κρατική παρέμβαση δεν μπoρεί να εκπoλιτίσει
τoν καπιταλισμa! ........................................................................... 441
10.4.2. Η έννoια τoυ «δημόσιoυ συμφέρoντoς» στερείται περιεxoμέ-
νoυ σε μια εκμεταλλευτική, ρατσιστική, σεξιστική κoινωνία.... 445
10.4.3. Σύντoμη ματιά στην καλή κoινωνία ........................................... 448
Π1.1. Η κριτική των υπoθέσεων: xρήσιμη απoτίμηση ή xάσιμo xρόνoυ; 471
Π1.2. Η δυσκoλία διαxωρισμoύ των εμπειρικών δεδoμένων από την θεωρία 475
Π1.3. Γιατί καμα σxoλή oικoνoμικής σκέψης δεν μπoρεί να ελεγxθεί εμπειρικά 484
Π1.4. Πώς μπoρoύμε να κρίνoυμε τις θεωρίες μας όταν τα εμπειρικά δεδoμένα είναι τόσo «μoλυσμένα» από αυτές; 490
Π1.5. Και τώρα τι κάνoυμε xωρίς τoν Εμπειρισμό/Θετικισμό; 497
Π1.6. Συμπέρασμα: Τελικά, έxoυν ή όxι σημασία oι oικoνoμικές θεωρίες και τα αξιώματά τoυς; 502
Π2.1. Η oικoνoμική επιστήμη μπoρεί να βλάψει σoβαρά τoν xαρακτήρας σας! 507
Π2.2. Τα εγxειρίδια Oικoνoμικών ως κατήxηση ............................................ 512
Π2.3. Η πανεπιστημιακή κoινότητα των oικoνoμoλόγων ως... ιερατείo .... 524
Π2.4. Η ώρα της πληρωμής: Τα Τμήματα Oικoνoμικών Επιστημών σε κρίση 544
Το Μέγα Παράδοξο της Κρίσης των Οικονομικών
[470] Η Γνώση είναι το καλύτερο αντίδοτο στην Εξουσία των Επιτηδείων.
[491] Οι οικονομικές μεταβλητές δεν μπορούν να μετρηθούν αντικειμενικά και ανεξάρτητα απο τη θεωρία μας γιαυτές
===> Δεν υπάρχει 'αντικειμενική πληροφορία', όλες οι πληροφορίες είναι υποκειμενικές. ΟΛΕΣ όμως οι πληροφορίες έχουν βαθμό αλήθειας-ψεύδους.
Γιαυτό πρέπει έχουμε μια δικιά μας υποκειμενική κοσμοθεώρηση και όχι καμμία.
Ούτε να συμφωνούμε πόσο|τί είναι η 'ανεργία'. ΟΜΩΣ να ξέρουμε τι εννοεί 'ανεργία' ο Α και τί ο Β.
[501] Ανακαλύψαμε, λοιπόν τρόπο να επιλέγουμε, μια και καλή, και αδιαφιλονίκητα, μεταξύ ανταγωνιστικών θεωριών; Όχι βέβαια!
===>
Αν πλησιάζεις ένα τοίχο, πηγαίνοντας πάντα στο μισό της απόστασης, θα φτάσεις ποτέ;
Θεωρητικά, ποτέ.
Πρακτικά, σε ΛΙΓΑ βήματα θα τον κουντρήσεις!
[266] Οι εργαζόμενοι δεν μισθώνουν την εργασία τους στους εργαζόμενους.
===> στους εργοδότες
[349] Τα Νεοκλασική Οικονομικά
===> Τα Νεοκλασικά Οικονομικά
name::
* McsEngl.book.varoufakis-hargreaves-heap.game-theory-Routledge-2004,
Game Theory: A critical text
This book started life as the second edition of an earlier one, also written in collaboration with Shaun Hargreaves-Heap (of the University of East Anglia), published back in 1995. The latter was entitled Game Theory: A critical introduction.
Around 2000 we started working on a second edition, following the unexpected success of the 1995 effort. However, as the writing continued, we realised that we were, in effect, writing a totally new book; one that shared very few passages with the 1995 edition (and was much longer and more comprehensive to boot). To make this clear, we effected a subtle but important change in the subtitle: The 2004 edition is referred to as a Text, in contrast to the 1995 one which was a ‘mere’ Introduction. Below you can read the Preface of the 2004 text, followed by the table of contents. Individual chapters are downloadable by pressing on the relevant chapter title below (the versions available are pre-production drafts – not the final copy as it appears in the book)
For the relevant Amazon page click here. For Routledge’s own order page click here.
GAME THEORY: A Critical Text
PREFACE
As ever there are people and cats to thank. Some have left us, others have joined in, all are crucial players in our minds. There is also on this occasion electronic mail. Separated by oceans, endless landmasses, and the odd desert, we could not have written this book otherwise.
Its genesis goes back to a time in the eighties when we were colleagues at the University of East Anglia, Norwich, where game theory had become the object of interdisciplinary scrutiny. Both of us had been toying with game theory in an idiosyncratic way (see SHH’s 1989 and YV’s 1991 books) and it was a matter of time before we did it in an organised manner. The excuse for the book developed out of some joint work we did in Sydney in 1990, where YV had sought refuge (from Maggie’s England) and SHH was visiting (on a year’s ‘release’). During this gestation period a number of colleagues played an important role in helping us see the trees from the forest and guided us around many pitfalls. The late Martin Hollis was one of them and we miss him dearly.
The first draft of this book took shape in various cafeterias in Florence during YV’s visit to Europe in 1992 and matured on beaches and in restaurants during SHH’s second visit to Sydney in 1993. For the next two years, the email wires between Sydney and Norwich, or wherever they are, were rarely anything other than warm to hot. When the first edition of this book came out in 1995, we blamed the Internet for all errors. On viewing the galley proofs of the first edition, the uncertainty of our feelings about the whole enterprise was such that we almost fell out.
The actual reception was far more gratifying than at least one of us had imagined. Many social theorists, from distant lands and near, wrote in appreciation. It is they, and Rob Langham (our indefatigable Routledge editor), who must be blamed entirely for this new effort. Had their reaction not been as heart warming, we doubt we would have found the energy to go back to the drawing board. For this is precisely what we did: While maintaining the original book’s style and philosophy, we started from scratch, only occasionally plundering the first edition. Help came our way from two quarters: The Australian Research Council which funded the experimental work referred to in Chapters 6&7, and EUSSIRF which funded YV’s research at the LSE Library in 2002.
The current book’s creation coincided with YV’s latest migration, this time to his native Greece and to hitherto unknown administrative chores. It also coincided with SHH going ‘native’ at East Anglia; namely, becoming that University’s Pro-Vice-Chancellor. Evidently, unlike the first edition, this one did not come of age on golden Antipodean beaches or in Florentine cafeterias. We hope we succeeded in concealing this sad reality in the pages that follow.
It is natural to reflect on whether the writing of a book exemplifies its theme. Has the production of these two books been a game? In a sense it has. The opportunities for conflict abounded within a two-person interaction which would have not generated this book unless strategic compromise was reached and co-operation prevailed. In another sense, however, this was definitely no mere game. The point about games is that objectives and rules are known in advance. The writing of a book (let alone two in succession, and on the same subject) is a different type of game, one that game theory does not consider. It not only involves moving within the rules, but also requires the ongoing creation of the rules. And if this were not enough, it involves the ever-shifting profile of objectives, beliefs and concerns of each author as the writing proceeds. Our one important thought in this book is that game theory will remain deficient until it develops an interest in games like the one we experienced while writing this book over the last ten years or so. Is it any wonder that this is A Critical Text?
Lastly, there are the people and the cats: Empirico, Joe, Lindsay, Margarita, Pandora, Thibeau and Tolstoy – thank you.
Yanis Varoufakis and Shaun Hargreaves-Heap, July 2003
Chapter 1: OVERVIEW
1.1 INTRODUCTION
1.1.1 Why study game theory?
1.1.2 What is game theory?
1.1.3 Why this book?
1.1.4 Why a second edition?
1.2 THE ASSUMPTIONS OF GAME THEORY
1.2.1 Individual action is instrumentally rational
1.2.2 Common knowledge of rationality
1.2.3 Common priors
1.2.4 Action within the rules of the game
1.3 LIBERAL INDIVIDUALISM, THE STATE AND GAME THEORY
1.3.1 Methodological individualism
1.3.2 Game theory’s contribution to liberal individualism
1.4 A GUIDE TO THE REST OF THE BOOK
1.4.1 Three classic games: Hawk-dove, Co-ordination and the Prisoner’s
Dilemma
1.4.2 Chapter-by-chapter guide
1.5 CONCLUSION
Chapter 2: THE ELEMENTS OF GAME THEORY
2.1 INTRODUCTION
2.2 THE REPRESENTATION OF STRATEGIES, GAMES AND INFORMATION SETS
2.2.1 Pure and mixed strategies
2.2.2 The Normal Form, the Extensive Form and the Information Set
2.3 DOMINANCE REASONING
2.3.1 Strict and weak dominance
2.3.2 Degrees of common knowledge of instrumental rationality
2.4 RATIONALISABLE BELIEFS AND ACTIONS
2.4.1 The successive elimination of strategically inferior moves
2.4.2 Rationalisable strategies and their connection with Nash’s equilibrium
2.5 NASH EQUILIBRIUM
2.5.1 John Nash’s beautiful idea
2.5.2 Consistently aligned beliefs, the hidden Principle of Rational Determinacy and the Harsanyi-Aumann Doctrine
2.5.3 Some Objections to Nash: Part I
2.6 NASH EQUILIBRIUM IN MIXED STRATEGIES
2.6.1 The scope and derivation of Nash equilibria in mixed strategies
2.6.2 The reliance of NEMS on CAB and the Harsanyi doctrine
2.6.3 Aumann’s defence of CAB and NEMS
2.7 CONCLUSION
Chapter 3: BATTLING INDETERMINACY – Refinements of Nash’s equilibrium in static and dynamic games
3.1 Introduction
3.2 THE STABILITY OF NASH EQUILIBRIA
3.2.1 Trembling hand perfect Nash equilibria
3.2.2 Harsanyi’s Bayesian Nash equilibria and his defence of NEMS
3.3 DYNAMIC GAMES
3.3.1 Extensive form and backward induction
3.3.2 Subgame perfection, Nash and CKR
3.3.3 Sequential equilibria
3.3.4 Bayesian learning, sequential equilibrium and the importance of reputation
3.3.5 Signalling equilibria
3.4 FURTHER REFINEMENTS
3.4.1 Proper equilibria
3.4.2 Forward induction
3.4 SOME LOGICAL OBJECTIONS TO NASH, PART III
3.4.1 A critique of subgame perfection
3.4.2 A negative rejoinder (based on the Harsanyi-Aumann doctrine)
3.4.3 A positive rejoinder (based on sequential equilibrium)
3.3.4 Conclusion: Out-of-equilibrium beliefs, patterned trembles and consistency
3.5 CONCLUSION
3.5.1 The status of Nash and Nash refinements
3.5.2 In defence of Nash
3.5.3 Why has game theory been attracted ‘so uncritically’ to Nash?
Chapter 4: BARGAINING GAMES – Rational agreements, bargaining power and the Social Contract
4.1 INTRODUCTION
4.2 CREDIBLE AND INCREDIBLE TALK IN SIMPLE BARGAINING GAMES
4.3 JOHN NASH’S GENERIC BARGAINING PROBLEM AND HIS SOLUTION
4.3.1 The bargaining problem
4.3.2 Nash’s solution – An example
4.3.3 Nash’s solution as an equilibrium of fear
4.3.4 Nash’s axiomatic account
4.3.5 Do the axioms apply?
4.3.6 Nash’s solution – a summary
4.4 ARIEL RUBINSTEIN AND THE BARGAINING PROCESS: The return of Nash backward induction
4.4.1 Rubinstein’s solution to the bargaining problem
4.4.2 A proof of Rubinstein’s theorem
4.4.3 The (trembling hand) defence of Rubinstein’s solution
4.4.4 A final word on Nash, trembling hands and Rubinstein’s bargaining solution
4.5 JUSTICE IN POLITICAL AND MORAL PHILOSOPHY
4.5.1 The negative result and the opening to Rawls and Nozick
4.5.2 Procedures and outcomes (or ‘means’ and ends) and axiomatic bargaining theory
4.6 CONCLUSION
Chapter 5: THE PRISONERS’ DILEMMA – The riddle of co-operation and its implications for collective agency
5.1 INTRODUCTION: THE STATE AND THE GAME THAT POPULARISED GAME THEORY
5.2 EXAMPLES OF HIDDEN PRIOSNERS’ DILEMMAS AND FREE RIDERS IN SOCIAL LIFE
5.3 SOME EVIDENCE ON HOW PEOPLE PLAY THE GAME
5.4 EXPLAINING COOPEATION
5.4.1 Kant and morality: Is it rational to defect?
5.4.2 Altruism
5.4.3 Inequality aversion
5.4.4 Choosing a co-operative disposition instrumentally
5.5 CONDITIONAL CO-OPERATION IN REPEATED PRISONERS’ DILEMMAS
5.5.1 Tit-for-tat in Axelrod’s tournaments
5.5.2 Tit-for-tat as a Nash equilibrium strategy when the horizon is unknown
5.5.3 Spontaneous public good provision
5.5.4 The Folk Theorem, Indeterminacy and the State
5.5.5 Does a finite horizon wreck co-operation? The theory and the evidence
5.6 CONCLUSION: COOPERATION AND THE STATE IN LIBERAL THEORY
5.6.1 Rational cooperation?
5.6.2 Liberalism and the prisoners’ dilemma
5.6.3 The limits of the prisoners’ dilemma
Chapter 6: EVOLUTIONARY GAMES – Evolution, Games and Social Theory
6.1 GAME THEORY’S ENCOUNTER WITH EVOLUTIONARY BIOLOGY
6.1.1 The origins of Evolutionary Game Theory
6.1.2 Evolutionary stability and equilibrium: An introduction
6.1.3 Spontaneous order versus political rationalism
6.2 SYMMETRICAL EVOLUTION IN HOMOGENEOUS POPULATIONS
6.2.1 Static games
6.2.1 Dynamic games
6.3 EVOLUTION IN HETEROGENEOUS POPULATIONS
6.3.1 Asymmetrical (or two-dimensional) evolution and the demise of Nash equilibria in mixed strategies (NEMS)
6.3.2 Does Evolutionary Game Theory apply to humans as well as it does to birds, ants, etc.? An experiment with 2-dimensional evolution in the Hawk-Dove game
6.3.3 Multi-dimensional evolution and the conflict of conventions
6.3.4 The origin of conventions and the challenge to methodological individualism
6.3.5 The politics of mutations: Conventions, inequality and revolt
6.3.6 Discriminatory Conventions: A brief synopsis
6.4 SOCIAL EVOLUTION: POWER, MORALITY AND HISTORY
6.4.1 Social versus natural selection
6.4.2 Conventions as covert social power
6.4.3 The evolution of predictions into moral beliefs: Hume on morality
6.4.4 Gender, class and functionalism
6.4.5 The evolution of predictions into ideology: Marx against morality
6.5 CONCLUSION
Chapter 7: PSYCHOLOGICAL GAMES – Demolishing the divide between motives and beliefs
7.1 INTRODUCTION
7.2 DIFFERENT KINDS OF ‘OTHER REGARDING’ MOTIVES
7.2.1 The ‘other’-regarding motives of Homo Economicus
7.2.2 Beliefs as predictions and as motives
7.3 THE MOTIVATING POWER OF NORMATIVE BELIEFS
7.3.1 Fairness equilibria
7.3.2 Computing Fairness equilibria
7.3.3 Assessing Rabin
7.3.4 An alternative formulation linking entitlements to intentions
7.3.5 Team thinking
7.4 PSYCHOLOGY AND EVOLUTION
7.4.1 On the origins of normative beliefs: an adaptation to experience
7.4.2 On the origins of normative beliefs: The resentment-aversion versus the subversion-proclivity hypotheses
7.5 CONCLUSION: SHARED PRAXIS, SHARED MEANINGS
POSTSCRIPT
SOLUTIONS TO PROBLEMS
NOTES
AUTHORS’ INDEX
SUBJECT INDEX
REFERENCES
[http://yanisvaroufakis.eu/books/game-theory-a-critical-text/]
name::
* McsEngl.book.varoufakis.foundations-of-economics-Routledge-1998,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://yanisvaroufakis.eu/books/foundations-of-economics-a-beginners-companion//
Foundations of Economics
Foundations of Economics has been specially designed to complement the
conventional introductory level economics textbook so that students are
relieved of the monotony and austerity which is commonly associated with
economics courses. All the main concepts in introductory level economics are
covered, but instead of the usual presentation of model/diagram/theory,
Foundations of Economics introduces each concept in three steps:
1 A review of the standard material students are exposed to in conventional
texts.
2 An explanation of the history and evolution of these theories/ideas.
3 These theories/concepts are put on trial and the question asked: �eShould
we really believe in all this?�f
In this way, students are encouraged to question what they are learning and to
challenge the distant assumptions and often dry theories of their teachers.
This approach makes assumptions interesting by explaining what major
political and philosophical prejudices they reflect. The final section in the book
looks directly at anxieties which economics students often feel but might not
dare to ask, such as �eDoes economic theory really matter?�f or �eShould I be
studying economics? Is it good for me?�f and answers them honestly, though
perhaps unpredictably.
Proving that passion in economics can be an essential part of the learning
process, this book will be the friend that students will turn to when in need of
inspiration, when they feel their course has lost all meaning, or when they are
just plain stuck. It will also be of interest to the general reader who would like
to know more about economics but without the pain.
Yanis Varoufakis is Senior Lecturer in Economics at Sydney University. He
is the co-author with Shaun Hargreaves Heap, of Game Theory: A Critical
Introduction, also published by Routledge.
Foundations of
Economics
A Beginner�fs Companion
Yanis Varoufakis
LONDON AND NEW YORK
First published 1998 by Routledge
11 New Fetter Lane, London EC4P 4EE
This edition published in the Taylor &
Francis e-Library, 2002.
Simultaneously published in the USA and
Canada by Routledge
29 West 35th Street, New York, NY 10001
c 1998 Yanis Varoufakis
All rights reserved. No part of this book
may be reprinted or reproduced or
utilised in any form or by any electronic,
mechanical, or other means, now known
or hereafter invented, including photocopying
and recording, or in any
information storage or retrieval system,
without permission in writing from the
publishers.
British Library Cataloguing in Publication
Data
A catalogue record for this book is
available from the British Library
Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication
Data
A catalog record for this book has been
requested
ISBN 0-415-17891-6 (hbk)
ISBN 0-415-17892-4 (pbk)
ISBN 0-203-02890-2 Master e-book ISBN
ISBN 0-203-20646-0 (Glassbook Format)
This book is written with the conviction that the economics textbook, contrary to all evidence, contains delightful mind-teasers, philosophically exciting questions and lots of intriguing politics.
It is also written in the conviction that beginners, who are usually dismissed as insufficiently sophisticated to get involved with these higher order issues, are perfectly up to the detective work necessary to bring these delights on to the surface.
Additionally, I embarked on this book with the certainty that pursuing these discoveries promises not only to enliven an otherwise dull course but also to help students do well in it.
Who knows - it may even inspire us, the teachers of this all-conquering but prosaic discipline, to lift our game.
And lift it we must!
Open any economics textbook.
These days you will find excellent graphics, numerous examples, helpful appendices, computer
disks with moving curves and, naturally, sets of solved problems to help you
get a handle on how economists answer the questions they pose. Indeed,
today�fs textbook is incredibly competent at providing answers to set questions.
Already publishers of economics textbooks offer web pages on the Internet
which contain numerous links to material relating to the topics in each
chapter; students who have bought their book are even given passwords
allowing them to submit their answers to set problems electronically. Indeed
the textbook has become only an entry point into a multimedia package which
provides answers to given questions with astonishing competence. But here is
the rub: none of this technological wizardry provides a guide as to where the
questions come from, of why different questions are not being asked, of who
does the asking. It works like a do-it-yourself manual taking you by the hand
and illustrating the method for doing things.
VIII PREFACE
Now we all know how boring manuals are. No wonder students find
economics a touch too dry. However, it might be argued that if one wants to
learn to do things one has to plough through the manual. That, as in physics,
beginners must conquer the boring stuff first (e.g. classical mechanics) before
they can discuss black holes sensibly. I do not think this is a good analogy
with economics. Let me explain why.
All physicists agree on the method of mechanics. You will not, for example,
find them arguing fiercely on the value of differential equations for describing
the motion of fluids. Yet economists seem unable to agree on the same scale.
Effectively there is no commonly agreed borderline between (1) a set of topics
within which all practitioners agree (such as there is in natural science, e.g.
mechanics) and (2) another set of topics (including black holes and the origin
of the universe) in which they do not. In economics the set of disagreement
encompasses almost all of economic life. For instance a Keynesian and a
neoclassical economist do not even agree on the meaning of probability in a
social setting!
The point here is that if those who teach economics find it hard to agree
with one another on basic things, is it not a trifle hypocritical to use textbooks
which pretend that there is a set of answers and questions which students
must learn to recite? Or, equivalently, that economics students can be trained
in the same way that students of chemistry can? I think it is and this book is
written with a sense of shame for such hypocrisy. It is also written with
passion, though I hope without rashness.
Of course there are those who think that passion gets in the way of sound
reasoning; they would prefer the detached style of conventional texts. For my
part I feel that taking emotion and controversy out of economics is responsible
for losing a great deal of analytical power. The greatest thinkers to have tackled
economics were motivated by debates so passionate that their emotions were
stirred until new ways of understanding economic relations emerged. The
danger is that the way we teach economics today has become so banal that the
brightest are bored and leave the discipline early for greener pastures. The
future generation of economics graduates runs the risk of leaving university with
a large box of tools and the motivation of a gravedigger. Perhaps the time has
come to give these old emotions another stir.
The challenge for this book is to be stirring while respecting pedagogical
constraints. One reviewer of an early sketch of my intentions for this book
warned against the danger that my approach may resemble �einsisting that
small children taking their first steps in learning to walk should be taught the
subtleties of body language at the same time�f. Although I recognise that
principles must be well understood before being criticised (indeed there is
nothing more pointless than uninformed criticism), I take a different line:
learning social science is (or at least ought to be) radically different from
learning how to walk. Whereas walking is best learnt mechanically, social
theory is best imparted by critical thinking (accompanied of course with large
PREFACE IX
doses of rigorous training). In social theory the two are parasitic on each
other; rigour without critical thinking leads to bad theory while critical
thinking without rigour reduces to blind moralism. The trick is to find a
decent balance between the two.
This book is the result of two related personal experiences. First came the
experience of learning economics as a first year student at the University of
Essex back in 1978. By golly it was boring! So disheartening that I changed
my degree and concentrated on mathematics. (Only by a historical accident
did I return to economics much later.) The second experience was that of
trying to teach first year students. How could I not inflict on them what was
inflicted on me in 1978? With textbooks treating students as seals in need of
training (as opposed to humans in need of an education), and with all the
interesting debates involving a terminology inaccessible to first year students,
one is tempted to take the easy option: follow the Text. My rebellion took the
form of notes on the philosophical aspects of the various models in the Text.
The idea was to animate economics; to give students a glimpse of it as a
contested terrain on which armies of ideas clash mercilessly in order to win
the argument. As the years went by, these notes grew. Eventually they insisted
on being transformed into something bigger. You are holding the result.
How to use this book
All terms and concepts are introduced from first principles. This book has
been designed as a companion to those who are just beginning to tackle
economics and who find that conventional textbooks make them feel
intellectually uncomfortable. It can be read by itself as an introduction to
economic thinking. Or it can be utilised by university students who have
chosen (or who, as is increasingly common with some degrees, have been
forced) to take an introductory course in economics. The hope is that this
book will be the place where you turn for inspiration, or for some hope that
all your efforts to get on top of tutorials and assignments are not without
meaning. A kind of friend you approach when the course gets you down and
you need to pick yourself up again. A source of insights when you write
essays. A companion who helps you see the forest when your face is pushed
firmly into some tree.
The book�fs structure
As you will notice in the Table of Contents which follows, there are two
segments in this book: Book 1 and Book 2. The former is the main segment
and is devoted to the Foundations of economics. Book 2 is tiny, by comparison,
but tries to reach parts of the beginner�fs psyche that other books are not
interested in: Anxieties resulting from having been exposed to economic
debates. Have you been wasting your time thinking critically about economic
X PREFACE
ideas? Do they matter at all in the end? Has your mind been contaminated by
a perverted way of thinking about the world?
Book 1 begins with an Introduction (Chapter 1) which offers an
historical account of the rise of economics as well as a simple explanation
of why economics textbooks look the way they do. The rest of Book 1 is
divided into three parts. There is Part 1 on the theory of how people
choose between the different options available to them. The immediate
repercussion of that theory is a model of consumer behaviour. Part 2
extends the theory to decisions taken by firms whose fortunes are
determined in the jungle of the market. Finally Part 3 takes a broader look
at how well a capitalist economy functions and at its effects on distribution
of well-being amongst people.
A brief plan of the book
Book 1 FOUNDATIONS
Chapter 1 Introduction
Chapters
Part 1 Consumption Choices 2, 3 and 4
Part 2 Production and Markets 5, 6 and 7
Part 3 Markets, the State and the Good Society 8, 9 and 10
Order of each part in Book 1
First chapter (Chapters 2, 5, 8) Review of textbook material
Second chapter (Chapters 3, 6, 9) The history of these ideas as
found in today�fs textbooks
Third chapter (Chapters 4, 7, 10) A radical assessment of
theseideas
Conclusion to Book 1
Book 2 ANXIETIES
Two chapters (Chapters 11 and 12) addressing two central anxieties that all
students of economics develop (at some stage): does all this economic theory
really matter to anyone (other than to our teachers)? Is this how the world
PREFACE XI
works? What effect will this exposure to economics have on me as a person?
Should I be bothering with economics at all? Should I choose another course
while there is still time?
From the outline above, you can see that each of the three Parts in Book 1
is identically structured and contains three chapters whose purpose is to offer
a review of the material in conventional textbooks, an explanation of where
these ideas came from and a radical assessment of them (faithful to the belief
that understanding is achieved best through criticism) respectively.
More precisely, Chapters 2, 5 and 8 (the first chapters in Parts 1, 2 and 3
respectively) offer a review of what the conventional textbook says on the
respective segment. To avoid repetition, the discussion bypasses details in
preference for the juicy ideas.
Chapters 3, 6 and 9 are the �earchaeological�f chapters, which aim to explain
the origin of the ideas in the preceding chapter of each part. Your usual
textbook does not attempt this. Instead it gives the impression that these ideas
have always been around.like the laws of nature. Well, as you can imagine
this is not so. By excavating the history of these concepts we can succeed in
demystifying them. And there is nothing like demystification to give one
sufficient confidence when one tries to learn.
Chapters 4, 7 and 10: here you have arrived at the subversive bit. These
are chapters which challenge the concepts in the textbook. Unlike the latter,
which tries to avoid controversy like the plague, here we question everything.
Why should we assume what the textbook asks us to assume so slavishly?
What is the meaning of those assumptions? If people behaved in the way that
the economists�f assumptions demand, what would our society look like?
Could the free market.capitalism.be deeply flawed? Or is it the system of
organising economic life most compatible with human nature?
The questions in the critical chapters (4, 7 and 10) are questions that
according to many of my colleagues are better left to more �emature�f students. I
hope, however, that these chapters demonstrate the potential for engaging
beginners in serious debate without reaping confusion. My point is simple: in
a fast moving world, with students eager to get courses out of the way, we
cannot afford to put these controversies to one side �euntil later�f for three
reasons.
1 It is never a good idea to treat students as immature children.
2 If we leave these controversies aside �efor a while�f, there is a danger we will
never come back to them, either because we will have forgotten them, or
because the more thoughtful students who detest being treated like
children may abandon us and our discipline too early.
3 Because by asking the impertinent questions in Chapters 4, 7 and 10 one
gets a much better idea of what the concepts under scrutiny are: a little
passion goes a long way in motivating analytical thinking; a motto which,
as economists, we seem to have forgotten. So, if at the end of all this you
XII PREFACE
find the economists�f theories convincing, you will know why. And if you
remain unconvinced, then no one will have fooled you. In a sense
Chapters 4, 7 and 10 are motivated by that other motto which brought us
the Enlightenment: �eOn no one�fs word�f.
In summary, the contents of Book 1 follow closely that of any textbook�fs main
segments. While tackling the theory of demand (or consumer theory), read
Part 1. Once you have moved to the theory of supply (or of the firm,
production and markets) turn to Part 2. When the course takes you into the
territory of welfare economics (or market failure, public choice, government
policy, etc.), Part 3 will become timely.
Finally, there is Book 2 to turn to, not because it contains material that you
are likely to encounter in your course, but for personal gratification! Indeed
Book 2 does not correspond to anything in your textbook. Its role is to pose
questions that you are likely to wonder about but never dare (or bother) ask
your teachers (perhaps for fear of sounding unschooled, or uncommitted to
your course). Chapter 11 asks: does economic theory matter? How many students
of economics (compare say with engineering students) respect their chosen
field of study today? In the 1950s and 1960s students used to believe that by
learning about economics they are learning about society. How many still
think so today? Depressingly few. Are they wrong to be so cynical? Or is there
indeed a very loose connection between economics and the economy? And
why do we economists insist on disagreeing so much? Why can we not (like
�ereal scientists�f do) put our different theories to the test and find out which
works better? Why does this book have to waste so much ink and paper on
debates and philosophical-cum-political criticism? These are the questions that
almost all economics students I have known wanted answers to. Chapter 11
presents my answers.
Lastly Chapter 12 cuts closer to the bone by adopting a more personal and
less abstract perspective: what effect does an economic education have on the
personal development of those who acquire it? Put bluntly, is an education in
economics good for you? And why is it that economics is increasingly
developing an image problem with hoards of bright students abandoning
economics degrees and courses midstream, visibly fed up with the coldness
and arrogance of a discipline which, once upon a time, was considered
essential by those passionate enough to want to make the world a better place?
Perhaps surprisingly, given the general tone of this book, Chapter 12 ends
with a plea to all those ready to jump ship: don�ft do it! An understanding of
economics remains crucial.
PREFACE XIII
A note for the general reader
Although I wrote this book with the undergraduate student in mind, this is
by no means a book inaccessible to the reader with a general interest in
(yet no great commitment to) the subject. When you come across a
diagram that the undergraduate has already endured in class, feel free to
do one of two things: either attempt to understand it (there should be
enough in this book to allow you to grasp all the technicalities used) or,
alternatively, skip it. In the latter case the loss of continuity will be
insufficient to prevent you from enjoying the main debates on which the
book turns. I hope you have fun!
Acknowledgements
If it was not for seven generations of first year students at the University
of Sydney (1989 to 1995), I would not have had cause to think about a
book such as this. They acted as guinea-pigs for my quasi-philosophical
lectures and were subjected to reading notes on introductory economics
which later grew into this book. One of those students, John Michael
Howe, conscientiously scanned an earlier draft, spotted mistakes and
suggested improvements. I also wish to thank my colleagues at Sydney
for being so tolerant to someone who insisted on teaching weird things in
the context of an otherwise perfectly respectable course. In particular I
am grateful to Warren Hogan for recklessly assigning me to the
introductory segment of the course. Tony Aspromourgos (who also read
the first draft and diligently marked it with helpful comments), John
Carson, Peter Docherty, Flora Gill, Bruce Ross, Graham White, Don
Wright and Steffen Ziss were the other members of the team who, over
the years, tried against all the odds to make Economics 1 a decent
educational experience for students. I am grateful to them for the warm
atmosphere they helped create and for the many ideas they gave me,
some of which are now lost somewhere in this book. I am also grateful to
the University of Sydney�fs management who, in early 1997, with a stroke
of brilliance destroyed the atmosphere of collegiality and public
spiritedness which characterised this course hitherto. I thank them for
releasing me from any moral imperatives, namely teaching introductory
economics passionately, and thus for turning this book into a kind of
testimonial.
There are of course many more people who contributed ideas which I have
taken on board and whom I cannot properly acknowledge. Alison Kirk
offered valuable editorial assistance and organised anonymous reviews which
proved helpful and thought-provoking. Of my eponymous colleagues I must
mention two from a previous life: Shaun Hargreaves Heap, with whom we
have been sharing other projects, and Martin Hollis, whose writings I have
XIV PREFACE
plundered before. I do it again in this book excusing myself with the thought
that Martin�fs ideas for impressing certain points on students�f minds cannot be
improved upon.
Finally, it is to the fine city of Glasgow (where I completed the book�fs first
draft) and to Margarita that I must direct the last �ethank you�f.
List of figures xxiii
List of tables xxiv
BOOK 1
FOUNDATIONS
1 Introduction 3
1.1 A world without economics 3
1.2 The birth of economics 10
1.2.1 The coming of industrial revolution 10
1.2.2 The moral philosopher: Adam Smith 16
1.2.3 The stockbroker: David Ricardo 21
1.2.4 The revolutionary: Karl Marx 25
1.2.5 The twin masters of economics: history and
ideology 28
1.3 Modern textbook economics (or neoclassical economics) 30
1.3.1 The transition from classical to neoclassical
economics 30
1.3.2 The rise of neoclassical economics: utility and the
Equi-marginal Principle 34
XVI CONTENTS
1.3.3 The imperialism of neoclassical (or marginalist)
economics 36
1.3.4 Economics and textbooks 38
Part one CONSUMPTION CHOICES
2 Review: textbooks on consumer and
choice theory 43
2.1 The model of rational decisions 43
2.1.1 Instrumental rationality and the concept of
equilibrium 43
2.1.2 Utility and the Equi-marginal Principle 46
2.1.3 Consistent preferences as rationality 53
2.1.4 Extending the Equi-marginal Principle 57
2.1.5 From the Equi-marginal Principle to the theory of
consumer demand 62
2.2 Towards a general theory of choice: the Equi-marginal
Principle becomes ambitious 66
2.2.1 Gathering information 66
2.2.2 From demand to supply: time and the supply
of savings 68
2.2.3 From demand to supply: the decision to sell one�fs
labour 71
2.2.4 The valuation of life 73
2.3 Summary: from instrumental rationality to an
economic theory of choices 75
3 History of textbook models: the roots
of utility maximisation 76
3.1 Tracing the origins of utility maximisation 76
3.1.1 A short history of self-interest and instrumental
rationality 76
3.1.2 The birth of utilitarianism 80
3.1.3 From Bentham�fs utility to neoclassical economics 82
3.2 Ordinal, cardinal and expected utilities 84
CONTENTS XVII
3.2.1 From Hume�fs passions to ordinal utility 84
3.2.2 The limits of ordinal utility and the partial return
of cardinal utility 85
3.3 Instrumental rationality and utility maximisation: the
politics beneath the surface 90
3.4 Summary 93
4 Critique: do we maximise utility (even
subconsciously)? Should we? 94
4.1 Humanity through the lens of economics textbooks 94
4.2 How like Homo economicus are we? 95
4.2.1 Behaving according to a theory even if we do
not know anything about it 95
4.2.2 Suspect desires and the threat of rational idiocy 97
4.2.3 The utility machine 102
4.2.4 The first reason for shunning the utility machine:
the fluidity of desires 105
4.2.5 The second reason for shunning the utility machine:
looking for happiness is not like looking for gold 107
4.3 Happiness, freedom and creativity 108
4.3.1 Sour grapes and manufactured desires 108
4.3.2 Creative self-manipulation and identity 110
4.3.3 Utility maximisation and freedom 112
4.4 Conclusion 113
Part two PRODUCTION AND MARKETS
5 Review: textbooks on firms, production
and markets 121
5.1 Firms and the Equi-marginal Principle 121
5.1.1 The nature of a firm�fs inputs 121
5.1.2 The firm�fs choice of input combinations 124
5.1.3 The firm�fs cost of production 130
5.1.4 Profit maximisation 131
5.2 Firms and markets 133
XVIII CONTENTS
5.2.1 Competition as a determinant of a firm�fs revenue 133
5.2.2 A market with two competitors: a duopoly 134
5.2.3 Collusion, cartels and monopoly 137
5.2.4 Expanding competition 138
5.2.5 Perfect competition 141
5.2.6 The significance of perfect competition 144
5.2.7 The market for factors of production 144
5.3 Summary 148
6 History of textbook models: the
intellectual road to perfect competition 149
6.1 Production: from classical narratives to neoclassical
models 149
6.1.1 The classical view: firms as blocks of capital 150
6.1.2 The neoclassical view: production as exchange 155
6.2 Markets and competition 158
6.2.1 Classical theories of the market: their origin in
Natural Law philosophy 158
6.2.2 Classical theories of the market: rivalry and profit
equalisation 160
6.2.3 Neoclassical theories of the market: perfect
competition as the ideal market 162
6.3 Summary 165
7 Critique: is the textbook�fs theory of
production good economics, good
politics, both or neither? 166
7.1 Work and production 166
7.1.1 Difficulties in distinguishing between production
and consumption 166
7.1.2 Difficulties in distinguishing between work and
leisure 167
7.1.3 The modern invention of work and production 169
7.2 Production as exchange 170
7.2.1 Labour as more than a commodity 170
7.2.2 Keeping politics out of the picture: the covert
role of isoquants 175
CONTENTS XIX
7.2.3 The covert politics of isoquants 177
7.2.4 Consenting to exploitation 178
7.3 The source of profit in competitive markets 180
7.3.1 The political dimension of profit 180
7.3.2 Profit as a just payment 181
7.3.3 Capital as a social relation 184
7.3.4 Saving capitalism from its neoclassical defence 187
7.4 An alternative approach to production 191
7.4.1 A pure production model (proposed by Piero
Sraffa) 191
7.4.2 Wages, prices and profit 195
7.4.3 The strengths, weaknesses and politics of the
pure production model 196
7.5 Conclusion 200
Part three MARKETS, THE STATE AND THE GOOD SOCIETY
8 Review: textbooks on markets and
social well-being 205
8.1 Welfare economics and its three theorems 205
8.1.1 The icing on the cake 205
8.1.2 The first theorem: the Equi-marginal Principle and
economic efficiency 206
8.1.3 The Equi-marginal Principle and society�fs budget
constraint: the Production Possibility Frontier (PPF) 213
8.1.4 The second theorem: the Equi-marginal Principle and
redistribution 215
8.1.5 The first two theorems and the distribution of utility
amongst society�fs members 218
8.1.6 The third theorem: the impossibility of aggregate
preferences 222
8.1.7 A brief summary 225
8.2 Market failures 226
8.2.1 Productivity linkages and over-production 226
8.2.2 Exploitation of public and natural resources 228
8.2.3 Non-provision of public goods 229
XX CONTENTS
8.2.4 Summing up: externalities, market failure and the
free-rider problem 230
8.2.5 Market failures due to ignorance and uncertainty 233
8.2.6 Monopoly as social failure 237
8.3 Correcting market failure 237
8.3.1 Correcting markets by extending them 237
8.3.2 The inadequacy of approximations of the public
good: the compensation principle 240
8.3.3 Conclusion: neoclassical economics on rational
societies 244
9 History of textbook models: the concept
of a legitimate State in economics
.origins, the dead-end and two
escape routes 247
9.1 Chronicle of a failure foretold 247
9.2 The great liberal debate: efficiency versus equity 250
9.2.1 Rationalising wealth and privilege 250
9.2.2 Liberal thinkers and the efficiency-versus-equity
debate 251
9.2.3 The efficiency-versus-equity debate and the
dead-end of welfare economics 253
9.3 The first escape route from neoclassical economics�f
dead-end: John Rawls�f theory of distributive justice 254
9.3.1 Towards a rationally compassionate society 254
9.3.2 Rational but selfless deliberation on what is just:
Rawls�f veil of ignorance 256
9.3.3 From theory to practice: redistributing according
to the Maximin Principle 259
9.3.4 Rawls on the efficiency-versus-equity dilemma 261
9.3.5 Summary: Rawls and the Good Society 262
9.4 The second escape route from neoclassical economics�f
dead-end: Robert Nozick�fs entitlement theory of justice 265
9.4.1 Process, not outcomes! 265
9.4.2 The three rights that individuals are entitled to in
the Good Society 266
9.4.3 Summary 267
9.5 Rawls and Nozick: an assessment 268
9.5.1 Rawls and Nozick as contractarians 268
CONTENTS XXI
9.5.2 Internal contradictions of Rawls�f and Nozick�fs
theories 270
9.6 Conclusion: economists and their textbooks at the deep
end 275
10 Critique: can a capitalist society be
good? 279
10.1 Economics at the mercy of ideology and history 279
10.1.1 Economics as ideology 279
10.1.2 Economics as history 281
10.1.3 Economics and change 288
10.2 Social justice and freedom FROM the market 290
10.2.1 Freedom from the labour market: Nozick�fs and
Rawls�f oversight 290
10.2.2 Commodified information and the gift of
knowledge 295
10.2.3 The profanity of putting the human condition on
sale: blood, education and human remains 299
10.3 Market failure or market nature? 302
10.3.1 Is market failure an exception or the rule? 302
10.3.2 Can the habitually failing labour market be
corrected? Keynes�f answer 304
10.3.3 Unemployment surges as capitalism�fs essential
regulating device: Marx�fs view 308
10.4 Conclusion: challenging the great liberal debate 314
10.4.1 No government intervention can civilise capitalism 314
10.4.2 A public interest has no meaning in an exploitative,
racist, sexist society 317
10.4.3 Brief glimpses of the Good Society 319
Conclusion to Book 1: Foundations and
beyond 322
Money and the State 323
Wages and money illusion 326
International trade and the Third World 328
XXII CONTENTS
BOOK 2
ANXIETIES
11 Does economic theory matter? 335
11.1 Criticising assumptions: useful appraisal or romantic
time-wasting? 335
11.2 The impossible task of separating the facts from the theory 339
11.3 Why economic theories cannot be judged by the facts 343
11.4 Three examples of untestable economic theories 344
11.4.1 Theory 1: the Equi-marginal Principle in consumption 344
11.4.2 Theory 2: the Equi-marginal Principle in production 345
11.4.3 Theory 3: Marx�fs theory of profit 345
11.5 How do we find out the truth when the �efacts�f are too
compromised? 346
11.6 So, do economic theories matter? 351
12 The curse of economics 354
12.1 Economics can seriously damage your character! 354
12.2 Economics courses as indoctrination 357
12.2.1 Example 1: the economists�f narrative against
cooperation 357
12.2.2 Example 2: the economists�f dilution of the
concept of social responsibility 357
12.2.3 Example 3: teaching that value exists only if it
can be quantified 359
12.2.4 Example 4: the economists�f apology for inexcusable
social failures 360
12.3 The economics profession as a priesthood 361
12.4 Payback time: economics departments in crisis 370
12.5 In defence of economics 371
Further reading 378
References 382
Name index 386
Subject index 388
Figures
2.1a Utility and dis-utility 48
2.1b The calculus of pleasure 49
2.2 The geometry of the Equi-marginal Principle 52
2.3 Trade-offs 56
2.4 Indifference curves 58
2.5a Not enough X 60
2.5b Not enough Y 61
2.5c Just right 61
2.6 The birth of a demand curve 64
2.7 Savings as the result of current enjoyment of the anticipation
of future expenditure 70
2.8 Choosing to labour 72
4.1 The grasshopper and the ant; two species of rational fools 98
4.2a Ronald�fs choice before his boss forced him to go to the concert 105
4.2b Ronald�fs choice after his boss forced him to go to the concert
and his indifference curves changed as a result of the experience 106
5.1 Firms as consumers 122
5.2 A firm�fs trade-offs 125
5.3 Efficient input choices 127
5.4 A firm�fs expansion path 128
5.5 The makings of a cost curve 131
5.6 The geometry of the Equi-marginal Principle revisited 132
5.7 Aggregate revenue, cost and profit for all firms in the industry 142
7.1a Wage-profit trade-off 197
7.1b Wage effects on prices 197
8.1 Society�fs production possibility frontier 214
8.2 Society�fs optimal choice 216
8.3 The inadequacy of compensation principles 243
Tables
2.1a Utility and dis-utility 48
2.1b The calculus of pleasure 49
5.1 Input choice: a numerical example 129
5.2 A workshop�fs cost of production 134
5.3 Cost and demand facing our two firms 135
5.4 Alpha�fs profits in each of eighty-one possible scenarios 136
5.5 The effect of a third firm entering the market 139
5.6 Profit, revenue, price and cost as competition intensifies 142
5.7 A market for a day�fs labour 145
7.1 Joint production 192
8.1 Tom, Dick and Harriet�fs well-being 220
9.1 Rawls�f theory of justice: a numerical example 259
The textbook definition of economics
Economics studies the allocation of scarce productive resources (e.g.
workers, machines, land) to different productive activities (e.g.
factories, offices, farms, labour, machinery) whose purpose is to
generate commodities that will satisfy consumers�f needs. In the
economists�f own jargon, economics examines how scarce, or limited,
�efactors of production�f (usually defined as land, labour and capital)
can be used wisely when there are many competing uses. In brief,
economics is hailed as the science of rational choice under conditions
of scarcity.
Yet, not everyone agrees�c
Economics has been defined as the logic of choice�cEconomists
have said that their subject is about reason�cBut almost none of
them have said that their subject is concerned with imagination.
George Shackle, The Nature of Economic Thought, 1966
Let's face it. Beginning a lecture with the textbook definition of economics (see
box) is not the kind of opening line that is likely to send ripples of excitement
through an audience. So allow me a different introduction: why are you
interested in economics? If you are a university student, why have you not
chosen to study something else? Your university offers a multitude of courses
from astronomy to zoology. Why economics?
4 INTRODUCTION
Ignoring the usual answer of the sort �eer�cbecause my friends/ parents
suggested it�f or �ebecause I want a job and economics is compulsory for a
business degree�f, the usual response to this question more often than not
involves some general statement on the importance of the economy in social
life. But then the question becomes: was economic life not important in the
past, e.g. in the seventeenth century? Why were there no people thinking of
themselves as students of economics? (Even Adam Smith, the founder of modern
economics who wrote during the second half of the eighteenth century, was a
moral philosopher.) And why did it take so long (i.e. not before the 1890s) for
universities to offer degrees dedicated to economics?
Ancient economics
Economic questions have, of course, featured in the minds of
intellectuals since the dawn of civilisation. The ancient Greeks, for
example Aristotle, have written on matters which, today, we can
identify as economic. Yet, unlike the first western economists (e.g.
Adam Smith), none of those ancient writings were part of an
overarching economic thesis (that is, an economic theory) on how
society as a whole worked.
One may be tempted to think that our ancestors were less sophisticated and
developed than we are in all the intellectual pursuits and economics, just like
the other disciplines that make up today�fs university curricula, took its time to
evolve. To some extent this is true. The oldest European universities, dating
back to the twelfth century, taught almost exclusively the classics, law and
theology. The natural sciences.physics, astronomy, chemistry (all known as
natural philosophy back then) .were introduced only gradually after the
sixteenth century. But why did economics take two or three centuries longer?
Moreover it is not true at all that our ancestors were intellectual slouches. The
ancient Chinese, Egyptians and Greeks were responsible for admirable
technological advances and built incredible monuments to them. The depth of
their philosophical thinking still tortures and shapes the mind of our best
thinkers today. As for the modern, post-Dark Ages era, at least since the
fourteenth century physics, chemistry, botany and mathematics have been
flourishing. Yet genuine economic thinking had barely taken off the ground
four centuries later. Why?
I suggest that contemplating this question is the best introduction to
economics. It helps us to realise that the current collection of economic
concepts is puzzlingly recent. That it is not as if the contents of the textbook
have always been there waiting for you to come along and digest them. No,
economic models are recent concoctions which are impossible to understand
properly without understanding how they came into being. Back to the
INTRODUCTION 5
question then: why was there no discipline of economics until so recently? Did
the Romans not care about their economy? Were Elizabethans unaware of the
importance of economic might? Was the aristocracy of the French so-called
ancient regime (i.e. the pre-Revolution establishment) uninterested in matters
economic? Surely they must have wanted more power and wealth. So, why
did they not develop a systematic economic approach? My answer (and I say
�emy�f because not everyone agrees with it) is that earlier societies had no use
for economics; that they could understand social power and wealth without a
specifically economic analysis. By contrast, in our days it is unthinkable that we
can say something sensible about the state of a society (e.g. the distribution of
income, of opportunities and of power) without engaging with ideas which are
specifically economic.
How come there was no such need in past societies? Consider one
example. In medieval times the success of the Spanish merchants in Latin
American markets could be explained adequately by pointing out the military
presence and power of the Spanish conquistadores on that continent. Similarly
the success of English and Dutch traders made sense in terms of the
domination of important sea routes by the English and Dutch navies. Contrast
this type of extra-economic explanation to what is needed today in order to
explain why it is that Japanese firms are successful at selling cars in the USA.
Unlike medieval successes, modern commercial triumphs or disasters have to
be narrated in terms of purely economic concepts such as price competitiveness,
costs of production, quality control in factories, innovation, etc.
Let me now make an even more controversial claim: not only was there no
use for economics in earlier societies but, in addition, those societies could not
possibly develop the kind of economics that you will find in any modern
textbook. To see this point, consider the textbook definition of economics in the
box on p. 3: the economics textbook tells a story about the creation of goods for
the purpose of selling or exchanging them. Such goods are called commodities.
And what are those commodities made of? The ingredients necessary to
produce them are known as factors of production and they fall under three main
categories: Land, Labour and Capital (by the way, the latter refers not to money as
such but to the tools and machinery necessary in the production process; that is,
�emeans of production�f, which were produced earlier.I shall be returning to this
shortly). To produce commodities, the modern textbook continues, a firm needs
to mix some land (and the minerals, oil, etc. found under its surface) with some
human labour and, preferably, with some machinery other humans produced
earlier (i.e. capital). But where does the firm get these factors from? In later
chapters the standard economics textbook explains: it gets them at the same
place that one buys all things, the market-place. Indeed this makes much sense
today given our experience of such markets, e.g. estate agents selling or renting
land, the local employment bureau (or the newspaper�fs job pages) in which
labour is traded and the well-developed market for machinery, computers, etc.
(that is, the market for so-called capital goods).
So, production generates commodities required by consumers by
utilising other commodities which are needed by the firms (that is, the
factors of production). Both the output (i.e. goods and services) of and the
input (i.e. factors of production) to the process of production are
commodities which are traded in various markets (e.g. the market for
bananas, the market for land, the market for labour, etc.). Then economics
is defined as the science of how markets, as a result of competition
between many buyers and sellers, allocate rationally all these commodities
in a society which always wants more of them. In short, economics is
defined by the textbook as the science of how commodities are distributed
under conditions of scarcity.
What we call today the discipline of economics (as opposed to some
disconnected thoughts about prices, etc.) tries to disentangle the above
process; to explain the workings of societies in which both its material
products and the raw materials (human and non-human) used to produce
them are commodities; that is, goods freely traded in markets. This is precisely
why it was irrelevant a few centuries ago! If this conclusion seems too sudden,
consider this. The description so far of what economics tries to achieve would
have been out of place in ancient Greece, imperial Rome or feudal France.
Granted that production and exchange are as old as Homo sapiens, it is easy to
forget how different pre-industrial societies were from ours. Take the three
factors of production mentioned in the previous paragraph: land, labour and
capital. They always existed. Yet not in the way they do today, not as fullyfledged
commodities.
Start with land. Of course there was land. Recalling that a commodity
exists only to the extent that its very function is to be traded, a commodity
called land has not always existed. That is, until a few centuries ago there
was no established market for land deciding who owned which plot of
land and how much someone had to pay to get it. In ancient times when
the powerful wanted more land, they did not contact an estate agent;
instead they formed an army made up of hapless subjects, often slaves, and
started a war of conquest. Under those circumstances no one had an
urgent need for an economic analysis of land-ownership. Things changed
under feudalism. In the feudal era, the lords owned whole estates
(including the peasants living in them) and usually considered the sale of
inherited land shameful. Indeed property rights to land were passed on to
the lords by kings and queens as reward for political services and even
though land prices were quoted extensively in medieval archives, their
function was not what it is today (that is, to regulate the demand for and
supply of real estate). Instead they played the role of reflecting the power
and political status of the landlords. In short, land was not a commodity
with a price determined by the level of demand by prospective owners
whose eagerness to buy the land was, in turn, its capacity to generate
profit in some market (e.g. the market for agricultural commodities or
INTRODUCTION 7
indeed in the market for land). A handle on war history and political
machination would have proved much more useful than economics in
explaining land transfers and prices.
A glimpse of the pre-industrial world
AD 1305 Europe
The total amount of goods which came into France in a year over
the Saint Gothard pass (on the first suspension bridge in history)
would not fill a modern freight train; the total amount of
merchandise carried in the great Venetian fleet would not fill a
modern steel freighter.
Sixteenth century
German traders had to stop every 10 km to pay customs tolls which
were decided after intense bargaining. Most villages had their own
currencies and in an area the size of London there were 112 different
measures of length. Moreover, from France to Russia, from the
Ottoman Empire to Scotland, there was nothing that we would
recognise today as markets for labour or for land.
Historical points borrowed from Robert Heilbroner, The Worldly
Philosophers, 1953
The same applies to factor of production labour. Of course there was labour
and plenty of it. The pyramids could not have been built without the
rivers of sweat and blood of countless Egyptian workers. And while Plato
was leisurely exploring the distinction between a perceived and an ideal
reality, surrounded by adoring disciples and intellectual antagonists in his
Academe, slaves and Athenian women were doing all the work. Under
feudalism, and excepting the idle classes, the European peasants worked
much harder than any of us will ever do. Nevertheless the immense toil of
slaves, peasants and women was not a commodity. Its product was, of course,
greatly enjoyed by those who benefited from it (e.g. the philosophers, the
rulers, the men). Yet all this effort was not something that was bought by
some employer at a price (i.e. a wage) determined in accordance to its
productivity and to the demand for its output. In feudal Europe, for
example, those unfortunate enough to have been born peasants did a lot of
work in the footsteps of their mothers and fathers. They cultivated the
same land generation after generation producing harvests in the hope that
the landlord would allow them to keep a portion which would see them
through the next winter. To understand how much of their harvest they
8 INTRODUCTION
were allowed to keep, modern economic thinking would have been
irrelevant. Why? Because the distribution of the harvest between lord and
peasant was a political matter depending on the lord�fs cruelty as well as on
his fear of a peasant revolt, the role of the sheriff, the degree of solidarity
between landlords (and between peasants), the relations between the
political centre (i.e. the king or queen) and the regional powers (i.e. the
estates and the lords and even the bishops), the threat of invasion by
foreign armies and so on. By contrast, if we want to explain today the
wages of farm labour in the United States, Germany or Indonesia we
cannot rely on purely political notions. Instead we need to ask questions
about the market value of agricultural products, the productivity of the
farm labourers, their alternative employment prospects, etc. In brief, we
need an economic approach that would have been impossible to conceive
in a feudal world in which the lord simply collected a portion of the
harvest from the peasantry.
Two definitions of capital: a means of production or a
property right
Students of economics may be confused by the fact that the term
�ecapital�f is used by economists in two seemingly very different ways:
(1) machines, tools or any produced means of production; (2) a right
to own the revenue that is left after land (i.e. rent) and labour (i.e.
wages) have been paid for. The two definitions are brought closer
together if it is assumed that those who own the �etools�f also own the
right to appropriate the surplus (i.e. revenue minus cost) that they
produce.
The third factor of production mentioned in economics textbooks, capital,
was in its infancy. First, a reminder of the fact that, unlike accountants,
when economists speak of capital, they do not mean money (see box).
Instead they are referring to a commodity (e.g. a tractor) that was produced
at an earlier stage in order to be used in some productive process (e.g. in
ploughing a field). With this definition out of the way, let us agree that, just
like land and labour, capital also existed since palaeolithic times in the form
of tools, ploughs, etc., even if its presence in production was minuscule by
comparison to how crucial it is today (think of industrial robots, computers,
production lines, etc.). However, what is crucial is that capital did not really
exist as a commodity. In ancient times it was produced mostly by slaves for
their masters. In feudal estates tools were produced locally, often at the
estates themselves, by artisans who found a niche in between the aristocracy
and the peasantry. Even when they were sold at the town�fs market, it was
never under competitive conditions as competition was ruled out either by
INTRODUCTION 9
the fact that there was a single producer in each municipality or because,
when there were more than one, they were part of a guild which expressly
banned competition amongst them. Thus, it is impossible to think of the
utilisation of capital in a modern economist�fs terms: that is, as a scarce
commodity which the competitive market was allocating to its best possible
use. Again we find that the economics textbook�fs conception of capital
would have been irrelevant back then.
Lastly, markets and trade were not what they are now. When merchants
arrived in a medieval town, they brought with them some spices, some fancy
clothing, a few luxury items. Their volume was microscopic as a proportion of
all the goods consumed in the area. (Let us not forget that, back then, when
the peasants and villagers wanted something they did not shoot off to the
shops to get it; they made it themselves instead.) Moreover there was no
competition since it was unlikely that there would be more than one merchant
selling the same type of good in the same village. And when they were, the
authorities (including the priest and the local lord) ensured that there would
be no price competition between them. In larger towns, the artisans and the
merchants would belong to guilds whose function was, partly, to prevent
competition whenever price cutting reared its ugly head. You see back then, in
startling contrast to today, profit-driven competition had a bad name; it was
thought of as a disorganiser of trade!
External, long-haul trade was not much different. Commercial success
depended on the capacity to carry goods from one part of the world to
another; on extra-economic factors such as navigation skills, naval strength,
control of important routes and so on. And just as within European villages
and towns, there was negligible economic competition between sea-faring
merchants. When merchants did clash against one another the matter was not
resolved (as it is today in globalised markets) in favour of the one whose
merchandise had been produced more cost-effectively; indeed clashes were
resolved by political or military means.
In conclusion, with limited trade in mostly luxury goods (a tiny proportion
of overall production), with precious little economic competition, with
uncommodified land, labour or capital, these societies could be adequately
understood without any economics. Yes, they did feature markets. But they
were not market societies. Pure economic relations were embedded in social
and political relations and were thus insufficiently visible to enable thinkers of
the time to reason in the terms of contemporary economists. Thus it is not
because the thinkers of the past were unsophisticated that coherent economic
thinking took so long to flourish; it arrived late because in pre-industrial social
structures there was little room for it. We had to wait until those structures
were swept away by the capitalist industrial revolution before economics
became possible.
If the era of economics was made possible only by the industrial revolution,
what was it that gave rise to that revolution? This is a big question on which
generations of historians have been feasting. Any short, decisive answer is
therefore bound to be oversimplified and anathema to historians.
Nevertheless without the rudiments of an answer, it would be impossible to
begin to understand the gradual emergence of a demand for economic
explanations.
What was it that shattered the tranquillity of pre-industrial Europe? What
caused societies with markets to be transformed into market societies? A
prominent historical answer is known as the commercialisation thesis. According to
this account, the seeds of the upheaval which brought feudalism down and
occasioned the rise of capitalism were planted by the growth of international
trading networks due to improvements of navigation and ship-building. As the
Spanish, Dutch, British and Portuguese traders began to exchange wool for
Chinese silk, silk for Japanese swords, swords for spices and spices for much
more wool than they started with, certain commodities established themselves
as international currencies. Those who traded in them prospered. Their
increasing fortunes were a totally different species of wealth from the riches of
the traditional European aristocrats who had the hard work of their own
people to thank for their well-being. The emerging class of merchants
benefited not from appropriating the produce of the peasantry but from taking
commodities undervalued in one market and selling them in some other
market where they were highly valued: a case of what economists call
arbitrage.
In contrast to the landed gentry whose only claim on wealth was that they
were born with a silver spoon in their mouth, the merchants�f claim was based
on shrewd and risky deals some times involving the perils of selling precious
goods (at huge prices of course) to countries under military siege or smuggling
under the noses of belligerent colonial rulers in India and South East Asia. At
the end of the day, they would return home (or should I say if they returned
home?) with economic power not derived in the conventional way, that is by
virtue of having been born into a landowning family.
The trade in commodities was tragically not the only kind of trade that
burgeoned. As the newly established internationally traded commodities
gained prominence (quite simply by creating wealth for those who traded in
them), it was inevitable that a new horrific trade would surface: the trade in
people; a trade in the productive power to produce such commodities. Lands
that were expropriated through western organised violence against the native
populations (e.g. Jamaica and elsewhere in the �eNew World�f) were combined
with slave labour imported mainly from Africa to produce these commodities
INTRODUCTION 11
which then entered into the international trading circuit. Along the way more
wealth was created for the entrepreneurs who participated in it.
At some stage landowners in Britain realised that their location at the top of
the social power hierarchy was being threatened. They had to reassert
themselves; and since they could not stop the merchants, their only option
was to join them. How did they do this? For example, one of the commodities
that was all the rage was wool. The lord of the manor would look out of his
window and see peasants who for generations would be toiling the land
producing a bit of wheat, some potatoes, a little corn. Useless stuff in other
words that he could not sell to any self-respecting international merchant.
What if he got rid of these peasants who were occupying so much space and
substitute them with nice fat sheep? That way he could produce lots and lots
of shiny wool which would find many willing customers. That was exactly
what he and hundreds of other lords in England and Scotland did. In the
mean time, the value of their land became intimately connected with the value
of the wool that �egrew�f on it. Land slowly became more than an inheritance; it
became an economic asset whose value fluctuated with the price of the
commodity (i.e. wool) it produced.
This historic turn of events simultaneously transformed not only land but
also labour into a commodity. In a relatively short space of time, thousands of
unsuspecting peasants found themselves in the muddy streets. They had no
idea what hit them. After generations on what they considered to be their land
(by tradition though not by ownership) they now had nowhere to go. Their
destitution gave rise to a phenomenon that is still with us: urbanisation.
Question: where do you go after you have been thrown out of the farm?
Answer: To the nearest village to beg. Thus the villages of Britain became
towns and the towns grew into cities. Whereas during the early phase of
feudalism the peasants�f labour was simply work which produced a harvest a
part of which they kept (but not a commodity which they traded), now that
they found themselves without access to land they were forced for the first
time to try and sell their labour. Visualise the scene where an evicted peasant
knocked on some door and said: �eGive me some food.I will do any job you
ask of me�f .an attempt to sell labour as a commodity. Meanwhile the peasants
who remained on the land were increasingly forced to enter the newly formed
market for land. How? By being asked to pay rent to the lord. Their market
relation with the lord led them instantly to dependence on another market: the
market for agricultural commodities, in which they had to get a good price for
their wares in order to pay the rent. In one stroke, agricultural products, the
land on which it was produced and the peasants who used to produce them
(both those roaming the streets and the ones who were allowed to stay on the
land) all became commodities.
Recapping, so far the commercialisation thesis has highlighted three related
developments: an influx of merchant wealth from the new worlds, the
transformation of peasants into producers of commodities (as opposed to
12 INTRODUCTION
just goods), and the formation of a group of wretched ex-peasants who
found themselves, for the first time, without access to land or tools (i.e.
without a capacity to produce a living) and who, therefore, were forced to
sell a brand new commodity called �elabour�f. Focusing on the first and the last
links of the explanatory chain offered by the commercialisation thesis, intensified
external commerce gave rise to the transformation of peasant labour into a
commodified factor. On the one hand we have accumulating funds in the
City of London (mainly the product of trade in international markets and
slave production in the colonies) while on the other we have heavy
concentrations in small areas in England and Scotland of a group of people
desperate to sell their labour. Add to this brew a steam engine and what do
you get? A factory.
The last sentence implies the following large claim: if James Watt, the
Scottish inventor of the steam engine, had lived centuries before he did and
still managed to build an engine, his invention could very well have gone
unnoticed; it would have probably ended up as a curiosity in the palace of
some royal person who would be using it to entertain guests. Thrust though
into the scene described in the previous paragraph, the steam engine had a
hand in changing history. It, more than any other single physical
development, symbolises the momentous changes that wrecked the
tranquillity of the Middle Ages and shattered once and for all the feudal social
relations.
Although most historians accept many aspects of this commercialisation
thesis, there are those who think that the unravelling of feudalism cannot be
explained simply by pointing to the intensification of international trade.
For them, it is unsatisfactory to place the entire burden of explanation of
feudalism�fs collapse on external factors; on things that happened outside
feudal Europe. Instead they believe that the primary mover was to be
found in the social relations within Europe in general and Britain in
particular. The development of reliable forms of money (and financial
institutions) and, more importantly, the maturation of trade in market
towns were of equal significance as the increase in international trade. In
this account, market societies came into being as local trade in
unglamorous commodities was steadily liberated from the fetters of feudal
regulation.
Yet other historians object to both the commercialisation thesis and the above
view of the industrial revolution as the outcome of the �eliberation�f of local
markets. They claim that both of these views assume what they are trying to
explain; that they presuppose that capitalism was always there, at least in
embryonic form, waiting to be �ereleased�f or �eliberated�f by some external or
internal influence. It is as if the economic logic which became so dominant
with the emergence of market societies was always there, even before market
societies were established, waiting to be shaken loose. They argue that if this
was indeed so, we should be trying to explain what took capitalism so long to
INTRODUCTION 13
emerge (rather than why feudalism collapsed). Additionally they point out
that neither of the accounts of the emergence of market societies above can
explain why it happened in Britain and spread quickly to the rest of Europe
rather than in the equally commercialised East.
One explanation of the birth of market societies which does not involve
the presupposition that their logic existed always in embryonic form, and
also accounts for the fact that it was British feudalism which collapsed
first, begins by focusing on the evolution of land-ownership in Britain.
Compared to most other parts of the world, land-ownership in England
and Scotland was highly concentrated (i.e. a few lords owned huge chunks
of the British Isles). With such huge estates to plunder they found it
cumbersome to collect a portion of the peasants�f different harvests (as for
instance their French counterparts did) and resorted increasingly to
charging peasants rent (i.e. a charge independent of the size of the actual
harvest). In so doing they turned peasants into �etenants�f who had an
urgent incentive to increase production, reduce cost and sell their produce
for a good price at the local market so as to be able to pay the rent. With
one stroke, as already explained, the peasants were forced to enter the
market in search of consumers while, at the same time, land became a
commodity whose value was linked effectively to the rent paid by the
tenants (which in turn was linked to the price of the harvest). This was
one reason why the first market society emerged in Britain. The second
reason is political: British landlords were demilitarised before any other
aristocracy. Moreover the English state was uniquely centralised and wary
of the power of the local gentry. Thus the ruling class of the British Isles
was becoming increasingly dependent on charging rent, as a means of
enrichment, rather than on physical coercion. They used as a weapon not
their henchmen�fs armour but purely economic instruments. And as the rent
rose, fewer peasants could afford to pay it. Those who were not chucked
out of the estates in order to make way for sheep, were turned into wage
labourers employed by the tenants. A whole new economic chain was thus
created: the lords�f higher rent pressurised the tenants (1) to cut costs and
enter the local markets in pursuit of customers, and (2) to increase the
productivity and reduce the wages of the wage labourers. By the time the
landless peasants who had moved to the towns had been metamorphosised
into an army of industrial workers operating the factories, the increases in
agricultural workers�f productivity made it possible to sustain a large and
increasing non-agricultural population.
In summary the above theory suggests that the heavy concentration of
British agricultural land, as well as the centralisation of political power in
London, created a pattern where both lords and their tenants became highly
dependent on market success for their preservation. In France where rents
were nominal and the lords continued to rely on the forced expropriation of
the peasants�f harvest, no such reliance on markets existed. Add to this account
14 INTRODUCTION
the effects of the British domination of the major sea routes and of the rivers
of wealth produced by the African slaves in the Caribbean, and a plausible
explanation of Britain as the birthplace of the first truly market society
emerges. Is it then any wonder why it was in Britain that economics, as a
distinct discipline, took roots?
Such were the historical surges that led to the building of the smokeinfested
industrial cities of Manchester and Birmingham in England and
Glasgow in Scotland. Of course history is far messier and uneven than any
narrative as simplistic as this. The transition from feudalism to capitalism was
nowhere near as seamless as the preceding explanation makes it sound. For a
start, the factories which absorbed the evicted peasants were erected up to a
century after their eviction. What did happen to these people in between?
They starved, they begged, many of them died of unnatural causes (unless
famine counts as natural). Nevertheless the factories did come and slowly, yet
never fully, the newly created working class was let through the gates. Wages
and conditions were worse than any horror movie can conjure up; yet the
industrial society had emerged.
Business ethics
Robert Heilbroner quotes in his book The Worldly Philosophers an
article in The Lion circa 1828. The article was about Robert Blincoe,
one of eighty pauper children sent off to a factory in Lowdham.
Productivity was kept up by continually whipping, day and night, 10-
year-old boys and girls. At another factory where they were taken
later, they had to wrestle with pigs over scarce food. Sexual abuse and
physical violence was also part of the menu. Robert Blincoe would
spend the winters almost naked and had his teeth filed down. Although
this was the exception rather than the rule, a fourteen hour day for 8 to
10 year olds was standard.
With its emergence, a fundamental shift of power occurred. The centre of
gravity of economic power started shifting away from those who had political
power.the aristocracy, the landlords, the bishops. Whereas once upon a time
all power was simultaneously political and economic (as it emanated
exclusively from land-ownership), capitalism changed all that. Economic
power gradually visited the merchants, and later those who ran factories;
people of a relatively low social status who hitherto enjoyed little, if any,
political power. People whom the king and his lords looked down upon with
disgust seeing in them �emen without breeding�f getting wealthy through the
indulgence in the unworthy pursuits of competition and profit making.
Perhaps what fuelled the aristocrats�f ire most was the fact that these unworthy
profiteers were making a great deal of money. And since money could buy
INTRODUCTION 15
power, the aristocracy�fs political power was being usurped by the independent
rise of economic, capitalist, power.
The rise of economic power as a force separate from political power had a
profound effect not only on the aristocracy and the common folk but on the
intellectuals who felt the pinch as well. For the first time, their traditional
analysis of social phenomena (based on treatises about political power, e.g.
of what the king�fs men were doing or trying to do) was useless. They had
not a clue why the tranquillity of rural life had been interrupted so abruptly,
why whole communities had been destroyed, where the factory and its
discontents had come from. The reason why they could not understand any
of this was because it was due to a new kind of gale, sweeping everything in
its wake, never encountered before in the history of humanity. Yet the need
to explain it was extremely urgent: society was undergoing a series of violent
spasms. People demanded to know why. They wanted to grasp why
countless former peasants were starving through no fault of their own, why
factory workers were being worked into the ground, why people with
nowhere to turn to for help desperately tried to sell everything ranging from
sexual favours to their labour power. They wanted to understand just in case
they could come up with a cure. Bishops, princes and well-meaning
philanthropists despaired. The first two because they had lost their
influence, the latter because of their helplessness in the face of the spiralling
human misery.
Perhaps the most intriguing aspect of these developments to those who
were trying to understand them was that no one could be blamed
seriously. A hypothetical opinion poll during the eighteenth century would
most certainly return the people�fs verdict: �eWe do not want change. We do
not want the industrial revolution.�f It was not even as if the king or some
other person had decided on changes that led to vast dislocation and
suffering. Indeed the king was as surprised and horrified by the changes as
the next man or woman. The change in the distribution of economic
power meant that some low �ecaste�f people could now afford to raise an
army against those, like the royals, holding political power. (And some did
with the result that quite a few royal heads were separated from royal
shoulders!) No one could point the finger at anyone. History moved in
unpredictable ways impervious to the wishes of rulers and subjects alike. It
was as if there were hidden, dark forces behind people�fs backs changing
life as it was hitherto known. Some other explanation became painfully
necessary: economic theory.
16 INTRODUCTION
Examples of unintended consequences
Negative consequences: you are at a concert. Everyone wants to have
a better view of the stage. So everyone stands up. The result is that
each has the same view as before only they are less comfortable.
Positive consequences: the heads of the Mafia vie for control of the
organisation, each wanting to gain full control. However, a likely (and
certainly unintended) result of these intentions is that the aspiring
Godfathers wipe each other out.
Adam Smith hoped that capitalism (and the free market) would foster a
variety of positive social effects which, nevertheless, would be
unintended by capitalists.
Adam Smith (1723.90) was the first to satisfy this need at a grand scale. A
Professor of Moral Philosophy at the University of Glasgow, Smith looked
outside his window and instead of seeing the gloom, wickedness, misery and
smoke from the factory chimneys that everyone else could see, he saw the
makings of a brave new world. Being a philosopher, he was aware of an
interesting tension between people�fs intentions and the result of these
intentions when people are allowed to act on them. To offer a silly, yet useful,
example, suppose a group of lazy farmers are told that there is a pot of gold
somewhere in the valley on which their land lies. Overcome by gold fever
they maniacally, day and night, dig the land. Of course they find nothing since
the rumour was untrue. But at the end of the day, because all the soil has been
dug up and thus revitalised, the productivity of their farms increased
dramatically and they all become much better off than before. This is an
example of unintended consequences, of the tension between what people intend
and what happens as a result of these intentions.
How is this example related to Adam Smith�fs optimistic vision of a brave
new world? We have to start from the worries that were dominating public
debate at the time. Following the breakdown of central authority and the
demise of the unity of political and economic power, people were asking: given
that the king�fs government and his lords have lost control, who is in charge?
The following two questions sum up their anxiety:
1 With no central control, how can we be sure that society will be in a
position to produce the commodities that it needs rather than overproducing
unnecessary things and under-producing essential stuff?
INTRODUCTION 17
2 With no political control of the economy, how can we know that misery
will not grow to such an extent that society will disintegrate and be
reduced to skirmishes between different interest groups fighting each
other for supremacy? Smith�fs answers to both questions are based on two
ideas: the first was that the logic of the shopkeeper had become
widespread amongst entrepreneurs. The second was the idea of
unintended consequences above. Consider some useful good such as
shoes and imagine that there are many shoemakers and countless buyers.
How will it be possible, without anyone instructing the producers as to
how many pairs of shoes to make, that the quantity of shoes produced
(i.e. supply) will equal the number of pairs that consumers want to buy
(i.e. demand)? Surely only by a fluke will the two quantities coincide. Not
so, argued Smith. Even if no one does the coordination, provided we let
consumers and producers act on their intentions, the two quantities will
automatically become equal.
Adam Smith on trade and virtue
Man has almost constant occasion for the help of his brethren, and
it is in vain for him to expect it from their benevolence only. He will
be more likely to prevail if he can interest their self-love in his
favour, and shew them that it is for their own advantage to do for
him what he requires of them.
On the merchant
By pursuing his own interest he frequently promotes that of the
society more effectually when he really intends to promote it. I
have never known much good done by those who affected to trade
for the public good.
Adam Smith, The Wealth of Nations, 1776
What are the consumers�f intentions? To buy a certain quantity of shoes at the
lowest possible price. And of producers? To sell a certain quantity at the
maximum price. That�fs all. Neither side is interested in the least in whether
supply and demand will be coordinated nicely. Yet, Smith contented, if we let
them act on their intentions coordination will be automatic. How? If more
shoes are produced than are needed, there will be many unsold pairs. How
can the sellers get rid of them? Simply by reducing the price. And if fewer
shoes are produced than are needed, there will be empty shelves and
customers will be out-bidding each other for the few available pairs. Thus the
price of shoes will rise. It is the fluctuations of price that will do the job of
18 INTRODUCTION
coordination. Provided that consumers limit their purchases and producers
increase their output when prices rise, the price of shoes will fluctuate
automatically until the number of pairs produced exactly equals the number
of pairs customers want to purchase. In the end price will find a level at which
supply will equal demand. Thus question (1) has been answered.
The gist of this answer is that even though no one tried to coordinate the
demand and the supply of shoes, or indeed of other commodities, the market
will act to ensure that the exact quantity of each good produced will equal the
quantity required by consumers. The beauty of this result is that no one
intends it! Just like the farmers in the silly example above, none of whom
intended to increase the productivity of the soil when they dug it up (even
though they all benefited from it in the end), no consumer or producer ever
intended to help the market equilibrate demand and supply. It just happened
once they were allowed to follow their intentions and, in spite of their
intentions, they all benefit since there is neither a shortage nor a glut of shoes.
The answer to question (2) is even more of a gem. Smith recognised that
the prerequisite for a successful industrial society is the proliferation of
commodities. When he looked around him and saw great poverty, he resisted
a moralist�fs stance (i.e. to pray for the redemption of the soul of the poor,
wishing them luck in the next life) and adopted instead a practical perspective.
These people needed more commodities: more food, clothes and shelter. And
if society is to be harmonious it must provide more of these to the masses. A
pretty level-headed moral philosopher!
His notion of unintended consequences was utilised once more. To those
who pointed out that the nouveau riche, the merchant and capitalist class,
did not give a damn about the good of society, Smith�fs attitude was that of a
pragmatist: granted that they are not the kind of person I would want my
children to befriend, these entrepreneurs, guided as they are by greed, will
end up making a contribution totally at odds with their intentions. They
intend to knife each other in the back for private gain but in the end, and
totally against their intentions, they will end up contributing to the public
good; just like the farmers who, in the selfish pursuit of the pot of gold,
ended up helping the whole community by, unintentionally, fertilising the
land.
Of course Smith could not support his view that competition and
profiteering was the best way of serving the Common Interest without
redefining it. Thus while others were speaking of the importance of solidarity,
of bonds between people and families, of tranquillity and stability (all
shattered by the coming of the industrial age), for Smith the public good
meant only one thing: more commodities at lower prices (so that the masses
could eventually afford them). This explains why, in his eyes, the contribution
of the individually untrustworthy entrepreneurs was pivotal: they were the
new messiahs because of their role in mechanising society; of introducing more
and more machinery (i.e. capital) in the production process so that we can
INTRODUCTION 19
Adam Smith�fs audacious idea
Smith�fs central idea that we shall all benefit by competing against each
other without any concern about our neighbour (except for what we
can get from them and how we can appeal to their �eself-love�f in order
to gain personally), was and remains controversial (it was described
by American philosopher Richard Rorty as �estrange�f and �edangerous�f).
Yet it is a measure of this idea�fs power that it has become a dominant
ideological creed from Anglo-America to Japan and, more recently,
fromBudapesttoVladivostock.
collectively, as a community, produce more for less. Why on earth would the
entrepreneurs do this? The point is, again, that they would not be aiming to
do it. Instead all they would be looking after is their own hip pocket.their
profit. However, the prerequisite for this unintentional convergence of the
capitalists�f and merchants�f interest and the good of society is that there are
many of them and that they are at each other�fs throats; that is, what we
euphemistically call competition.
Trade keeps prices low and even: an example from a
POW camp
While in captivity during the Second World War, R.A.Radford
studied the economic activities of his fellow prisoners. In an article
published by Economica in 1945, he explains how prisoners
exchanged the various articles sent to them by the Red Cross.
Initially each section established its own prices expressed in
cigarettes. However, some prisoners recognised the possibility of
improving their material situation in the camp by buying in one
section and selling in the other. For example, the price of tea in the
English section was at first higher than that of coffee (reflecting the
preferences of the prisoners). However, after some entrepreneurial
Englishmen discovered that they could buy tea cheaply in the
French section and then resell it in the English section, prices in the
two sections eventually equalised. Moreover, with quite a few
prisoners acting as merchants, in the end there was no significant
profit to be made from trading: competition had pushed prices to
the lowest possible level.
20 INTRODUCTION
The virtue of competition according to Smith is that, as the Australians like
to say, �eit keeps the bastards honest�f. In effect it ensures that no one can sell
anything for more than it is truly worth. If one tries to, then there will be
countless others prepared to undercut the asked price. Eventually prices will
tend to hover just above costs and as a result no one will be able to make a
profit just by trading. This should, according to Smith�fs logic, help capitalists
focus their mind on how to create profit. The first thing they will think of is
how to squeeze more for less out of their workers. Well, provided they all
squeeze more or less the same, no one will be in a position to make money
just by pushing hourly wages down to its lowest level. Smith presumed that
the wages have a lower limit and if employers try to push them further
down, workers will simply quit (or starve to death) .the so-called subsistence
wage.
Once they realise that they must be more ingenious than that if they are
to profit significantly, they will see that the best way of undercutting their
competitors without losing money is if they can automate the production
process so as to need fewer labour hours per unit of output. That is, if they
mechanise or, equivalently, if they introduce more capital in their operation.
Suppose they are successful. Immediately they will wrestle market share
from the competition (since they will be able to charge less than the others)
and profit greatly. However, before long others will follow their lead and
also invest in more machines. In the end, all firms (at least those that
survive) will use more machines and no one will have an advantage. Indeed
competition between them will see prices drop further. In the end no one
will be making any significant profit and the only beneficiary is society at
large since more commodities will be produced (due to the greater
automation of production) and prices will have fallen. To use a popular
phrase, private vices (i.e. the profit motive of capitalists) will have given rise
to public virtue (i.e. the proliferation of cheaper commodities which are
essential for combating need).
In conclusion, the optimism of Smith about the emerging industrial
capitalism of his time boils down to his view of competition as the lever by
which society harnesses the selfishness of industrial and merchant capital and
transforms it, against the intentions of the capitalists, into economic growth
and prosperity for the many. The engine which is to pull society forward and
away from misery and need is the urge to accumulate capital (or
mechanisation/automation). When a firm orders a new piece of machinery
from another firm, it passes on to the latter a part of its previous profits. That
money is used to hire previously unemployed workers to produce this piece of
capital equipment. In the meantime, they receive a wage which they spend on
other commodities. So the profits of the first firm, instead of being spent on a
holiday by the entrepreneur, is channelled into the economy. Not only does it
help buy a piece of machinery that will help mechanise society and thus boost
its capacity to produce needed commodities, but also it ends up in the pockets
INTRODUCTION 21
of workers who then pass it on (e.g. at the supermarket) to other producers. It
is like an endless chain reaction that keeps the home fires burning.
No wonder Smith was optimistic about capitalism. For if the above vision
was correct, then society would resemble an escalator which constantly moves
upwards. Some social classes will be higher up but all will be moving in the
right direction. The motor of the escalator being capital accumulation (or, in
everyday parlance, investment in machines), it is clearly essential that it is kept
going. And the motor power which can alone keep it going is competition.
Any slackening in the war between capitalists and the urge to amass capital
(i.e. to invest) will be dampened with horrific consequences: the escalator will
stall and may well start going backwards.
But as long as it keeps going, society can look forward to prosperity and, one
hopes, harmony. The last point depends on the thought that as capital
accumulation and economic growth gather pace, the inequalities between the
classes will shrink; people from different backgrounds will start moving closer
together on the ever rising escalator. The reason why this may happen is that
whereas purchasing power will be improving (recall the proliferation of
commodities at ever decreasing prices), the profit of capitalists will always remain
minuscule due to competition. Consequently the scissors between employers and
employees will be closing steadily. In the long run capitalists would never make
much money in spite of their great interest in doing so; a desire that is most
successful in promoting the public good provided it remains unfulfilled.
Those who heard Smith�fs theories and read his 1776 book, the
celebrated An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations, must
have been reassured. There was some order to be discerned in the chaos
around them. And it was not so bad that the new holders of economic
power (i.e. the capitalists and merchants) may have seemed too crass and
greedy. If their greed is self-defeating and in the end contributes to the
good of society, so be it. The whole vision seemed like a product of divine
providence. Here is a bunch of selfish people who act on their own interest
and yet forces behind their backs contrive the best and most noble of all
possible social worlds. It is as if an invisible hand forces on those who act
shamelessly a collective outcome fit for saints. Not surprisingly, Adam
Smith became a celebrity in his time. He had offered, in true twentiethcentury
Hollywood style, a nice story with a great twist and a happy
ending. It was popular.
The problem with feel-good theories is that when the good feeling gives its
place to discontent some impertinent soul will emerge with a repudiation of
the theory, or even worse with an alternative theory. No theory can defy
history. In the case of British capitalism economic growth nose-dived soon
22 INTRODUCTION
after Smith�fs death when Britain got involved in continental conflict leading
to the Napoleonic Wars. One of the immediate repercussions of these wars
was the slowing of trade owing to the naval stand-off between the
combatants. In particular the discontinuation of corn imports into Britain
inflated food prices and gave rise to more rather than less hunger. Smith�fs
escalator initially stalled and then started going into reverse wrecking the
prospects of harmony promised by Smith. As working-class families were
forced to pay more for less food, a vociferous minority of landowners
insisted that no corn should be imported after the war�fs end for the simple
reason that their wealth increased in direct proportion to the misery of the
majority (in short, the shortages of corn inflated its price and, subsequently,
their bank accounts).
Excited by all this, David Ricardo (1772.1823) sat down and tried to reexamine
Adam Smith�fs narrative. His answer came in the form of a bestselling
book, published in 1817, entitled Principles of Political Economy. Was
Smith justified to place so much trust in the power of competition? Would
capital accumulation do the trick? Ricardo concluded that, though Smith
was right that long-run capital accumulation (i.e. mechanisation/automation)
was society�fs only hope, competition would not necessarily bring it about.
The reason is that there are some factos of production (or resources) which
are limited in volume (e.g. fertile land). As production and income rises,
demand for these scarce resources escalates but, unlike other commodities
(e.g. bread or guns), their supply does not respond to this increase in
demand. Those who happen, by some historical accident, to own them will
receive more and more money with every increase in the demand for
commodities requiring the employment of that resource. This gave rise to
Ricardo�fs idea of economic rent.
Economic rent
A farmer is willing to produce wheat at $10 per ton. If the market price
is less than $10, she would switch to some other productive activity
(e.g. would grow strawberries or turn the farm into a theme park).
Suppose now that demand is high and the price of wheat rises to $15.
For every ton produced she is receiving $5 more than is necessary to
keep her in wheat production. This difference was termed by Ricardo
economic rent.
For Ricardo, rent was a payment to some supplier over and above what is
necessary to keep the supplies coming. From the point of view of a society
which needs to invest every spare penny into more machines (recall
Smith�fs point about the escalator running on capital accumulation), such
INTRODUCTION 23
payments, or rents, were a waste. Smith and Ricardo agreed on that. However,
whereas Smith was confident that competition will make rents vanish (as
sellers would cut prices to the bare minimum in order to compete with each
other), Ricardo feared that the opposite is true. His experience with
landowners trying to ban corn imports in order to boost their rents (at the
expense of capitalists, workers and economic growth) taught him that it was
unwise to assume that rents would simply wither away as a result of
competition. His reason for thinking this was that landlords did not compete
against anyone. Take for example the owner of an office block in central
London. Who is the owner competing against when the demand for office
space is high during an economic boom (e.g. the late 1980s)? As space in
central London is more or less fixed, an economic boom is guaranteed to
boost the landowner�fs income by virtue of the location of the building.
Ricardo considered this and saw a chink in Smith�fs theoretical armour: here is
a great pool of income (i.e. rent) which is neither a reward for mechanising
society nor for anything else which is likely to enhance society�fs capacity to
produce and, additionally, which is bound to increase (as opposed to decline)
when the economy grows and competition amongst all other (capitalist)
producers hots up.
This last point worried Ricardo immensely. Unlike industrialists who
must invest whatever profit they make back into capital equipment (if they
are to survive the competitive jungle), these rentiers (i.e. the recipients of
rents) do not have to invest at all; after all they own the limited supply of
this increasingly valuable resource and they do not have to compete with
anyone (since no one else can produce more of that resource). Thus they can
spend their rent on holidays or simply put it in a vault and, in this way, stay
well out of what Smith considered to be the miracle of capital accumulation
Economic rent as a brake to growth
According to Adam Smith, competition ensures that most profits are
invested into better machinery (and thus future productivity). However,
Ricardo pointed out that competition does not help convert economic
rents into more investment in machinery. The reason is that, unlike
industrial profit, economic rents are not a reward for entrepreneurship
and greater productivity. Instead they are a payment to those people
who, as a result of good fortune, happened to have inherited
ownership of productive resources (e.g. land) in short supply. These
people can enjoy their rents without ever having to invest (unlike
capitalists fearful of competition). Thus a society in which economic
rent is a large portion of overall income is one which will grow slower
and therefore be more prone to stagnation.
24 INTRODUCTION
which is driven by competition and reinvestment. For Ricardo, the money
that rentiers �esmuggled�f out of the cycle of �eproduction �¨ profit �¨
reinvestment �¨ greater-production �¨ �c�f resembled lost socio-economic
energy; energy that was drained out of the economic system and retarded
capital accumulation. It is as if some people on Smith�fs escalator had found a
way to drain its motor of energy in order to propel themselves further up.
The only problem was that, if they were successful in doing this, they would
cause the escalator to stall.
Intellectual integrity and economic theory
Although (I still insist) history and ideology are the twin masters of
economics (and therefore of economists), this does not mean that
economic theory has always reflected the self interest of those who
devised it. For instance, David Ricardo was a major landowner and
stood to benefit a great deal from the policies that he fought against in
the House of Commons (a seat that he actually purchased!). His friend
and theoretical adversary, Thomas Malthus (1766.1834), wrote the
following on this subject:
It is somewhat singular that Mr. Ricardo, a considerable receiver
of rents, should have so much underrated their national
importance; while I, who have never received, nor expect to
receive any, shall probably be accused of overrating their
importance. Our different situations and opinions may serve at
least to shew our mutual sincerity, and afford a strong
presumption, that to whatever bias our minds may have been
subjected in the doctrines we have laid down, it has not been
that, against which perhaps it is most difficult to guard, the
insensible bias of situation and interest.
Quoted in Robert Heilbroner, The Worldly Philosophers, 1953
Another thinker belonging to this category is Friedrich Engels
(1820. 95), Karl Marx�fs life-long friend and collaborator. Although
born into a capital-owning family (he was himself the owner of a
factory in Manchester), he spent most of his life championing the
right, and obligation, of workers to acquire the ownership of
factories by force.
In summary, it is not difficult to see how historical events at the beginning of
the nineteenth century produced a fledgling theory of economic recessions.
Ricardo�fs dislike for the stance of landowners, and their demand that food
INTRODUCTION 25
imports are banned so that they can profit, caused him to re-think the
dominant economic theory at the time. Startlingly Ricardo was himself the
owner of much land and the recipient of significant rents (see box on p. 24).
Nevertheless intellectually, ideologically and politically he identified with
industrialists whom he, just like Smith, saw as the usherers of progress. He
detested the flow from higher rents for land to increased food prices to higher
wages (so that workers could buy enough food to avoid collapsing of
malnutrition on the job), on to lower profits and thus lower capital
accumulation. Therefore his theoretical intervention can be understood in
terms of his assessment of new historical data and his ideological position (i.e.
proindustrial capital).
Marx on the centrality of wage labour under capitalism
Labour not only produces commodities. It also produces itself and
the worker as a commodity, and indeed in the same proportion as
it produces commodities in general.
Karl Marx, Economic and Philosophical Manuscripts, 1844
Perhaps it is not unreasonable to generalise that all major economic
insights where produced in the same way: based on a combination of
history and ideology. We just saw how the Napoleonic Wars and an
ideological commitment to capitalism influenced Ricardo to turn against
his social class and to compose theories which dispute Adam Smith�fs
optimism about capitalism. Another example can be seen in the economic
works of Karl Marx (1818.83). Like Ricardo, he did not think that
competition guaranteed a growing economy. Moreover, and again like
Ricardo, he felt that inequality would deepen and social conflict would
intensify. But unlike the political environment in which Ricardo had
developed his ideas, when Marx was shaping his economic theory the
conflict between landlords�f rents and capitalists�f profit had dissipated
substantially (indeed rent, as a proportion of total income, had ceased to
grow). In Marx�fs case another conflict and another sympathy marked his
thinking. It was the clash between capital and labour (culminating in the
Europe-wide revolutions of 1848) and Marx�fs identification with the lowest
of the low: the workers for whom Ricardo had little interest focused as he
was on the conflict between landlords and capitalists. Writing at a time of
wild fluctuations in the fortunes of capitalism, and in an attempt to explain
26 INTRODUCTION
these fluctuations (as well as the ensuing social conflict between workers
and capital), Marx asked a simple question: what is it that gives value to
commodities?
His answer, influenced crucially by Smith and Ricardo, was that the
value of a commodity reflects the amount of human labour that is needed for its
production. (Note how his ideological commitment to the workers caused
him to be extremely receptive to this theory linking economic value to
human labour.) So automation (i.e. capital accumulation) reduces a
commodity�fs value because it reduces the amount of human labour (both
current and previous) that has been �ecrystallised�f in the commodity. Then
he asked: where do profits come from? He agreed with Smith that they
cannot come simply from buying cheaply and selling expensively since
competition would force all prices down to a minimum level that would
reflect the commoditity�fs value. And if no one can sell anything above its
value, no one can profit from just buying and selling. Marx�fs answer was
that profits were made not at the point of selling but at the point of
production. More precisely, they were due to the difference between the
value of labour as a commodity and the value that workers put inside
commodities. Let us define these two different values carefully: (1) the
value of a worker�fs labour as a commodity; that is, the value of labour time
(or power) and (2) the value of the commodity that the worker�fs labour has
produced; that is the value of labour:
1 The value of labour time (or power) Labour time (or labour power) is traded
as a commodity between employers and workers in the so-called labour
market and fetches a price (i.e. the wage) reflecting the demand for and
Marx on the employer-employee relation
The possessor of money has paid for a day�fs worth of labour;
hence the use of a whole day�fs labour belongs to him during that
day. The circumstance that it costs only a half day�fs labour to get a
day�fs labour power�cthat therefore the value created by its use
during one day is twice as much as its own value of that day.this
is a piece of luck for the buyer, but no injustice at all to the seller.
Karl Marx, Capital, volume 1, 1867
Thus, contrary to popular opinion, Marx did not blame the capitalists
for the ills of capitalism. His critique focused on the �einternal
contradictions�f, or, as we would say today, the irrationality of a system
in which the workers�f labour is not rewarded as such but instead
workers are paid a wage in return for their labour time.
INTRODUCTION 27
supply of workers�f time. Thus the wage corresponds to the value of
labour time. But what is this value? Take for example an industrial
worker, say Bill. What is the (economic) value of Bill�fs time? Recall
Marx�fs definition of the value of any commodity: it equals the labour that
has gone into its production. What has gone into the production of Bill�fs
�elabour time�f? All the commodities which are necessary for the
continuation of Bill�fs life (i.e. food, shelter, etc.), answers Marx. The ones
that are necessary so that he can report to work every morning ready for
a full day�fs work. The total value of these commodities (equal to the
human labour expended, by other workers, to produce them) determines
the value of Bill�fs labour time.
2 The value of labour During the process of production Bill puts his own
work into commodities (so to speak) and thus lends them value (recall
Marx�fs definition of a commodity�fs value as being proportional to the
work effort expended in its production). Thus the value of Bill�fs labour
corresponds to the value of the commodities he produces.
Marx pointed out that (1) and (2) above are different; that there is no
reason at all why the total amount of work other workers have done in
order to �ere-produce�f Bill as a worker (by creating the commodities which
are necessary for Bill�fs re-production) must be the same as the total
amount of Bill�fs work in the factory. Indeed Bill�fs employer would have no
reason to employ him unless the work Bill put in was greater than the
work other workers have put into �ekeeping�f Bill (which Bill �epurchases�f
with the wage his employer pays him). And this is the rub: The difference
between (2) and (1) above is retained by the employer and is the source of
the employer�fs profit. Marx calls this difference surplus value. From this
surplus value, the capitalist pays rent to the landlord, interest to the bank
and keeps the rest as profit.
How can this explain the fluctuations in the fortunes of capitalism?
Suppose, says Marx, that we start with circumstances which would warm
Adam Smith�fs heart; that is, a period of growth spearheaded by capital
accumulation; that is, by capitalists eagerly reinvesting their profit into more
and better machinery. Is it sustainable? Marx looked at this rosy picture of a
growing capitalist economy and saw the seeds of an imminent economic
crisis. As production becomes mechanised, each unit of output encompasses
less and less human labour. And since it is the latter that determines the
values of commodities, it is a matter of time before values are reduced,
prices decline and thus profit plummets. Some firms, the more vulnerable
ones, will go under causing a negative chain reaction: the first workers who
lose their jobs will cut down on their purchases and this will reduce the
profit of some other firms further which will then fire more workers and so
on until the economy stagnates and huge queues of unemployed workers
28 INTRODUCTION
gather outside the gates of under-utilised (or, even worse, closed) factories
desperately seeking jobs.
At some point, the recession will be so deep that those firms which have
survived will start doing rather well. The reason is that, with many of their
competitors out of the market, they will be enjoying a much bigger share of the
market. Even if the pie has shrunk there will be far fewer firms competing for
pieces of it and therefore those still left in the game will get their hands on a
larger piece of the (albeit shrinking) pie. Additionally, a recession reduces firms�f
cost by creating a large pool of idle capital and labour whose prices drop below
its values. In plain language, during a recession surviving firms can purchase
raw materials, computer equipment, machinery, etc. for a song. As for workers,
desperate as they are for work they will labour for lower wages and, even if they
receive the same wage as before, they will be working twice as hard fearing that,
at the employer�fs whim, they may join the scrapheap of wasted humans who are
knocking pathetically on the factory�fs gates. It is not at all surprising, in this
theoretical context, that in Marx�fs eyes economic recessions are to capitalism
what hell is to Christianty: indispensable.
However, unlike hell, an economic recession is not permanent. In an
attempt to shore up their market dominance, surviving firms start expanding
in the middle of the recession. As they expand (e.g. by employing more
workers) they start another chain reaction, this time a positive one, which
boosts output, employment and eventually capital accumulation. The
economy thus exits the recession and enters a period of growth. But as
before, this upturn contains the seeds of the next recession. And so on.
Marx went on to predict that every recession revitalises capitalism as it
plays a culling role which helps the fitter companies survive at the expense
of the fragile; a process that, many years after Marx, the Austrian
economist Joseph Schumpeter (see p. 190) described as the process of
�ecreative destruction�f. However, Marx believed that with every recession
that passes the poverty and inequality left behind would worsen. And
every new period of growth will be less likely to undo the social and
economic damage caused by the previous recession. In time, capitalism will
exhaust its capacity to innovate and to utilise resources (especially human
resources) with any semblance of efficiency. The answer to this senseless
cycle, Marx argues, is to devise a more rational economic system than
capitalism: socialism. For this revolutionary thinker, capitalism is not
�ewrong�f because it is unfair; it is unfair because it is irrational and
fundamentally wasteful.
This is not a book on the history of economic thought. The point in skimming
through the surface of the simultaneous development of capitalism and of
INTRODUCTION 29
economic ideas about capitalism is to give the reader a feeling for the
precariousness of economic theory. Unlike physics, it is not simply a response
to the need to know how an objective reality �eout there�f works. Unlike nature
which conveniently stays at an arm�fs length from our theories, society is less
accommodating: our theories about society are so bound up with society itself
that it is radically harder for a social scientist to create enough distance
between her and the object of her study than it is for a natural scientist. The
result is that economics is partly science and partly ideology. Which part is
greater is also a source of contention amongst economists!
Can economics be a science?
Most economists answer with a resounding �eYes�f. They distinguish
between two types of economics: positive and normative. Positive
economics is proclaimed as the scientific study of how things are, of
how particular economic systems work. Normative economics is
about how we would like things to be, of which type of system we
favour. (Textbooks make this distinction and then concentrate on
positive economics. Indeed a famous textbook by Richard Lipsey is
entitled Positive Economics.) The idea is that we keep positive
economics free of ideology, ethical judgments, political passions, etc.
and, once we have a clear picture of what is feasible, we can then
let the passions in to decide what is desirable (that is, move on to
normative economics).
Others (including me) disagree. They point out that the positivenormative
distinction is impossible to hold on to. For example, they
suggest that behind every piece of �epositive economic thinking�f lies
an ideological position. Even worse, and unlike in physics or
chemistry, there can be no ideology-free economic facts. Take
inflation, that is, the rate of increase in prices: which prices do we
measure? Do we look at the price of a Rolls-Royce, of a bus ticket or
a combination of the two? And if we choose the latter, how much
emphasis should be given to the price of the Rolls relatively to bus
fares when calculating the average change in the cost of transport?
In other words, every measure of inflation hides a political decision
as to which group of people matter more (e.g. the rich or the poor).
And to try to pretend that economics is an objective study of the
possible (as opposed to the desirable) is a political attempt to
present certain politically loaded views as objective and thus
superior.
30 INTRODUCTION
Regardless of all this, economic textbooks seem strictly un-ideological. Yet
every economic theory is based on some ideological or political prejudice. We
saw how Adam Smith created a theory consistent with his commitment to free
trade and the historical events of the eighteenth century which were marked
by the rise of market societies out of feudal societies with markets. Smith takes
the logic of the 1770s tenant (who rents land from the lord and hires wage
labour), of the merchant, of the butcher and assumes that theirs is the logic of
rational men (note that the rationality of women was hotly disputed on sexist
philosophical grounds during that time) at all times and in all places. He
forgets that this logic is also a product of history; that it did not exist until the
tenant, the smith, the butcher and the worker were all forced by historical
change to enter the competitive market and to develop a specifically marketoriented
mentality. Adam Smith�fs ideological identification with this mentality
spawned a particular view of human nature and of the type of social
organisation (i.e. free market capitalism) which can serve it best. However
impressed one is by Smith�fs vision, it is unwise to interpret it as an objective,
scientific, unideological model of the social world.
David Ricardo�fs theory was also a product of his ideology and of the
period during which he thought and wrote. It was utterly in tune not only
with Ricardo�fs dislike for rentiers (i.e. landowners, like himself, who creamed
off the benefits from capital accumulation without contributing anything to it)
but also with the historical developments of his time (i.e. the Napoleonic Wars
and the subsequent political tussle against protectionist landowners). Finally,
Karl Marx�fs model of capitalism reflected not only his solidarity with the
working class against its exploiters but also the history of recessions and
revolutions during the period when he was writing.
Since then ideology and history have continued to spawn contradictory
economic perspectives like those (to mention a few who probably mean
nothing to you at the moment) of Rosa Luxemburg, Joseph Schumpeter, John
Maynard Keynes, Friedrich von Hayek, Paul Sweezy, John Kenneth Galbraith,
Joan Robinson, Milton Friedman and Robert Lucas. The reason why they
disagree violently amongst them is not that some are more intelligent than
others. Rather it is because their starting ideological position was different and
because they did not have a shared history.
Imagine that you are the first ever Professor of Economics in some prestigious
European university towards the end of the nineteenth century. After your
first lecture you enter the Common Room where all the professors meet at teatime.
You sit around the table unobtrusively listening to the various
INTRODUCTION 31
conversations. The Professor of Physics is going on about the latest advances
in thermodynamics and the exciting possibility of understanding the universe
in a non-Newtonian manner. The Professor of Biology predicts that
Darwinian theories will eventually focus on the evolution not of whole
animals but of genes and perhaps of smaller entities which make up genes.
Meanwhile the Professors of Philosophy, Law and Linguistics are immersed in
witty exchanges on the nature of language. At some point, they notice your
presence and interrupt their discussions. One of them shatters the awkward
silence by asking: �eTell us old boy, what is this economics science of yours? Is
it worth the candle?�f
What do you say? Do you give them a spiel on how when the demand for
shoes exceeds the supply of shoes, shoes will appreciate in price? Or do you
tell them about Adam Smith�fs escalator? Or David Ricardo�fs dislike of
landowners? It is embarrassing, isn�ft it? I suspect that in that position you
would have a great urge to convince these snobs that your discipline is as
scientific and respectable as theirs. Regardless of whether the first academic
economists actually felt that way, their theoretical endeavours are not
incompatible with such feelings of embarrassment at what is now called
classical political economy, or classical economics (i.e. the work of Adam
Smith, David Ricardo, Karl Marx and others).
Although they recognised the gravity of the main economic ideas in the
classical texts, they thought of them as too bound up with politics, ideology
and guesswork; features which precluded the development of a discipline as
well behaved and professional as, say, physics. In a short space of time,
academic economists like Alfred Marshall (1842.1924) and Leon Walras
(1834.1910) (see box on p. 32) recalibrated economic theory to fit into the
mould of natural science. By the turn of the century economies�f main new
feature was the extensive use of mathematics and the explicit attempt to rid
economics of the politics, the passion and the philosophical wanderings which
people like Smith, Ricardo and Marx had woven into it. Today we refer to the
product of their labours as neoclassical economics. Modern textbooks attempt
to convey competently a synopsis of those neoclassical efforts from the end of
the nineteenth century to date.
Imagine now that it was you who had the job of reworking economic
theory so that it comes to resemble physics rather than politics and
philosophy. How would you go about doing it? Borrowing ideas from physics
on how to construct a distinctly �escientific�f approach would be a good start. At
that time the dominant physics�f model was that of classical mechanics as
conceived by Isaac Newton (1642.1727). To cut a long and glorious story
very short, Newtonian classical mechanics comprised four steps. Starting with
a decision on what the focus of study ought to be (i.e. objects with certain
physical characteristics like mass, location, velocity and so on), physics
founded its great theoretical breakthrough on certain assumptions concerning
the way nature worked (i.e. the Laws of Nature).
32 INTRODUCTION
One of these assumptions is the Principle of Energy Conservation which, stated
simply, suggests that energy is never born out of nothing and equally it never
vanishes (this is why when a car crashes it explodes: kinetic energy does not
evaporate but transforms itself into thermal energy). Notice how, at first, this
is a theoretical proposition, an assumption. For all we know, it could be
wrong. To find out more, physicists traced the repercussions of this
assumption on the behaviour of the things it chose to study.of objects. They
worked out mathematically what type of behaviour is compatible with the
initial assumptions. For example they showed that for energy to be conserved
the acceleration of an object subjected to some force must be a particular
function of its mass and of the magnitude of that force. Finally, the time came
where this whole model can be put to the test. If objects behaved in the
laboratory according to the mathematical rules just derived, then the theory
A founder of neoclassical economics speaks out
As for those economists who do not know any mathematics�c and
yet have taken the stand that mathematics cannot possibly serve
to elucidate economic principles, let them go their way repeating
that �ehuman liberty will never allow itself to be cast into
equations�f or that �emathematics ignores frictions which are
everywhere in social science�f and other equally forceful and
flowery phrases. They can never prevent the theory of the
determination of prices under free competition from becoming a
mathematical theory. Hence, they will always have to face the
alternative either of steering clear of this discipline and
consequently elaborating a theory of applied economics without
recourse to a theory of pure economics or of tackling the
problems of pure economics without the necessary equipment,
thus producing not only very bad pure economics but also very
bad mathematics.
Leon Walras, unpublished correspondence, 1900
And the first Professor of Economics at Cambridge offers
a word of caution
Most economic phenomena �edo not lend themselves easily to
mathematical expression�f. Economists must therefore guard against
�eassigning wrong proportions to economic forces; those elements
being most emphasised which lend themselves most easily to
analytical methods�f.
Alfred Marshall, Principles of Economics, 1891
INTRODUCTION 33
was to be accepted as true. Otherwise back to the drawing board. The
question then becomes: how could we build an economic theory along these
lines?
The structure of explanation in classical mechanics
Step 1 Identify the focus of study
Objects (e.g. atoms, molecules, electrons, a pendulum, etc.)
Step 2 Articulate a grand theoretical assumption
The Principle of Energy Conservation (i.e. energy neither vanishes
into nothing nor is it born from nothing)
Step 3 Describe mathematically the behaviour of our focus of study
consistent with Step 2
Mass=force times acceleration
(i.e. if a force is applied on some object, its acceleration will equal
the ratio of its mass and the magnitude of the force)
Step 4 Observe in the laboratory if actual objects behave
according to Step 3
If yes, accept the assumption in Step 2 and the theory in Step 3.
The structure of explanation in neoclassical economics
Step 1 Identify the focus of study
Decision makers (e.g. individuals, firms, organisations, governments,
etc.)
Step 2 Articulate a grand theoretical assumption
The Principle of Utility Maximisation (i.e. decision makers strive to
satisfy their preferences)
Step 3 Describe mathematically the behaviour of our focus of study
consistent with Step 2
Marginal benefits=Marginal losses
(i.e. agents will do X until the last smidgen of X produces the same
benefits as it does losses)
Step 4 Use statistical methods (i.e. econometrics) to find out if Step 3
is correct
If yes, accept the assumption in Step 2 and the theory in Step 3.
34 INTRODUCTION
1.3.2 The rise of neoclassical economics: utility and the Equi-marginal
Principle
If we were to follow in the footsteps of the physics method above, it is easy to
see what the focus of study would be: just as natural science focuses on atoms,
molecules and objects, the behaviour we will want to explain is that of
individuals, firms and institutions (e.g. universities or government
departments). That was easy. But then comes the difficult step. What
assumption can we make that will be as all-encompassing in economics as
Newton�fs Principle of Energy Conservation proved to be in physics?
Jeremy Bentham on the Utility Principle
Nature has placed mankind under the governance of two masters,
pain and pleasure. It is for them alone to point out what we ought
to do, as well as to determine what we shall do.
Jeremy Bentham, An Introduction to the Principles of Morals and
Legislation, 1789
Imagine that while searching for an appropriate unifying principle for our new
�esocial physics�f, you stumbled on the quotation in the box. Notice how human
motivation is reduced to a single dimension: positive energy (i.e. pleasure) or
negative energy (i.e. pain=negative pleasure) with the former attracting and
the latter repelling.pretty much like electricity. Well, is this not the basis for
an ultra-simple, let us call it, Principle of Human Choice? Something like this:
�eDo what gives you pleasure and avoid painful experiences.�f If all experiences
can be reduced to this uni-dimensional common currency by which all sorts of
different experiences can be measured, then we can just argue that people
always strive for more of this currency. Borrowing the term �eutility�f from
Jeremy Bentham you could then, at last, announce to the world your
assumption: the Principle of Utility Maximisation.
What does this principle say? It states that people do what makes them
happy and avoid doing unpleasant things; nothing spectacular but a start
nevertheless. How can we take this further? Recalling that physicists moved
from their assumption to a mathematical proposition on how nature works,
our task is clear: we need a mathematical formulation of how human nature
works in economic settings. A good strategy for making theoretical progress is
through the resolution of paradoxes. Consider this paradox: if we value
experiences or things, commodities, etc. because they give us pleasure, then
why is it that, in contradistinction to all the rubbish we spend our money on
usually, we are not prepared to pay a penny for the one �ething�f which gives us
INTRODUCTION 35
most pleasure: the air we breathe? Surely without it we are dead and one
presumes that death will lose us many units of �eutility�f.
Here is our first opportunity to create a logical/mathematical proposition
stemming out of our Principle of Utility Maximisation: suppose we were to
conclude that our propensity to pay for X depends not on the total amount of
utility from having a quantity of X but, instead, on the increase in our utility
following the acquisition of a little more X. This is simpler than it sounds. It
states that even though the utility (or pleasure) we get from the surrounding
air is enormous, if someone were to offer us a bit more air (in, say, some
cylinder) we would have no use for it. Thus because the addition to our utility
from a bit more air is zero (i.e. we have enough air as it is), we are not
prepared to pay anything for this extra quantity of air. Perhaps unwittingly we
have hit on our first mathematical principle: the economic value of X depends
on the rate of change in our utility from X (and not from the total utility we
enjoy).
To enhance the generality of this principle, suppose the question is: when
should we stop �eacting�f (e.g. jogging, drinking, consuming, producing, singing
or whatever it is we do)? The answer is, When the last thing we did (e.g. the last
step we took, the last house we viewed while house-hunting or the last banana
we ate) gave us as much utility as the utility that it cost us (e.g. the pain from the last
step, the cost of viewing that last house in terms of both money and extra
fatigue, the cost of that banana). In the language of rates of change, We should
stop �eacting�f when the rate of change in utility equals the rate of change in dis-utility (or
losses/cost). If we replace the unwieldy �erate of change�f with the term
�emarginal�f, our grand theory can be expressed simply by the following dictum:
Stop �eacting�f when your marginal benefits from the �eactivity�f equals your
marginal costs. From now on this will be known as the Equi-marginal Principle; a
principle at the heart of neoclassical economics .which is also known, for
obvious reasons, as marginalist economics.
To sum up, Step 2 of the new social physics (see box on p. 33) comprises
the Principle of Utility Maximisation which yields a simple mathematical relation
in Step 3.the Equi-marginal Principle. Finally Step 4 involves the conjuring of
statistical tests whose purpose is to emulate the physicist�fs laboratory and
provide empirical proof of the theory�fs validity.
36 INTRODUCTION
Alfred Marshall tries to steer a course between physics
and history by turning to biology
Although the commitment of the first professional academic economists
to a kind of social physics is indisputable, the first economics professor
at Cambridge, Alfred Marshall, had his doubts about the wisdom of
trying to model economics on physics. He thought that economics
should aim at explanations somewhere in between, on the one hand,
objective physics and, on the other, subjective historical studies. Indeed
he thought that biology offers a good model for economics since
economists, like biologists, try to understand the growth and
development of �eorganisations�f (e.g. markets and companies seen as
complex organisms). What impressed him most about biology was its
view of the evolution of the individual and the group (or species) in
response to changing conditions.
1.3.3 The imperialism of neoclassical (or marginalist) economics
Section 1.3.2 described how the Equi-marginal Principle purports to have the
answer to all sorts of decisions economic and non-economic alike. It is easy to
see why economists were overwhelmed by this approach. Not only did it
promise to explain everything (i.e. all types of behaviour) but it did so in a
fashion compatible with the scientific principles of Newtonian physics. At long
last, a chance to be recognised as �escientists�f rather than as story-tellers. Once
economics came under the spell of this approach (some time towards the end
of the nineteenth century), it developed two tendencies. The first was to kill
off the approach developed by the classical economists (e.g. Smith, Ricardo
and Marx). The second was to start spreading into the other social sciences.
The first tendency (its disdain of classical economics) was responsible for a
dramatic change of focus. Whereas the classics, starting with Adam Smith,
were concerned with the big issues like capital accumulation, income
distribution among the various social classes (i.e. capitalists, landowners,
workers), the dynamics of capitalism (e.g. the succession of recessions and
upturns), neoclassical economics changed all this. The reason is evident: with
an exclusive focus on individuals, social classes ceased to exist in the eye of
the theorist. People were simply distinguished along the lines of how much
utility they ended up with and, thus, the concept of a capitalist or a worker
was lost: everyone became an entrepreneur, a seller, a consumer. Each
maximised utility the best they could. The only difference concerned what
they sold (i.e. commodities or labour); a difference which is not significant
enough to justify preserving social class as an analytical category.
INTRODUCTION 37
Similarly, capital (whose accumulation was so central to the classical
economists theories) also vanished from view. Whereas capital to the classics
meant machines capable of physical production, in neoclassical theory the
only thing that mattered was the production of utility. As long as utility was
produced, it did not matter how it was produced: by a commodity
manufactured in a factory brimming with technology or by a comedian who
makes people laugh. In other words, the special place that machines had in
Adam Smith�fs (but also Ricardo�fs and Marx�fs) theory is nowhere to be seen in
neoclassical economics.
To summarise the first tendency of neoclassical (or marginalist) economics,
its effect was to blur the concepts used by classical economists; to change the
focus away from the big issues such as capital accumulation, income
distribution, cycles and recessions etc. and redirect it to preference-driven
individual behaviour. The result of this tendency was to turn economics from
a grand, albeit speculative, narrative on the march of capitalism, to a
professionalised attempt at creating a universal behavioural science (or social
physics). Whereas the classical economists talked of growth and recession,
income inequality and the economic role of the social classes, the neoclassical
economist seemed happier to spend hours scrutinising smallscale phenomena
(e.g. the fluctuations in the price of tea) and was, in general, content to trust
that the market would take care of the big issues (e.g. growth and
unemployment).
Economic expansionism
Gary Becker (b. 1930), a Nobel Prize winner in economics, wrote in
his 1976 book The Economic Approach to Human Behavior: �eI have
come to the position that the economic approach is a comprehensive
one that is applicable to all human behavior, be it behavior involving
prices or imputed shadow prices.�f He reports that he �eapplied the
economic approach to fertility, education, the uses of time, crime,
marriage, social interaction�f. His critics acknowledge that such an
application is straightforward. What they do doubt is whether it is
interesting, let alone desirable.
Turning to its second tendency, neoclassical economics expanded its territory
into the rest of the social sciences. It was inevitable. Since the Equimarginal
Principle is meant as a general theory of rational behaviour, it was only a matter
of time before some economist would claim that this economic approach has
the key to all sorts of problems: from why political parties change their policy
positions (they keep changing it as long as their marginal gains measured in
votes equal their marginal losses) to why people marry (because the cost of
38 INTRODUCTION
considering another potential partner exceeds the expected benefits from doing
so), it now seems that there is a single, simple principle which answers all
questions concerning human behaviour. What a grand (or should I say
grandiose?) claim!
Finally, history itself was not immune to the attentions of economists
equipped with the Equi-marginal Principle. For if the latter was the kernel of all
social truth, then why not use it to rethink history (e.g. reassess the historical
ground covered earlier in Section 1.2.1). Indeed some influential economic
historians rewrote the history of slavery, of feudalism and of the transition to
capitalism utilising the method of neoclassical economics. For them, my claim
at the outset of this chapter (namely that economics was useless prior to the
emergence of market societies) must be false. Their point would be that if
neoclassical economics can explain how past (pre-market) societies functioned
and even changed (by utilising the Equi-marginal Principle) then it must have
been quite useful (if not utterly desirable and, therefore, imaginably possible)
back then. Are they right? Decide for yourself. Make sure however that you
note one pivotal aspect of this argument: it presupposes that people behave
according to exactly the same principles whether they live in a market society
like today�fs or in a society which gives them no access to markets whatsoever
(e.g. the slaves of ancient Egypt) or in largely non-market societies which do
feature some marginal, epidermic market transactions. In a sense it assumes
that there is no profound difference between societies with markets and
market societies, thus making it possible to apply the same analysis to all types
of societies at all times. This assumption, regardless of whether right or
wrong, is quite revealing of what can be, not unfairly, termed the imperialism
of neoclassical economics.
1.3.4 Economics and textbooks
The standard economics textbook is decidedly neoclassical (or marginalist). It
explains the behaviour of consumers and firms, governments and trade
unions, central banks and lazy bums by applying the same Equi-marginal
Principle. This does not mean that all economists agree with the neoclassical
turn. Indeed a large number do not. Some of the dissenters rely on the
method of the classical economists, others espouse different perspectives (e.g.
the so-called institutionalists who place a great deal of emphasis on the
evolution of institutions in society). Since the emergence of neoclassical theory,
its popularity has fluctuated depending on the two masters of economics:
history and ideology. Given its natural tendency to look at the small picture
while implicitly trusting the market to sort out the larger picture (or the
macro-economy as it is called), neoclassical economics gains brownie points in
periods of low unemployment and relative stability. But in periods when the
market clearly fails to deliver the goods at a large scale (e.g. the late 1920s,
INTRODUCTION 39
1930s and, increasingly, in the 1990s.at least in Europe, Canada and
Australia), it becomes more vulnerable to alternative approaches. It was
precisely during one of these periods (the 1930s) that economists like John
Maynard Keynes removed economics from the neoclassical terrain and
reinstated concepts and techniques dating back to classical economics; e.g. an
interest in what happens when the economy is out of balance, a conviction
that economies can remain imbalanced for long periods of time, the concept of
an aggregate (or economy-wide) demand for commodities, involuntary
unemployment, the emphasis on capital accumulation and the distribution of
income in society.
In short, the fate of the neoclassical approach varies both with historical
transformations and with the current ideological climate: the better disposed
the world is towards free-market ideology the more revered the neoclassical
approach. Nevertheless the profession as a whole, for better or for worse, has
accepted that the first two years of undergraduate courses must be primarily
neoclassical in content. The only difference between universities is the degree
of enthusiasm or reluctance with which this is accepted. So, here you are: at
the beginning of a perilous journey through the maze of economic models in
your textbook. What can this little book do for you?
Two things, I hope. First, it reviews and highlights the central (neoclassical)
economic concepts in economics textbooks. Without going over everything in
detail, it focuses on those ideas which, if you understand well, will help you
sail through the rest. Second, it returns some control back to the student of
introductory economics. The point here is that your textbook looks very
impressive and authoritative. Its glossy pages triumphantly announce the
scientific answers to all sorts of economic problems. Indeed you will be
excused if you feel overawed by this display of intellectual power. Economics
will seem much bigger than you! However, on every glossy page, behind each
pristine diagram, lies some fragile, and often dark, idea which is kept well
hidden from the beginner�fs eye. Some of my colleagues think that you are not
sophisticated enough to handle its fragility or darkness. I think they are
wrong. For if you are allowed to discover the dark and problematic stuff which
lie behind the colourful curves, you will perhaps experience a sense of victory
over the beast; feel like a kind of David who has the measure of this Goliath.
Why should people study economics?
One popular answer is that it helps graduates get a job. Another is
that it promises to help understand how society works. However, the
best reason for studying economics which I can think of was given by
Joan Robinson (Professor of Economics at Cambridge University in the
1960s and 1970s), �eThe purpose of studying economics is to learn
how not to be deceived by economists�f (Basel Lecture, 1969).
40 INTRODUCTION
This, I trust, will help you regain the control mentioned above. Who knows?
You may even become fascinated with the subtext of economics. I suggest
there is no better way of doing well in a subject than by becoming fascinated
with it.
Summarising the main objective of the following chapters, economic ideas
are playthings of history and ideology. Economic textbooks try to protect you
from all this by filtering out all the ideology and by concentrating on the
techniques. The price of this is that only a single version of the truth comes
through. You are then asked to learn it. This book aims at putting you back in
the driving seat from where you will choose which is the truth about the
various economic concepts. To help you separate knowledge from ignorance
for yourself, there is an urgent need to keep into perspective the ideology and
history underpinning every economic theory. Part 1 begins with the economic
theory of rational choices which lies at the heart of the economists�f theory of
behaviour. Like all the three parts that follow, its first chapter dispassionately
reviews the material that you will find in any decent neoclassical textbook, its
second chapter explains where the textbook�fs ideas came from (something that
textbooks avoid doing) and the third chapter subjects these ideas to passionate
criticism.
2.1 The model of rational decisions
2.1.1 Instrumental rationality and the concept of equilibrium
Crazy people are a problem for the economist because their choices are mostly
unpredictable. The same applies to unintelligent as well as to forgetful people.
They often make choices which they regret and, therefore, choices they would
happily reverse later given the chance. Thus they could act differently under
precisely the same circumstances; a nightmare for someone (an economist?)
who tries to devise a theory of choice.
It is therefore understandable why economists concentrate on what they
call rational behaviour. Unlike psychologists who relish irrationality,
inconsistency, phobias and other such manifestations of the complexity of the
human condition, economists are eager to develop a model of rational women
and men who act in their own best interest consistently. Not only does this
dispense with the impossible task of building a rational theory of silly or mad
choices (an obvious contradiction!) but also it precludes paternalistic
conclusions (e.g. the theorist telling the individual: �eYou wanted X when you
should have wanted Y�f).
Of course economists recognise that people can and often do make
mistakes which they regret later. Yet they would claim that, as a working
assumption, it makes good sense to assume that people are the best judges of
what is good for them and that, as a large group of people, society is best
modelled in terms of a collection of individuals who act rationally (that is,
their mistakes cancel out in the long run).
44 CONSUMPTION CHOICES
Economics and the logic of shopkeeping
People who live and work outside a market understand the meaning of
the word �ereasonable�f differently to those whose survival depends on
succeeding in some market. The latter identify �ereasonable�f or �erational�f
with �eprofitable�f or �eeffective�f. The former (e.g. volunteers helping in a
famine situation in Africa, school teachers, jobless single mothers, etc.)
would probably come up with other synonyms to �ereasonable�f or
�erational�f; for example, with �eresponsible�f, �eappropriate�f, �eintelligent�f,
�esympathetic�f, etc. Ever since most people (peasants, workers and
bosses) were forced to enter some market (recall Chapter 1), the logic
of the market has dominated all other types of logic. Economics, itself a
product of the emergence of market society, assumes all people in all
places and at all times to be �ereasonable�f in the manner of Adam
Smith�fs brewer, baker and butcher. The logic of Homo economicus is
the logic of the shopkeeper.
Instrumental rationality defined
A person is instrumentally rational if she applies her resources
efficiently in order to satisfy her preferences.
This assumption translates into a very simple notion of rationality: to be
rational is to know how to use one�fs means in order to achieve one�fs ends. In
other words, your rationality is an instrument which you apply in order to get
what you want. And you are as rational as you are skilful in getting what you
want by using whatever means at your disposal. In this sense the rational
consumer is the one who gets the most satisfaction out of a given budget. On
the other hand, you are deemed as less than rational if you have wasted
opportunities to extract as much satisfaction as possible given your budget and
the prices you have to pay. For example, if at the supermarket you can get
more satisfaction at the end of the day not by spending more money but
rather only by a mere rethink of what you put in the shopping trolley, then
you are judged to be rational if you end up choosing the best possible
combination of goodies.
Of course there is a catch. Even though it is true that simple solutions have
a natural elegance about them, the economist�fs commitment to a simple
theory in which the consumer always knows best (what is good for her) comes
with a price: if for instance I start bashing my head against the wall
maniacally, while simultaneously maintaining that this is what is good for me,
you have no grounds for disputing this. Since rationality is defined here to be
TEXTBOOKS ON CONSUMER AND CHOICE THEORY 45
a mere instrument for satisfying the preferences, it cannot be used in order to
assess them.
Nevertheless instrumental rationality is a founding assumption of
mainstream (i.e. neoclassical) economics. Its central merit is that, in the hands
of skilful economists, it can become the core of a complete theory of equilibrium
in society. What is an equilibrium? A natural state of rest towards which a
�ebody�f or �esystem�f tends. For instance, a rock tumbling down a hill is tending
towards an equilibrium state. It will get to that equilibrium when it reaches a
plain and comes to a standstill. This metaphor has always excited economists
from Adam Smith onwards: the idea of an economic situation (or state) from
which society does not have an incentive to move until disturbed. Just like the
physicist who can describe fully the movement of the falling rock by reference
to its tending toward a position of rest (that is, an equilibrium), economists
became excited by the idea of describing changing prices, production, etc. in
terms of a theory of how society is tending towards some economic
equilibrium.
To see how instrumental rationality can help them forge that idea of an economic
equilibrium, consider the following game that you may play with a group of
friends: ask them to guess one number between 1 and 100. The one who is
closest to one-half of the largest number chosen by anyone in the group wins a
prize. So, if your six friends have chosen 50, 80, 40, 60, 30 and 100
respectively, then the one who chose 50 wins since the maximum is 100 and
half of it is 50. Which number would you choose if you were asked to play
this game and the prize were substantial, say $1000? The answer is that it
depends on what you think the largest number chosen in the group will be.
But then again, that (largest) number is also chosen by someone who is trying
to guess the largest number exactly as you are. This is where instrumental
rationality comes in and helps economists create an equilibrium theory of what
will happen.
Clearly, everyone in your group will want to win the $ 1000 prize.this
objective is given. If they are all instrumentally rational, each will try to
imagine what the largest choice of someone else will be and will then select
half that number (thus if you think the largest choice will be 80, you will
choose 40). But if everyone is thinking like this (and is aware that this is
how everyone else thinks), each will be constantly revising down their
estimates of the largest number. Thus, eventually, people will select zero.
This is the equilibrium of this game: each player selects zero which is
equivalent to the rock coming to a stop when it reaches the plains and runs
out of momentum.
Of course for this equilibrium to be reached not only must each player be
instrumentally rational but also everyone must know that everyone else is
thinking in the same way. You could be, for instance, fully instrumentally
rational but not trust that everyone else is. Indeed you may think that
some fool in your group will, without thinking of the rules of the game,
46 CONSUMPTION CHOICES
select 100 simply because it is a round, big number. Then your best
selection is 50, not zero. This is why economists have a more difficult job
than physicists; unlike falling rocks and magnetic fields which have no
thoughts to influence their behaviour, people�fs actions are determined
totally by mental processes.
However, economists hope that experience irons these problems out and
the theoretical equilibrium triumphs in the end. For example if our game is
repeated, the person who chose 100 will immediately realise that it was a
mistake to choose such a high number since no selection above 50 makes
sense (recall that the prize is won by the person who selected a number half
the magnitude of the largest; and since the largest possible number is 100,
why choose a number above 50?). Thus the next time she plays this game, she
will choose 50 at most. But then if 50 is the largest number chosen, she will
again not win because the prize will go to the one who chose 25 (half the
maximum) or some number close to 25. So, the third time someone plays this
game, she will choose at most 25. And so on until, after a few rounds, all
choices will tend to zero: the equilibrium choice to which instrumentally rational
people will tend (even if they actually never reach it exactly).
This simple example illustrates the manner in which economists use the
assumption that people are efficient (or learn to become efficient) in pursuing
their objectives (that is, they are, or become, instrumentally rational) in order
to create a theory of how groups of people behave and how that aggregate
behaviour of groups can be understood in terms of some equilibrium towards
which they are tending. In our little game your friends, motivated by the
desire to win the prize, and assisted by their capacity to reason, will select
increasingly smaller numbers. It is as if they are drawn to the equilibrium
choice (zero). Similarly in markets: sellers and buyers alter their behaviour
(e.g. produce more, buy less, etc.) in pursuit of greater utility or, equivalently,
profit, and in so doing the prices and quantities of goods tend towards a
market equilibrium. When the market arrives at that equilibrium, just like the
tumbling rock at its position of rest, prices and quantities will stop changing
and the market will stabilise.
In conclusion, economists believe that, unlike the natural world in which it
is gravity and other laws of nature that cause equilibrium, in society it is the
individuals�f rationality that does the same trick. Neoclassical economists
define rationality instrumentally (i.e. your rationality as an instrument for
satisfying given objectives) and model the human decision maker as a creature
who maximises utility.
2.1.2 Utility and the Equi-marginal Principle
Granted that rational people strive to satisfy their preferences the best way
they can, how can we develop a precise theory of their behaviour? The
TEXTBOOKS ON CONSUMER AND CHOICE THEORY 47
answer was foreshadowed in Section 1.3.2: if you act in order to satisfy your
preferences, each time you succeed in doing so, it is as if your well-being
improves. Alternatively we could say that you got more satisfaction or,
equivalently, that you derived more �eutility�f.
Now, what is this �eutility�f? One way of conceptualising it is to think that
different experiences (e.g. consumption of commodities, enjoyment of a
service, a piece of music, or even a toothache) give us different degrees of
satisfaction, or utility. If utility is something we experience more of when our
preferences are satisfied (and less of when they are thwarted), then suddenly
we have a mathematical representation of instrumental rationality: to be
instrumentally rational is to maximise one�fs utility.
However, economists these days are not too keen on this idea of utility as
some inner psychological glow which we wish to get more of. They think that
it trivialises their model of human nature and opens them up to many
unnecessary criticisms (e.g. the criticism that they assume individuals as
hedonic creatures incapable of appreciating the higher things in life). So
instead of conceptualising utility as micro-joules of inner radiance, they ask us
to think of it in terms of a catalogue of experiences or things we want, listed in
order of preference with the most desirable outcome at the top and the most
loathed one at the bottom. In this context, humans are assumed to want to
move as high up towards the top of the list as they can. The higher they are
on that list, the larger their utility (or satisfaction) index (notice that according
to this interpretation nothing is said about warm feelings in the person�fs soul).
Instrumental rationality then means that each will try to climb as high up, to
achieve the greatest utility index; it becomes synonymous with utility
maximisation.
Nevertheless and regardless of whether we think of utility as inner radiance
or as an index of preference satisfaction, the calculus of choice remains the
same: as explained briefly in Section 1.3.2, the concept of utility leads to a
single unshakeable conclusion: those who always prefer more to less utility
shall stop acting when the rate of change in utility equals the rate of change in
dis-utility (i.e. the rate of utility losses). To demonstrate this, consider the
following example.
Imagine you have to choose between different quantities of some
�eexperience�f. The more you choose the more the utility that you derive.
Unfortunately, each unit of this �eexperience�f comes at a cost. Assume that the
data in Table 2.1a describe your situation accurately. How much is enough?
To motivate the question better, suppose that the �eexperience�f in question is
jogging. Then the problem reduces to how many kilometres between 1 and 7
you want to run. The �eprice�f in this example is, not surprisingly, fatigue or
pure muscular pain. You enjoy running in the park (witness the increasing
utility from running) but the more you run the greater the accumulation of
fatigue. Provided of course that the units of dis-utility (i.e. fatigue)
are the same as the units of utility (i.e. pleasure), it is natural to presume that
48 CONSUMPTION CHOICES
you will choose a distance that will maximise your overall pleasure (that is,
pleasure minus pain).
Before moving on, it is helpful to ponder the shape of the utility function in
Figure 2.1a: why does utility start falling after a while? The only explanation
in this context is that after the fifth kilometre you are starting to get bored. In
other words, even if you were experiencing no fatigue at all, you would still
stop after the first five kilometres. In general, economists seem to believe that
the utility from an �eexperience�f rises more slowly the more of it we have
already had (e.g. the first glass of water when you are thirsty is always more
enjoyable than the second even if you are thirsty enough to want a second
glass.) Eventually we do not want more of that experience (e.g. we had
enough of water) and then we stop. To demonstrate this thought better, it
Table 2.1a Utility and dis-utility
Figure 2.1a Utility and dis-utility
TEXTBOOKS ON CONSUMER AND CHOICE THEORY 49
helps to derive from Table 2.1a another table (Table 2.1b) depicting the changes
in utility and dis-utility. We call the change in utility marginal utility; that is, utility
at the margin.
In general, economists refer to the change in X as the marginal X.
whatever X may be (i.e. utility, cost, revenue, etc.) Thus the change in utility
due to the last unit of our �eexperience�f is called marginal utility. For example,
the second kilometre you ran would increase your utility by 8 units from 10 to
18. However the sixth kilometre would reduce your utility (through boredom)
by 1 unit and the seventh by an extra 3; we say that the marginal utility from
the second, sixth and seventh kilometres is 8, .1 and .3 respectively.
Immediately we see that people who prefer more rather than less utility will
certainly stop doing something (e.g. running, eating, resting, working) when
the marginal utility becomes zero or, worse, when it becomes negative. Of
course they may stop earlier if utility comes at a price. In the case of our
jogging example, this �eprice�f is fatigue: every kilometre you run adds two units
of tiredness to your overall level of fatigue. Which is the same as saying that
Table 2.1b The calculus of pleasure
Figure 2.1b The calculus of pleasure
50 CONSUMPTION CHOICES
your marginal dis-utility is 2 units regardless of how much you have run
already. (Perhaps it would have been more realistic if the marginal dis-utility
was also variable: e.g. the more you have run already, the greater the pain
from that extra kilometre.)
Assuming that you want to maximise net utility (that is, utility minus
fatigue), when do you stop? Do you stop after 1 km? Looking at Table 2.1b,
we see that the second kilometre would contribute more to your utility (an
extra 10 units) than to your fatigue/dis-utility (an extra 2 units). Thus you
should run for at least 2 km. Should you run the third kilometre? Even
though the extra utility you get from the third kilometre (8 units) is less than
the utility from the second (which was 10), it is still more than the extra
fatigue (2 units). Again you should go ahead. When should you stop? Clearly,
when there is a danger that the extra kilometre will add more to your fatigue
than to your utility. This will happen during the fifth kilometre which, clearly,
you should not embark on.
The Equi-marginal Principle
Stop acting when the marginal utility (i.e. the contribution to utility from
the last unit of activity) comes as close to (without being less than) the
marginal dis-utility (i.e. the losses of utility following that last unit of
activity).
In the language of marginal utilities, you should stop when marginal utility from
the next kilometre that you will run threatens to be lower than the equivalent
marginal dis-utility. Or, put simply, stop at about the quantity which equalises
marginal utility to marginal dis-utility: the Equi-marginal Principle. (In our
example, this principle advises you to stop jogging after 4 km.)
From Instrumental Rationality to the Equi-marginal
Principle
According to instrumental rationality, the rational person chooses the
quantity which best satisfies her preferences all things considered (e.g.
cost, fatigue, etc). If preferences are translated into utility, to be
instrumentally rational is to maximise utility subject to various
constraints (e.g. fatigue, cost, etc.). And since utility is maximised when
the Equi-marginal Principle is satisfied, the instrumentally rational
person must always respect this principle.
TEXTBOOKS ON CONSUMER AND CHOICE THEORY 51
Notice how the Equi-marginal Principle is no more than a truth of geometry: net
utility is indeed maximised when marginal utility and marginal dis-utility are
as close as possible. In Table 2.1b net utility reaches its maximum (17 units) at
a distance of 4 kilometres at which marginal utility (3 units) is nearest to
marginal dis-utility (2 units).
Of course this is not just a model of how to choose your optimal jogging
distance. It applies generally to any situation in which you have to choose
between different quantities of a single �eexperience�f. For instance, imagine that
in order to quell your hunger you are picking berries while walking in the
fields. At first you are really hungry and thus the first couple of berries prove
highly satisfactory (Table 2.1a could apply here just as well). However, the
more berries you pick the less �eutility�f you get from the next one. Assuming
that there is some fatigue involved in picking berries (let us say that it is fixed.
as marginal dis-utility is in Table 2.1b), at some point you will come across a
berry that will not be worth picking (in the context of Table 2.1a this will be
the fifth berry).
Silly as it may sound, this is an economic proto.theory: a joint theory of
production (picking berries) and consumption (eating them). Moving from this
simplistic level to a more complex theory which involves money and other
people is, for neoclassical economists, straightforward. To see how this
transition to the market is accomplished, imagine for a moment that you are
desperately thirsty and you are choosing how many glasses of orange juice
you want to buy. Then the utility column could signify the amount of money
you would be prepared to pay for the different quantities of juice. The fact
that marginal utility is high for a single glass means that at the outset you are
so thirsty that you would be prepared to pay up to $10 for the first glass
(consult the marginal utility column of Table 2.1b).
However, once you have drunk the first glass, the second glass is worth less
to you (i.e. $8 as you are less thirsty than before) and the third glass is worth
even less ($4). Indeed after the fifth glass you are fed up with orange juice.
you would not want to touch it even if it were free! (Actually the fact that
marginal utility is negative means that you would need to be paid before you
agreed to drink an extra glass.)
So, we see that if orange juice were free you would drink five glasses and
then stop. But what if it cost $2 per glass? Then you would consume only four
glasses. The reason is simple: how much money would you be prepared to
pay for the fifth glass? Answer from Table 2.1b:50 cents. Well, would it not be
silly to then pay the $2 price? By contrast the fourth glass was a bargain (so to
speak): you were willing to pay up to $3 for it when it sells for $2. Of course
your best choice (of four glasses) does not exactly equalise marginal benefits
and marginal losses (or marginal utility and marginal dis-utility). The reason
is that you are not allowed to buy fractions of glasses. If you were allowed to
pay by the gulp, then you would keep drinking until the last gulp made you as
happy as it detracted from your happiness (due to its cost). Similarly in the
52 CONSUMPTION CHOICES
jogging example, if you could choose to stop your run anywhere you wanted,
you would choose to run more than 4 km but less than 5 km. Then the
marginal utility would be exactly equal to marginal dis-utility.
Figure 2.2 offers a diagrammatic illustration of the Equi-marginal Principle in
cases where you are allowed to choose fractions of units (i.e. you are not
constrained to choose discrete quantities). Additionally it offers a general
example by dropping the assumption of constant marginal dis-utility (notice
how dis-utility rises faster the greater the quantity already experienced).
Marginal utility (or dis-utility) being the rate of change in utility (or dis-utility)
at different quantities, it can be defined geometrically as the slope of the utility
(or dis-utility) curve. The second diagram traces the levels of marginal utility
and dis-utility for different quantities.
It is easy to see that for quantities less than q�f, it makes sense to choose a
greater quantity as utility rises faster than dis-utility (that is, marginal utility
exceeds marginal dis-utility or, equivalently, the slope of the utility curve
exceeds the slope of the dis-utility curve). Similarly, any quantity above q�f
represents a bad decision: notice that at q > q�f utility increases more slowly
than dis-utility and thus the last unit chosen must have added more to pain
than to pleasure (i.e. it would not have been chosen by a rational person).
Lastly, observe the best choice which, quite naturally, corresponds to the
Equi-marginal Principle: it is none other than quantity q�f at which the distance
between the two curves (utility and dis-utility) is maximum.that is, net utility
is maximum. Notice also that at that point the slope of the two curves is the
Figure 2.2 The geometry of the Equi-marginal Principle
TEXTBOOKS ON CONSUMER AND CHOICE THEORY 53
same. This is no accident: the vertical distance between two curves is greatest
when their slope is equalised. Alternatively expressed, this means that at q�f
marginal utility (the slope, or rate of change, of utility) equals marginal disutility
(the slope, or rate of change, of dis-utility). This is no more than a
diagrammatic restatement of the Equi-marginal Principle demonstrating once
more that net utility is maximised when marginal benefits equal marginal
losses.
Question: Why do economics like to assume diminishing
marginal utility?
Answer: The reason is that otherwise instrumentally
rational people may start looking rather foolish!
Example: Suppose that the quantity in question is not glasses of orange
juice but shots of whisky. Then it is possible to envision increasing
marginal utility; that is, the more shots you already had, the happier
the next shot will make you. In this case (as in all cases of increasing
marginal utility), check for yourself that the Equi-marginal Principle
recommends that you never stop drinking! In the end, either you run
out of money or you will collapse.hardly an intelligent choice.
2.1.3 Consistent preferences as rationality
The Equi-marginal Principle can be extended to the case where a person has to
choose among many different experiences (e.g. commodities at a supermarket,
types of music, running as opposed to playing tennis). Choosing one
combination rather than another can be modelled in much the same way as
above. Again the assumption is that an instrumentally rational person will
always choose the combination of experiences which satisfies her preferences
best (i.e. that maximises her net utility).
However, this time things are a bit more complex. Whereas in the case of a
single experience (or commodity) it was easy to compare one option with
another (e.g. it was not too demanding to ask whether you prefer one or two
glasses of juice), with more than one experience things become trickier.
Consider the case of someone who tells you that, in general, she prefers
Mozart to Beethoven. Later on she lets it be known that if she had a choice
between Beethoven�fs Fifth Symphony and a track by the grunge band
Nirvana, she would much rather listen to Beethoven. Yet she confesses that
when she looks at her Mozart collection and then glances at her Nirvana
album, she ends up in a strange mood and plays the Nirvana CD. The
54 CONSUMPTION CHOICES
question then is: assuming that you want to respect her preferences, what type
of CD should you give her on her birthday?
The problem with your friend�fs preferences is that they are inconsistent:
she prefers Mozart to Beethoven, Beethoven to Nirvana and Nirvana to
Mozart. Do you buy Mozart (since she prefers him to Beethoven)? No, better
buy her a Nirvana record. But does she not prefer Beethoven to Nirvana? Yet
if you settle on Beethoven, why not buy her some Mozart? It turns out that if
you try hard to satisfy the preferences (or maximise the utility) of a person
with preferences of this sort, you will end up like a cat chasing its own tail.
From a theoretical point of view this means that such preferences cannot
produce any clearcut predictions about action (as in our example where it is
impossible to know which particular record this person will buy given the
opportunity to buy only one). Understandably therefore economists assume
that rational people have consistent preferences: that when they prefer A to B
and B to C that they will always also prefer A to C (we call these preferences
transitive; notice that transitivity precludes the cyclical preferences of our
example above).
The above paragraph helps to augment and clarify the definition of
instrumental rationality. Accordingly a rational person satisfies her preferences
efficiently; but in order for us to be able to know how she will act, her
preferences must be consistent: if she prefers A to B she must always prefer A
to B. And, as mentioned above, if she also prefers B to C, she cannot at the
same time prefer C to A. Finally, if her preferences are to guide her choice in
all cases, she must always have one: That is, given two alternative options A
and B she must know whether she prefers A to B, B to A or whether she is
indifferent between the two.put bluntly, she is not allowed to say: �eI am not
sure what I want.�f (Notice that the latter is not the same as saying: �eI am
indifferent between the two.�f)
Now, it is obvious why economists make such demands of people�fs
preferences: the simple reason is that otherwise their model of choice does not
work! Thus it is advisable to lighten up about these requirements. If there are
times when you are at a loss deciding whether you want to go to the theatre as
opposed to going out to a restaurant, it does not mean that there is something
wrong with you. Similarly, if your musical preferences turn out to be
intransitive (i.e. cyclical as in the earlier example with Mozart, Beethoven and
Nirvana), again this may be what makes you an interesting person. The only
problem is that such interesting inconsistencies make the job of the economist
who is trying to predict what you will do very difficult. But then again this is
the economist�fs problem.not yours.
Nevertheless, there are many cases in which consistency matters. The box
gives one example where a rational choice on which matters of life and death
depend must be consistent. Economists make the assumption that all rational
choices must be consistent. Even though, as we have seen, they make this
assumption only because it suits their purposes, it is an appealing assumption
TEXTBOOKS ON CONSUMER AND CHOICE THEORY 55
at least for the purposes of building a theory of rational choices. They would
argue that if a degree of inconsistency makes a person more interesting, that is
fine but not relevant to what they are attempting: they are trying to put
together a model of how rational people act (not of what makes a person
interesting). Let us follow them down this path.
How do we extend the Equi-marginal Principle (that is, the principle which
guides instrumentally rational people) to decisions involving more than one
Instrumental rationality and consistency
Instrumental rationality demands that our choices are consistent with
our preferences. Thus the same preferences must produce the same
actions given the same information. In a study published in 1982 in the
New England Journal of Medicine 247 people were asked the
following hypothetical question: �eWhich lung cancer treatment would
you prefer, surgery or radiation, given the following data?�f
. Surgery: Of 100 people having surgery, 90 live through the postoperative
period, 68 are alive at the end of the first year and 34
are alive at the end of five years.
. Radiation therapy: Of 100 people having radiation therapy, all
live through the treatment, 77 are alive at the end of one year
and 22 are alive at the end of five years.
Of the 247 respondents only 18 per cent preferred radiation
therapy. Then the researchers asked 336 people the same question
only this time the data were presented as follows.
. Surgery: Of 100 people having surgery, 10 die during the postoperative
period, 32 die by the end of the first year and 66 die
by the end of five years.
. Radiation therapy: Of 100 people having radiation therapy,
none dies during treatment, 23 die by the end of one year and
78 die by the end of five years.
This time 44 per cent chose radiation therapy. Since the data are
identical, it seems that the way the data are framed (i.e. in terms of the
survival or the death rate) makes a significant difference. Instrumental
rationality insists (reasonably) that these differences are irrational and
that a rational person should see through mere presentational
differences. Preferences should be consistent regardless of
presentation.
56 CONSUMPTION CHOICES
�eexperience�f (or commodity)? First we must capture the person�fs preferences in
a manner similar to the single-�eexperience�f case of Figures 2.1 and 2.2. Figure
2.3 does this in the case of two �eexperiences�f: X and Y Each point in Figure
2.3 corresponds to some combination of quantities of X and Y at your
disposal. Let us begin with combination A which gives you 1 unit of X and 6
of Y.
Suppose now that you are about to lose 1 unit of Y.I am about to take it
away from you (this would take you in the direction of the downward arrow).
How would you respond if I were to tell you: �eOK, I know I upset you by
reducing your Y from 6 to 5. I am willing to make amends. How much more
of X would you want in order to be compensated for that loss of the 1 unit of
Y?�f You think about it and you reply: �eGive me an extra unit of X and we will
call it quits.�f
From this I surmise that you are indifferent between combinations A and B.
Indeed if you feel compensated (yet not better off) after exchanging 1 unit of
Y for 1 unit of X, then A and B must give you the same amount of utility.
Now take my word that starting with combinations A, E and C I have drawn
the arrows leaving these points such that the downward arrow always
represents a loss of 1 unit of Y whereas the rightward arrow represents the
amount of extra X necessary in order to compensate you in each of these
three cases.
Hence if you are at A, as we have seen already, the loss of 1 unit of Y
requires 1 extra unit of X if you are to be compensated. But when you begin
Figure 2.3 Trade-offs
TEXTBOOKS ON CONSUMER AND CHOICE THEORY 57
with combination C, you grieve the loss of that 1 unit of Y more and thus you
need 2 extra units of X to feel as happy as you did at C. (One plausible reason
for this is that at C you started with less of Y than at A and therefore you
missed that 1 unit more. See if you can link this to the notion of diminishing
marginal utility in Section 2.2.) Finally, when at combination E, it seems you
have quite a lot of Y to begin with (8 units to be precise) and therefore the loss
of 1 unit of Y can be compensated with less than 1 extra unit of X
(diminishing marginal utility again).
So far we know that you are indifferent between A and B, C and D and E
and F. What we do not know is how you rate combinations A, C and E
relative to each other. If you have told me that X and Y are �eexperiences�f (or,
of course, commodities) which you actually like (and, consequently, which
you prefer to have more of), it is clear that you must prefer E to A since
combination E contains more of both X and Y than combination A. So far so
good: we have established that you prefer either E or F to either A or B (since
you are indifferent between A and B as well as between E and F).
Finally, suppose that you tell me the following: �eCome to think of it, I really
do not care whether I have 2 units of X and 7 of Y or 6 units of X and 1 of Y
These two combinations would make me equally happy.�f Well, now you are
telling me a great deal. For it means that you are indifferent between
combinations A and D. But I already know that you are indifferent between A
and B as well as C and D. Clearly, if your preferences are consistent, you
ought not to care as to whether you have access to combinations A, B, C or
D! It is as if they are members of a set of combinations each capable of
making you equally happy; that is, of giving you the same amount of utility.
In Figure 2.4 this set is captured by the downward sloping line to which points
A, B, C and D belong: we call this an indifference curve and it is defined as the
collection of all combinations that generate exactly the same amount of
preference-satisfaction or utility.
To summarise, combinations on a single indifference curve are equally
desirable (e.g. you have already admitted that A, B, C and D appeal equally to
you. And so do E and F). On the other hand, any combination lying above
and to the right of an indifference curve must be more valuable to the person
than any of the combinations of the indifference curve in question. So, for
example, you must prefer E to A, B, C or D since E lies above and to the right
of the indifference curve joining points A, B, C, and D. Let us now see how
Figure 2.4 can help us extend the Equi-marginal Principle to the case of more
than two experiences/commodities.
2.1.4 Extending the Equi-marginal Principle
Suppose you are at combination A. We have established that you would not
mind exchanging 1 unit of Y for 1 of X. Suppose that Y is twice as dear as X;
58 CONSUMPTION CHOICES
that is, the cost per unit (or price) of X relative to that of Y is 0.5. To be more
precise, let me define the relative price of X and Y as the ratio between the
price of X, p
x
, and the price of Y, p
y
. Thus the relative price=p
x
/p
y
. The
question then becomes: Is it instrumentally rational for you to purchase combination A?
The answer is negative. The reason, as we shall see below, is that if you spend
your money on combination A, then you are not satisfying your preferences as
well as you could have.
Consider this: suppose that after having bought 1 unit of X and 6 units of
Y, you were to swap the sixth unit of Y for one unit of X. Would you mind
doing so? Of course not, since effectively you would be going from point A to
point B in Figure 2.4 .that is, you would get the same amount of satisfaction
as before the swap (recall that A and B are on the same indifference curve).
However, this swap would save you money since the unit of X you just
acquired costs half the price of the unit of Y you gave up. Thus starting from
A you can move to B and, while enjoying the same level of utility, save money.
There is only one conclusion: combination A is not a terribly sensible choice
since combination B is equally satisfying but costs less.
In general, notice that the rate at which substituting one unit of Y for
extra units of X leaves you indifferent is given by the ratio dy/dx which
equals the change in Y divided by the small change in X which brought it
about, e.g. at A this ratio is 1/1; at C it is 1/2; at E it is (1/0.5)=2. We call
this the marginal rate of substitution. When this rate is different from the ratio of
prices, this disparity indicates that you have not made the best possible
Figure 2.4 Indifference curves
TEXTBOOKS ON CONSUMER AND CHOICE THEORY 59
choice. In the case of point A, a relative price of 0.5 means that you can do
better for yourself by moving to point B. Similarly, combination E is not a
good idea if the relative price p
x
/p
y
equals 0.5: observe that starting at E, you
would not mind swapping 1 unit of Y for half a unit of X (i.e. moving up to
E). And since X is cheaper than Y, that extra 0.5 unit of X can be purchased
for less than the one unit of Y you are giving up thus saving your money for
the same utility; clearly you ought to abandon E. The question then is: When
is a combination a sensible choice? And the answer: When the marginal rate of
substitution is as close as possible (ideally equal) to the relative price (or the ratio of
prices).
Opportunity cost and the marginal rate of substitution
Economists measure the cost of doing X not in terms of just how much
money X costs but in terms of what you had to give up (other than
money) in order to do X. Thus the opportunity cost of reading this book
includes two things: (1) having to do without the item that you would
have bought had you not purchased this book; (2) the benefit from
doing something other than reading this book now. So, even of you
borrowed this book from the library at no monetary cost, reading it
involved an opportunity cost. This explains one of the most overrated
economic sayings: there is no such thing as a free lunch.
Notice how the marginal rate of substitution measures the
opportunity cost of small amounts of �eexperience�f/commodity Y: it
measures how much you value the loss of a small amount of Y in
terms of extra quantities of X, that is the opportunity cost of that one
unit of Y.
To see why this is so, consider combination C when the relative price px/py
is 0.5. Again Y is twice as dear as X. Yet in this case, you would only be
happy to give up 1 unit of Y if you were compensated by 2 extra units of
X (i.e. going from C to D). However, notice that this would not constitute
a saving: indeed moving from C to D does not make much sense since
these combinations cost the same and are equally satisfying. You might as
well stay with C. Geometrically speaking this is so because the relative
price (i.e. the ratio of prices) is the same as the marginal rate of substitution.
Figures 2.5a, 2.5b and 2.5c illustrate geometrically. Each of the three cases
examines if it makes sense to purchase combination A or not when the relative
price of the two commodities is given by the slope of the straight line going
through points A and D. To see why this line represents the relative price, if
we start at point A it tells us that we can afford to give up AB units of Y (i.e.
the commodity on the vertical axis) for BD extra units of X (the commodity
60 CONSUMPTION CHOICES
on the horizontal axis). This is the same as saying that the price of X relative
to the price of Y is AB/BD. The question then is: given that we can, would we
want to give up AB units of Y for BD extra units of X?
In Case 1 (Figure 2.5a) you would not mind exchanging AB units of Y for
BC units of X since points A and C lie on the same indifference curve. But we
know that, were you to purchase AB less of Y, you could afford to get your
hands on BD extra units of X.which gives you CD units of X more than the
extra X you needed as compensation for the loss of the AB units of Y. Thus
by making the move from point A to point D, you will be spending the same
money for more utility than at A. Combination A cannot be such a good idea
then.
Let us turn to Case 2 in Figure 2.5b. Would you want to be at combination
A? No, because if you can afford point A you can also afford point D which
corresponds to greater utility. To see this, notice that moving from A to D
means forfeiting BA units of X in exchange for DB units of Y. However, the
indifference curve tells us that the loss of BA units of X can be compensated
fully by an extra CB units of Y. But at D you get, not only these CB extra
units of Y, but also an additional CD units of Y; therefore you are overcompensated
for the loss of BA units of A. In summary, you are better off
making the move from A to D.
Finally, we have Case 3 in Figure 2.5c which illustrates an equilibrium
choice; that is, a situation in which you have no reason to move away from
point A. At last we have found one combination of quantities of X and Y
which is OK! What makes it OK? Geometrically speaking, it is the fact that
the indifference curve through point A does not cut across the relative price
Figure 2.5a Not enough X
TEXTBOOKS ON CONSUMER AND CHOICE THEORY 61
line (as it did in Cases 1 and 2) but instead just touches it at point A. In other
words, the indifference curve and the relative price line share a single point, a
point of tangency, at A. This is why A cannot be improved upon without
extra expense: Whereas in Cases 1 and 2 (Figures 2.5a and 2.5b) the
indifference curve through A and the relative price line defined a common
area (see the shaded area in Figures 2.5a and 2.5b) full of points that were
Figure 2.5b Not enough Y
Figure 2.5c Just right
62 CONSUMPTION CHOICES
cheaper than A (as they fell below the price line through A) but also better
than A (since they lay above the indifference curve through A), in Case 3
there is no such common area since A is the only common point between the
two lines. This uniqueness of point A is the reason why it is the best choice.
Put differently, point A (being the point of tangency between the
indifference curve and the relative price line) is characterised by an equality
between the slope of the indifference curve and that of the relative price line.
In economic terms this means that at point A the marginal rate of substitution
equals the ratio of prices. It is when this equality holds, as it does at point A in
Case 3, that the individual has reached her best choice.
The extension of the Equi-marginal Principle is now complete and answers the
question: when is a combination a sensible choice? The answer is: when the marginal
rate of substitution is as close as possible (ideally equal) to the relative price (or the ratio of
prices).
To recap, we have seen how combination A is the ideal choice in Case 3.
By contrast, combination A was not as appealing in Cases 1 and 2. Why? The
answer we discovered was that, in Case 1, at combination A the relevant
indifference curve is steeper than the relative price line. This meant that the
ratio of prices was less than the marginal rate of substitution which meant that
more X and less Y would engender more utility for no extra cost.
Similarly, in Case 2 the indifference curve through A was flatter than the
relative price line (in which case A contains too much X and not enough Y).
But at point A in Case 3 the indifference curve and the relative price line have
exactly the same slope. What is the economic meaning of the slope of the
indifference curve? From Figure 2.2 we know that it is the so-called marginal
rate of substitution. And what is the slope of the relative price line? It is the
relative price (or the ratio of prices) of course! The box on the next page
summarises this extension of the Equi-marginal Principle.
2.1.5 From the Equi-marginal Principle to the theory of consumer
demand
Generating a theory of consumer demand is now a procedural matter. What is
the purpose of the theory of demand? It is to offer a relationship between the
price of a commodity and the quantity of it that a consumer (or many
consumers) will wish to buy. Let M be the total amount of money our
consumer has set aside in order to purchase commodities X and Y. If their
prices per unit are p
x
and p
y
then M=p
x
X + p
y
Y (i.e. her expenditure on
quantity X plus her expenditure on quantity Y must equal M). Rearranging, it
transpires that Y=M/p
y
.(p
x
/p
y
)X. (Notice how the slope of this line is, as was
presumed in Figures 2.5a . c, equal to the relative price.) This equation forms
the straight line AB in Figure 2.6 which contains all the combinations of X
and Y that our consumer can afford: we call this line the consumer�fs budget
TEXTBOOKS ON CONSUMER AND CHOICE THEORY 63
The Equi-marginal Principle extended
When a person chooses between different combinations of quantities
of two experiences/commodities X and Y, the Equi-marginal Principle
suggests that she opts for a combination such that the ratio of the
marginal utilities from Y and the marginal utility from X equals the ratio
of the price of Y and the price of X.
Quick proof: according to the Equi-marginal Principle, the best
choice happens when the marginal rate of substitution equals the ratio
of prices. However, the marginal rate of substitution at any
combination (see Figure 2.4) is no more than the slope of the
indifference curve through that point: dy/dx. At the best choice
available to this person (e.g. point A in Figure 2.5c), dy/dx=py/px.
However, recall that we defined marginal utility from X and Y as the
rate of change in utility, say U, subject to changes in the quantities of X
and Y respectively: dU/dx and dU/dy. Dividing one by the other we
get dU/dx/ dU/dy=dy/dx. Thus the marginal rate of substitution is equal
to the ratio of the marginal utilities and, hence, the Equi-marginal
Principle can be expressed as follows:
When there are more than one experience/commodity to choose
from: choose the combination of quantities that sets the ratio of
marginal utilities equal to the ratio of marginal dis-utilities (or
prices).
Compare this to the situation in Section 2.1.2 in which a person
chooses between different quantities of a single experience/quantity X.
The Equi-marginal Principle when there is only one experience/
commodity X: choose the quantity of X that sets the marginal utility
from X equal to the marginal dis-utility from X (or the price of X).
It is evident that the Principle has not changed significantly when we
moved from one to two experiences/commodities. Indeed it is
applicable regardless of how many different quantities we have to
choose.
64 CONSUMPTION CHOICES
constraint. According to the Equi-marginal Principle developed above, the best
choice on this line is point C.since it is the point of tangency between budget
constraint AB and one of the indifference curves. How much of X does she
want to buy given these prices and available money M? Answer: x units
corresponding to point C of her budget constraint AB.
Suppose now that the price of X declines from p
x
to p�f
x
and then to p?
x
.
This will reduce the slope of the constraint such that it rotates from position
AB to AD and then to AE (corresponding to prices p�f
x
and p?
x
respectively).
Then the best combinations become F and G respectively and the level of
demand for X increases from x to x�f and then to x?. Hence, we end up with
three prices and three levels of demand for X by our consumer. Putting these
combinations together into one diagram (see the lower part of Figure 2.6)
completes our derivation of the demand curve for X.
In conclusion the derivation of demand curves is the result of a simple
application of the Equi-marginal Principle. Once the latter is understood, the
theory of demand follows naturally. Figure 2.6 shows how the demand of one
person is constructed. The next step is to add different people�fs demands for
X to get the overall demand curve for X. If you can add horizontally two or
more curves, this aggregation is straightforward.
Figure 2.6 The birth of a demand curve
TEXTBOOKS ON CONSUMER AND CHOICE THEORY 65
So, what was all this fuss about? Did we need to go through all this in
order to conclude that demand curves are downward sloping and reflect
people�fs preferences (i.e. the location and the slope of indifference curves),
the prices of other commodities (e.g. Y) and how much money the
consumer intends to spend? True, we sort of knew all these things before.
However, what we did not have prior to this analysis is a complete story of
how the attempt to satisfy preferences as best as one�fs resources will allow
culminates into particular decisions (e.g. the decision to purchase x units of
X). Once this model (or story) is in place, all manner of extensions (some
of which we could not have thought of without the above theory) become
possible. The economist�fs justification for having put us through all this is
that, with all these esoteric diagrams behind us, we can now present to the
world a unifying theory of all human behaviour! (Could this be true?
Read on!)
Demand curves: the economist�fs illusory friend
The problem with demand curves is that they are figments of the
economists�f imagination. In reality they are nowhere to be found! This
is why: look again at Figure 2.6 in which we derived the demand for
X. To do this we assumed that the only thing that changes is the price
of X (this is why the budget constraint rotated). All other things must
remain the same (ceteris paribus, i.e. other things being equal, as the
Latins used to say.)
The reason for this assumption is that unless other things (like the
price of Y, money available and preferences) remain the same, we will
not be able to trace the demand for X the way we did. To illustrate this
point, look at what happens to the demand for commodity Y as the
price of X changes: it also changes even though the price of Y remains
fixed. So the only way we could have traced (the way we did) the
demand for X is by assuming everything, with the exception of the
price of X, to remain constant.
Of course in real life, all the �eother things�f have a bad habit of
refusing to remain constant: prices of other goods change, people�fs
income fluctuates and, notoriously, so do their preferences. Thus the
only part of the demand curve of a certain commodity which might be
observed is a single point: the current combination of price and
quantity. The rest of the demand curve is in the economist�fs
imagination.
66 CONSUMPTION CHOICES
2.2 Towards a general theory of choice: the Equi-marginal
Principle becomes ambitious
Having manufactured an explanation of when people stop running, of how
many bananas they buy, of why they may decide to skip a theatrical
performance in order to go to the movies instead�cand so on, neoclassical
economists realised that a grandiose claim was in their reach: their Equimarginal
Principle could be the basis for explaining every human action. As with
all grand theoretical statements, this one required a leap of the imagination
that some were happy to make while others poured scorn over. On the one
hand, such great expectations of theoretical enlightenment stemming from the
Equi-marginal Principle helped economists cultivate an image for economics as
the queen of the social sciences. On the other hand, these very claims also
provided potent ammunition to those who thought of the whole affair as a
farce.
Four examples are given below of how economists attempted to take the
Equi-marginal Principle beyond the mundane (i.e. beyond a theory of how
consumers select the combination of commodities in their shopping trolley).
Each example is followed by brief notes on the type of criticism that such
extensions of the Principle incite.
2.2.1 Gathering information
In our uncertain world of ever-changing prices, images, commodities,
incomes, and even preferences, a theory which assumes that you know
everything you need to know prior to making a choice seems absurd. Yet in
our explorations of the Equi-marginal Principle so far this is precisely what we
were asked to assume: that we know exactly how much utility and dis-utility
(e.g. pain, cost, fatigue, prices, etc.) to anticipate from each available option.
Unless economists can demonstrate that their Principle survives an attack of
uncertainty, that it can still guide us when we are lashed by waves of
ignorance about important aspects of our choice, they will not have convinced
us about their theory�fs generality.
Aware of this task, neoclassical economists tried to respond. And they
responded in a marvellously creative manner: they actually showed that the
best strategy for dealing with uncertainty is to utilise the Equi-marginal Principle
itself. What a master-stroke: in an attempt to convince that the Principle is not
rendered useless in the presence of uncertainty, they turned the criticism on its
head claiming that uncertainty is best dealt with by utilising this very
Principle!
The argument runs like this: when in the clasps of uncertainty, it becomes
hard to know which is the best choice. The more information you can gather,
the higher the quality of your choice; it is as if uncertainty is like a mist
TEXTBOOKS ON CONSUMER AND CHOICE THEORY 67
engulfing you while information helps lift this mist and thus assists you in
seeing more clearly the path ahead. The problem of course is that information
costs. Then the question becomes: how much information should you try to
gather before making a decision?
Not surprisingly, the economist�fs answer is: use the Equi-marginal Principle to
find out how much information is enough (or, equivalently, to decide when to
stop looking). Looking back at the original formulation of the Principle, the
answer must be: stop looking when the marginal utility from looking equals
the marginal dis-utility (or cost) of search.
For example, imagine you have just moved into a new area and that you
are looking for a house to buy. At first you have very little information on
which to base an informed choice. So, you do the obvious: you visit one estate
agent after another and you inspect one house after another. When do you
stop? The problem is that even if you find a house that you really like, there is
always a chance that the next house you will view will be as nice (if not nicer)
and will cost less. But this is recipe for exhaustion, if not for perpetual
indecision. There comes a time when you must decide to stop. (Remember
that a decision to act must be preceded by a decision to stop thinking about
it!) When is it a good idea to stop?
The Equi-marginal Principle suggests that you will stop when the last house
you viewed gave you information whose utility (or value) to you is equal to
the dis-utility of having inspected that house (i.e. the cost of going to see
another house, the inconvenience, as well as all your valuation of your time).
As long as you expect that the utility from the information the next house you
are about to have a look at will exceed the dis-utility from that visit, you
should see the next house. Otherwise stop!
Why do people marry?
According to a Nobel Prize winner in economics, Gary Becker, they
do because they have found some person whom they think of as an
acceptable partner. In other words, they decide to stop looking
because they do not think that continuing the search is worth their
while. The theoretical reason must be, our eminent economist
continues, that they expect the extra utility from seeking more
information (e.g. by going on yet another date) to be no larger than
the dis-utility from that continuing search (e.g. the extra expense,
probability of being disappointed, etc.).
As the philosopher Martin Hollis has commented on this train of
thought, if this is how people look for partners, good luck to them: they
need it quite badly!
68 CONSUMPTION CHOICES
Criticism
The problem with this analysis is that it makes a highly controversial
assumption: That even before viewing the next house on your list, you know
exactly how much utility to expect on average from the information you will get
from this visit. But how can you know this before you see the house? When
do you stop gathering information whose purpose is to help you decide when
you should stop searching?
Critics of this extension of the Principle point out that information is not
like other commodities. With other commodities (like coffee and bananas) you
have a fair idea of how satisfactory an extra quantity of them will turn out to
be. With information, however, things are different. Information is more like
wisdom and less like some commodity: you cannot know its value (not even
have a good estimate of it) until you have it.see the box.
Wisdom and information
Myth has it that a Roman centurion named Tarquinius Superbus was
offered by Sibyl of Cumae the Nine Books containing all human
wisdom. Because of the high price demanded, Tarquinius declined. But
then Sibyl had three of them burnt right in front of his eyes and
proceeded to offer him the remaining volumes for the same price.
Again he refused. She kept up her strategy: another three volumes
were burnt and the remaining three were offered for sale at the
original price. Tarquinius succumbed and paid for the remaining
volumes what Sibyl had initially requested for all nine. Apparently it
turned out to be an excellent buy.
Can you explain his decision? The Equi-marginal Principle cannot!
2.2.2 From demand to supply: time and the supply of savings
Another criticism of the theory which readily comes to mind is that it does not
make allowances for time. Decisions so far have been instantaneous choices
which affect the person immediately and which have no long-term effect. It is
as if time is standing still and, in a single leap, the person jumps on to the
highest level of preference-satisfaction allowed by her resources and
circumstances. Of course reality is not like that. Decisions we make now affect
not only our current self but also our future selves. Time waits for no one and,
even more crucially for the economist�fs neoclassical theory of choice, it makes
decisions which look straightforward in the short run look terribly complex
once the long-term effects are considered. To make this point sharply, imagine
TEXTBOOKS ON CONSUMER AND CHOICE THEORY 69
how the behaviour of people around you would change if it became known
that the world would end tomorrow.
Predictably neoclassical economists claim to have the measure of this
problem. They ask: if one wants to satisfy contemporary preferences but also
cares about future preferences, what is there to stop us from thinking of this as
the larger decision problem of how best to satisfy current and future
preferences? Indeed. Let us see precisely how they attack this larger problem.
Suppose your grandmother gives you $1000 on your birthday. You can go to
the shops and spend it all at once, or you can put it in the bank so that it
accumulates interest, or you can do something in between (e.g. spend $400
now and save the rest).
But why would you ever save money? The answer consistent with our
notion of instrumental rationality is that, in addition to wanting to satisfy your
current preferences, you also predict that you will have preferences next year
in need of satisfaction. Moreover the thought of preference-satisfaction in the
future, gives you utility now. Put differently, you currently have a preference
for satisfying future preferences. This preference over current and future
preferences (a kind of meta-preference as philosophers would put it) is the
reason why it may be instrumentally rational to save part of your granny�fs
$1000.
Exactly how much you will save depends on two things: first, it
depends on how much weight you attach to your immediate preferences
relative to your future preferences. That is, on how much you care today
about your future well-being. Naturally the greater your concern about
your future self, the more you will save today. And vice versa. (Thus the
claim that saving is an act of altruism towards your future self!) Second, it
depends on the rate of interest: the higher the interest rate, the more
money you will have in the future for each dollar that you choose not to
spend today.
How can the Equi-marginal Principle help point out the right amount to save?
Well, the first determinant of your choice in the last paragraph boils down to
your preferences between utility today and utility next year. Recall that Figure
2.4 was constructed such that indifference curves capture your preferences
over two �eexperiences�f: X and Y. Of course in the simplest of cases, X and Y
are of the form: X=experience of eating bananas; Y=experience of drinking
glasses of wine. However, there is nothing stopping us from visualising X and
Y in a broader sense. For example, there is no reason why we cannot set:
X=experience of satisfying my current preferences; Y=experience of setting
money aside in order to satisfy my preferences next year. As long as X and Y
give you utility overall now (even if it is due to the anticipation of future utility)
we can reasonably assume that you are trying to climb from a lower current to
a higher current indifference curve (see Figure 2.4 and then Figure 2.7 for this
reinterpretation).
70 CONSUMPTION CHOICES
What does the Equi-marginal Principle suggest you do? It suggests that you
choose a combination of X and Y (that is, of preference satisfaction now and
preference satisfaction next year), such that the marginal rate of substitution (i.e.
the slope of your indifference curves) equals the relative price (i.e. the ratio of
prices). What is this relative price here? Can we talk meaningfully about the
price of expenditure today relative to expenditure next year? Actually we can.
Figure 2.7 shows how.
Let the rate of interest be r=0.1 or 10%. This means that for every dollar
that you save today (i.e. for every dollar of forgone expenditure today), you
will receive $1.10 next year. Phrased differently, a 10% interest rate means that
the �eprice�f (or opportunity cost) of spending $1 today is that you cannot spend
$1.10 next year; it is what you give up next year in order to spend $1 now. In
general, if the interest rate is given by r, then the price of $1 expenditure today
would be exactly $(1+r) expenditure tomorrow.
Thus the relative price of expenditure tomorrow relative to expenditure
today equals $(1+r)/$1=$(1+r). We have now reached the solution to our
problem: today you should spend a portion of the $1000 such that the slope of
the indifference curve equals the relative price (1+r) .e.g. point A in Figure
2.7. Put differently, you choose a level of savings such that the ratio of the
marginal utilities from expenditure tomorrow and expenditure today equals 1
plus the rate of interest.
Figure 2.7 Savings as the result of current enjoyment of the anticipation of future
expenditure
TEXTBOOKS ON CONSUMER AND CHOICE THEORY 71
Preferences across time and the marginal rate of
substitution
What is the precise meaning of the marginal rate of substitution in this
case where the person derives utility both from utility gained now and
from the thought of future utility? It is the ratio of the additions to
overall utility from a bit more of utility (or expenditure) now and the
additions to overall utility from the thought of a bit more utility (or
expenditure) in the future.
Criticism
In order to work as neatly as it does in Figure 2.7, the theory must assume that
you know two things in advance. The first is the rate of interest (r) which will
prevail throughout the year. However, in reality you are unlikely to have this
information. The economist�fs response here is that, if uncertain, you will form
subjective estimates in your mind concerning the average level of interest and
then act on the basis of this prediction. And if you want to make a more
informed choice, use the Equi-marginal Principle as outlined in Section 2.2.1 (of
course then they will have to contend with the criticism in that section). There
is, however, the second, infinitely more demanding, assumption: that you
know in advance not only what preferences you will have next year but also
exactly how to weigh current relative to future preferences. So, what�fs wrong
with this?
Nothing, if you happen to think that wise choices over time are all about
behaving in a manner consistent with the emphasis one has placed on
current satisfaction as compared with the emphasis on future benefits. By
contrast, it is an unacceptable theory if you happen to be one of these people
who feel that the mark of the wise person has nothing to do with a capacity
to be a slave to one�fs current relative valuation of future happiness; for
them, the genuinely intelligent person is the one that has the capacity to
ignore the valuation of future utility as formulated by one�fs present self.
These people, understandably, do not think much of this version of the Equimarginal
Principle. (If this sounds complicated, a more detailed explanation
follows in Chapter 4.)
2.2.3 From demand to supply: the decision to sell one�fs labour
This extension in utterly undemanding. Just think of utility-generating
experiences X and Y as �eincome�f and �eleisure�f respectively. The slope of the
indifference curves in Figure 2.8 then reflect the person�fs preferences between
72 CONSUMPTION CHOICES
having the capacity to buy things and having the opportunity to rest, or do
some painting, write poetry and so on. Finally, the price of leisure relative to
income is determined by the wage. If the offered wage is $10 per hour, the cost
(in terms of foregone income) of 1 hour extra leisure is $10. Thus the relative
price in this case is the hourly wage rate.
In summary, if you have a choice as to how many hours you want to work
given the wage rate, the Equi-marginal Principle invites you to choose a number
of hours (i.e. a quantity of labour supply) such that the wage (the relative
price) equals the ratio of marginal utility from money (or income) and
marginal utility from leisure.for example, point A in Figure 2.8.
Criticism
In real life, workers seldom have a choice as to how many hours they will
work. If they are lucky (especially in regions or times of high unemployment),
they are offered work at fixed working hours on a take-it-or-leave-it basis.
Consequently the analysis of Figure 2.8 seems like a better description of a
self-employed person�fs than a worker�fs decision problem.
A second criticism is that, behind its geometry, this model presumes that
leisure generates utility and work dis-utility. Therefore the only reason people
work is for the money. This ignores the fact that work is for most people more
than a means of earning a living: even if money is the primary goal, work is
also the source of self-esteem, social location, a chance to be creative and
Figure 2.8 Choosing to labour
TEXTBOOKS ON CONSUMER AND CHOICE THEORY 73
autonomous. The Equi-marginal Principle, at least in this guise, is too primitive a
tool for the purposes of incorporating these thoughts within an explanation of
labour supply decisions.
2.2.4 The valuation of life
It sounds ridiculous but what would you say were I to ask you: �eHow much
money do you want in order to let me kill you?�f In other words, what is your
monetary valuation of your life? You would most probably, and legitimately,
instruct me to get lost. Nevertheless this is not as absurd a question as it
seems. Indeed government departments confront it every day.
Imagine for instance that as the Minister for Health one of your advisers
tells you that equipping hospitals with a new piece of machinery will help
them save on average one life every financial year. Should you authorise the
necessary funding? Well, it depends on the extent of the funding. If this
machinery cost, say, $100 per hospital it would be criminally negligent of you
to refuse. What if, on the other hand, it cost $1,000 million? Surely there is a
cut off price beyond which you will have to say that society will not bear the
cost of saving that one life. Yet finding out that cut-off point is the equivalent
to answering the original question: what is the monetary value of a human
life?
This is a question which is impossible to answer in cold blood. Although
it is hard to imagine, neoclassical economists have suggested that we use
their old workhorse, the Equi-marginal Principle, in order to answer the
question. They point out that value is elusive when human life is concerned.
For example, recall how in Section 1.3.2 the question of the economic value
of air was tackled: it was answered by pointing out that, even though the
total utility from air is infinite (i.e. equal to the value of human life), its
economic value is zero because the marginal utility of air is zero; that is, the
value of an extra small amount of air is zero. If we are now to value human
life by means of the same principle, we need to value a small portion of life;
to slice life up into tiny components and ask how much each one of them is
valued.
Fear not however! We are not about to suggest that people should be sliced
into tiny bits which are to be valued separately. Thankfully we can achieve the
same end conceptually and without resorting to cruelty. Suppose that our
community comprises 10 million people. Each one is asked the following
question:
Imagine that for one day the probability that you will die increases from
whatever leve l it is at by 1 chance in 10 million. Would you consent
to this happening provided this tiny extra chance of dying applied for
only 24 hours?
74 CONSUMPTION CHOICES
Valuing thy neighbour�fs life with the Equi-marginal
Principle
The Principle shows how our economic evaluation of any commodity or
experience does not depend on how happy it makes us. Instead it
depends on how happy the last bit of it made us (that is, it is marginal
utility which determines value, not total utility).
When assessing the economic value of a human life, the Principle
works in the same way. The value of our neighbour�fs life is not to be
measured as a whole. Rather we are encouraged to seek out the
economic value of a tiny part of human life.e.g. of an extra small
chance of survival or death. Given that valuation by each one of us, it
is only a matter of arithmetic to sum them up into the community�fs
valuation of our neighbour�fs life.
Of course the answer would be negative. However tiny an extra chance of
dying, no one wants it. However, what if the government offered people
money in order to accept that extra risk of dying? Would you consent in
exchange of, say, $10 cash? After all it is only a tiny, a minuscule, a
microscopic chance that you are taking.less risky than crossing the road to
buy a newspaper. For the sake of argument, suppose that the offer is accepted
universally. Then, according to neoclassical economists, we will have
concluded that the community believes a human life to be worth 100 million
dollars!
To see how this valuation obtained, recall that each person accepted $10 for
an extra 1 in 10 million chance of death. Overall this would have cost the
government $ 10 times 10 million people=$ 100 million. Seen from a slightly
different perspective, the community consented to one extra death than would have
normally occurred in exchange of $100 million. Why?
Because when we all agreed that the probability of death for each one of us
would increase by 1 in 10 million, we effectively agreed that, on average,
during this 24 hour period, one person will die in our midst (remember there
are 10 million of us) as a result of our collective decision. The pieces of silver
we collected in order to consent to this amounted to a total sum of $100
million. Neoclassical economists conclude that this must be the dollar value
we, as a community, subconsciously think a person�fs life is worth. The trick
that prised this valuation from us was that we were not informed in advance
of which one of us will die.
TEXTBOOKS ON CONSUMER AND CHOICE THEORY 75
Criticism
Setting aside the obvious ingenuity of this theoretical suggestion, one cannot
but be frightened by the proposed procedure. Is this merely an irrational fear
(similar to the well-documented aversion by lay-persons of all scientific
discoveries), or is there something more to it in this case? To show that there
is, think of what will happen if many of our fellow citizens develop a gambling
disposition. For example, what if they were to accept the increased risk for less
money; say, for $5. Then the community�fs valuation of life would diminish.
Do we want a situation where the value of life is deemed lower the greater the
proportion of gamblers in the population?
More generally, some object most strongly to any attempt at valuing life on
the basis of the subjective views of the community�fs members. Surely, they
would argue, not all views should be weighed equally. For example, my racist
neighbour�fs views, who loudly proclaims that ethnic minorities should be
exterminated, ought to be excluded from any exercise in assessing the
community�fs value of human life.
2.3 Summary: from instrumental rationality to an
economic theory of choices
Undoubtedly the greatest transition in economic thinking took place during
the second part of the nineteenth century with the emergence of neoclassical
(or marginalist) economics. Modern economic textbooks are the last link in
the chain reaction which started back then. This chapter presented the essence
of the marginalist approach. Starting at the beginning (that is, the assumption
that people are instrumentally rational), it developed the central proposition of
neoclassical economics: the Equi-marginal Principle. It then put it to work in
various contexts.
Once the algebra and geometry of this principle were established, four
examples were given of how one can try to explain all sorts of human choices
ranging from saving to putting a money value on to human beings. However,
with every extension of the theory, potential criticisms began to make their
presence felt. This is hardly surprising. Humanity has been debating the
essence of wisdom and the good life since time immemorial. It would be
puzzling if a theory which claims to hold the key to rational human choices
were to escape these ancient debates. Whereas economics textbooks try hard
to avoid these controversies, the basic premise of this book is that immersing
ourselves in these debates helps us understand better the capabilities as well as
the limitations of economics. With this thought in mind, Chapter 3 traces the
history of the neoclassical theory of choice. Finally, Chapter 4 puts it in the
spotlight: do we really behave according to the Equi-marginal Principle?
Moreover, should we?
The roots of utility maximisation
3.1 Tracing the origins of utility maximisation
3.1.1 A short history of self-interest and instrumental rationality
Socrates and Sartre on ourselves and other people
Socrates (470.399 BC) argued that other people are the true judges of
the way we live our life. Thus he thought it imperative that, before
acting, we ought to envision our actions through others�f eyes. Whether
an action satisfies us or not is not that central. �eThe unexamined life is
not worth living,�f he insisted (see Plato�fs Apology).
The French philosopher Jean Paul Sartre (1905.80) agreed that we
can know ourselves only through others. He went as far as to claim
that the only way of truly knowing who we are and what we really
want is to attend our own funeral and listen to our obituary. He also
thought that: �eHell is other people.�f
Utility maximisation is founded on the idea that people care ultimately about
themselves. Who would disagree with that? But what does it mean to �ecare
THE ROOTS OF UTILITY MAXIMISATION 77
about one�fs self? For economists it means to be preoccupied by an unwavering
pursuit of preference-satisfaction. However this notion of good living is not
universal. The ancient Greek philosophers also thought that people aimed at
living well but they had a slightly different perspective on what this meant.
Socrates, for example, asked: how should we live?
He suggested that our goal ought to be a successful life. Nevertheless he did
not think that we are capable of knowing how to do so unaided. The
implication here is that living a successful existence is more complicated than
satisfying our own desires. And if our current desires are not the best guide to
clever action, we need to reflect, to reason, to examine and re-examine both
our deeds and our motives.
Times changed however and the inquisitive spirit of the Greek philosophers
became a distant memory during the Middle Ages. For centuries people were
forced to have faith without inquiring into the makings of a good life; they
were even told that wishing for the good life in this world was sinful. That
pain and suffering in this world, in the context of absolute obedience to king
and bishop, were essential for a successful afterlife. Naturally as the dark
clouds of the Middle Ages began to lift, the winds of change caused a
loosening of feudal authority (recall Chapter 1) and empowered the merchant
classes of Europe and North America to celebrate a new-found belief in their
right to be happy. Thus the notion of a market in which one pursues profit
was associated with the notion of the freedom to be unapologetically happy.
Moreover the accumulation of merchant, and later capitalist, wealth meant
that this increasingly dominant social class were acquiring a taste for not only
the right to happiness but also the economic and, therefore, the political power
to exercise it. The American Constitution, with its explicit recognition of the
citizens�f right to pursue happiness, offers a poignant historical record of the
rise of self-interest from the category of sins to which the feudal era had
confined it.
Wanting to be happy thus emerged as a perfectly defensible philosophical
ambition. In historical terms, it surfaced as part of the same groundswell
which produced the logic of the market, the steam engine but also the notion
of people as citizens (as opposed to mere subjects): the emergence of the
industrial, capitalist, society.recall Section 1.2. In Britain, the birthplace of
market societies, the first influential writer to have revived the idea of the
person as a sovereign individual, and therefore a precursor of modern
utilitarianism, was Thomas Hobbes (1588.1679). In an attempt to justify the
power of the State (or of the monarch), Hobbes wrote matter-of-factly about
the selfishness of humans; of how they always strive to fulfil their desires
even if this means brutally harming others. In this bleak narrative, people
living outside a State (in a state of nature, as he called it) would be engaged in
a �ewar of all against all�f and thus life would be, in Hobbes�f own words,
�esolitary, poor, nasty, brutish and short�f (quoted from his major book
Leviathan, 1651).
78 CONSUMPTION CHOICES
Thomas Hobbes on good and evil
For every man is desirous of what is good for him, and shuns what
is evil, but chiefly the chiefest of natural evils, which is death; and
this he doth by a certain impulsion of nature, no less than by which
a stone moves downward.
Thomas Hobbes, Philosophical Rudiments, 1642
So Hobbes introduces a model of men and women as self-motivated (even
downright selfish) creatures who will rarely restrain themselves from doing
what hurts others if it gets them what they want. Where is the rationality
in all this? Hobbes answers that, despite their selfish belligerence, humans�f
rationality manifests itself in their capacity to understand the benefits of
peace and order and, therefore, in their willingness to agree to set up an
association, a State, a government which will facilitate peaceful
coexistence.
However, such an agreement does not suffice, Hobbes hastens to add. Even
though people recognise that peace is better than war and universal respect of
neighbours is preferable to feuding, each individual also recognises that his or
her desires are best served by being unprincipled in a principled community.
And if everyone prefers that all others are law-abiding while he or she cheats,
steals, coerces and murders, then the agreement between people will be
worthless and the �ewar of all against all�f will recommence. What is needed,
Hobbes concludes, is something stronger than some agreement; individuals
must agree to give up some of their rights to a higher authority (e.g. the State)
so as to live in peace.
Recapping, in a society of free individuals motivated by selfishness no one
has an incentive to behave well even though each prefers a situation in which
all behave well to one in which all behave appallingly. Yet behaving
appallingly they will. (Notice that this is an example of unintended
consequences.see Section 1.2.2). Their only hope, thought Hobbes, lies in
their capacity rationally to recognise all this and to authorise some powerful
body (e.g. the Monarch, the State, the Law) to watch over them. Although it
may be instrumentally rational to steal and pillage if you can get away with it,
it is more (instrumentally) rational to agree to the presence of a police force
stopping you from thieving and looting. The reason is that, otherwise, your
personal benefits from villainy are outweighed by the horror of living in a
society where everyone else can also mess with you. Thus the idea of the
liberal State (liberal in that all citizens agree to its power) emerged as
compatible with the selfish pursuit of individual gain.
The instrumental rationality of neoclassical economics is rooted in Hobbesian
philosophy. However, since Hobbes its meaning was refined and its association
THE ROOTS OF UTILITY MAXIMISATION 79
with outright selfishness weakened by the Scottish philosopher David Hume
(1711.76). Let us remind ourselves of the definition of instrumental rationality in
order to assess Hume�fs contribution to its construction: Instrumental rationality is
identified with the capacity to choose actions which best satisfy a person�fs
objectives. Hume clarified and established the precise meaning of what it means to
act in an instrumentally rational manner by spelling out the three determinants of
action: passions (i.e. ends, objectives or desires), means (i.e. resources) and reason (i.e.
a capacity to think logically, to assess the various options at our disposal). It is a
very simple model indeed.
We have certain passions (e.g. a passion for chocolate, opera, fast cars,
justice, whatever). Next we have means or resources which we utilise in order
to satisfy our passions. These means are of course the instruments to fulfil our
passions. Finally, we have the capacity to reason. For Hume, our reason is the
slave to our passions. It simply helps us apply our means in the manner which
serves our rulers, the passions, best.
Reason as a slave of the passions
We speak not strictly and philosophically when we talk of the
combat of passion and reason. Reason is, and ought only to be the
slave of the passions, and can never pretend to any other office
than to serve and obey them.
David Hume, A Treatise of Human Nature, 1739
Does this mean that we are as selfish and potentially brutish as Hobbes
feared? Not at all, says Hume. There are good people and evil. But their
virtue or nastiness lies neither in their resources nor in their reason. It lies in
their passions. The good have virtuous passions while the bad have wicked
ones. One can be simultaneously instrumentally rational and disgusting (e.g.
the Nazis were quite skilful in executing their horrific agenda) or irrational and
good. According to Hume our ethos, our morality, resides not within our
reason but in our passions.
Morality as separate from rationality
Morals excite passions, and produce or prevent actions. Reason of
itself is utterly impotent in this particular. The rules of morality,
therefore, are not conclusions of our reason.
David Hume, A Treatise of Human Nature, 1739
80 CONSUMPTION CHOICES
There are important repercussions from Hume�fs separation of passions from
reason. If you happen to have a terrible passion, your reason is incapable of
doing anything about it: it must serve your passion however disagreeable this
may be. (So, we should not expect the Nazis to have had the capacity to reason
that what they were doing was terrible.) Your reason, according to Hume, is a
bit like a pair of scales: an impartial judge of the relative weight of whatever
you place on them. Just like you would not blame the scales if one thing
proved heavier than another, Hume argues that reason should be neither
blamed nor commended for a person�fs actions. If you want to point a finger,
point it at the person�fs passions. (Do you agree with this? Not everyone does.
See box below.)
3.1.2 The birth of utilitarianism
Morality as genuine rationality
Not everyone agreed with Hume. For example, the German
philosopher Immanuel Kant (1724.1804) thought that our reason gives
us a capacity to restrain ourselves in a manner that makes life better.
He distinguishes between enjoyment and duty and suggests that there
are times when the two point us to different directions. When this
happens, it is only the truly rational people who can ignore their urge
to �emaximise�f joy and, instead, do what they must:
The majesty of duty has nothing to do with the enjoyment of life.
Immanuel Kant, Critique of Practical Reason, 1788
Utilitarianism is a theory a stone�fs throw away from David Hume�fs model of
rational men and women. Its main tenet was established by its founder, Jeremy
Bentham (1748.1832), who started with the assumption that people have a
passion for pleasure (broadly defined) and an aversion for pain: �eNature has
placed mankind under the governance of two sovereign masters, pain and
pleasure. It is for them alone to point out what we ought to do, as well as to
determine what we shall do�f (An Introduction to the Principles of Morals and
Legislation, 1789). Bentham was a well-meaning, radical humanist for his time.
He believed strongly that people should be given the greatest scope for living
an enjoyable life and that, therefore, in the final analysis, it did not matter
what the bishop or the king thought.what mattered was how happy people
felt.
Bentham�fs utilitarianism had two aspects: the first is a theory of individual
behaviour (or psychology). He took Hume�fs model and where Hume had
THE ROOTS OF UTILITY MAXIMISATION 81
written passions, Bentham substituted utility. In other words, he placed all our
passions under a single umbrella: the passion for more and more happiness, or
utility. The second aspect was an ethical or political claim: that each should
aim for the greatest happiness for the greatest number of people. That is, not
only should we aim at our own utility maximisation but also want to build a
society capable of achieving the greatest happiness for the greatest number.
The economic theory of action we went over in Chapter 2 espouses
Bentham�fs first aspect without much interest in the second. Whatever the
reasons for this, it is worth noting here that Bentham did not, and could not,
prove that those who act in order to maximise utility will also want to see the
utility of the greatest number maximised. (We shall return to this interesting
point later.especially in Chapters 9 and 10.)
Happy morons!
It is better to be a human being dissatisfied than a pig satisfied,
better to be Socrates dissatisfied than a fool satisfied. And if the
fool, or the pig, are of a different opinion, that is because they
know only their side of the story.
John Stuart Mill, Utilitarianism, 1863
As you can imagine, Bentham found himself at the receiving end of a great
deal of criticism. Hardline moralists heard of �eutility maximisation�f and
immediately imagined that Bentham was condoning sinful activities only
because they produced pleasure. Intellectuals feared that the better things in
life (like art, music and literature) would be deemed of equal importance to
base instincts (e.g. beer drinking) if they generated the same amount of
�eutility�f. Left wingers thought that it was an apology for the reckless
acquisitiveness of the new entrepreneurs. And so on.
A new generation of utilitarians attempted to amend Bentham�fs initial
theory in order to address many of these criticisms. For instance, J.S.Mill
(1806.73) and G.E.Moore (1873.1958) extended �ehappiness�f (or utility) to
distinguish between deeper and shallower versions. In the meantime,
economists had discovered utility. As outlined in Section 1.3.2 it was as if
utility was designed for the purposes of building a science of society founded
on the principle of classical mechanics. Utility became for the economist what
energy was to the physicist: a central notion on which a general theory of
behaviour (of individuals rather than atoms or celestial bodies) could be
erected. The Equi-marginal Principle on which we have spent precious pages
already (see Section 1.3 and the whole of Chapter 2) was a natural
development of utilitarianism.
82 CONSUMPTION CHOICES
An ancient precursor to utilitarianism
�eWe say that pleasure is the starting point and the end of living
blissfully. For we recognise pleasure as a good which is primary and
innate. We begin every act of choice and avoidance from pleasure,
and it is to pleasure that we return using our experience of pleasure as
the criterion of every good thing�cWhen we say that pleasure is the
goal we do not mean the pleasures of the dissipated and those which
consist in the process of enjoyment�cbut freedom from pain in the body
and disturbance in the mind.�f
Were these lines scripted by Bentham, or perhaps Mill in the
nineteenth century? No, they were written by Epicurus (341.270 BC)
in a letter to Menoeceus. Philosophy, like history, repeats itself.
3.1.3 From Bentham�fs utility to neoclassical economics
At first neoclassical economists adopted Bentham�fs utility as some property, or
even psychological energy, contained within commodities or experiences. The
moment we appropriate them, we are awash with their utility. So, we buy an
apple because of the utility that we expect to get out of this apple; as if, in other
words, utility is something in the apple itself. The more utility there is in an
apple, the greater the enjoyment we get from eating it. This model required
only a slight alteration to allow for different tastes: the sensory devices in each
one of us are calibrated differently and therefore some people enjoy apples less
than others. Yet in the final analysis utility was transferred from the
commodity to the psyche and could be visualised as a kind of (potentially)
measurable psychological energy.
However, that view did not last long. A standard problem with
utilitarianism (especially of this early version) is that it leads to political hot
water. For example, provided utility is measurable then at least theoretically it
is possible to answer the question: if I take X away from Jill and give it to Jack,
how much utility will Jill lose and how much utility will Jack gain? And if I
can show that Jack will gain a lot more utility than Jill will lose, is this not a
justification for removing X forcibly from Jill in order to pass it on to Jack?
Perhaps Bentham would have been happy with this; for it would have justified
taxing the terribly rich in favour of the poor. None the less neoclassical
economists were not interested in such comparisons of one person�fs utility
with that of another. Therefore they ditched this early view of utility. There
are two reasons why.
The first is that, by their own admission, they wanted to construct an
apolitical economics. It is easy to see how these comparisons between Jack and
THE ROOTS OF UTILITY MAXIMISATION 83
Jill�fs utility from X are politically controversial (imagine for instance that X is
not a jar of marmalade but Jill and Jack�fs child). And if political controversies
were to be reintroduced through this back door which the concept of utility
left open, what would the point be?
The second reason was that, in addition to not wanting to allow any kind of
politics in economics, they were particularly averse to justifications of State
intervention (with some exceptions where the market fails badly. e.g. when
firms collude to avoid competition and subvert the market). If utility were
indeed measurable across Jill and Jack, and if transferring X from Jill to Jack
increased overall utility, then suddenly the State would be justified in taking X
away from Jill. A very disturbing thought for those who wanted to create an
economic theory proclaiming the dogma that the best State is one that keeps
out of people�fs affairs.
Of course early utilitarianism was not only despised by those who leant
to the political right. Those on the centre and the left also pointed out that
the idea of measurable utility (also called cardinal utility) was generally
dangerous since it made it possible to justify tyranny and other horrors. For
example, consider the case where Jack tortures Jill. If all that matters is the
maximum average utility, then if Jack�fs utility from torturing Jill is greater
than the utility she loses as a result of being tortured, then her torture has
been justified. More generally, this type of utilitarianism opens up nasty
possibilities for condoning exploitation of the minorities for the sake of the
majority.
Banning inter-personal comparisons: a failed attempt to
rid utility of politics
Jack gets utility from X. So does Jill. But if Jack�fs utility is not on the
same scale as Jill�fs then we cannot say who gets more utility from X:
Jack or Jill? In this way, we will know whether Jack and Jill want X (they
do if X gives them, individually, positive utility) but we will not know
who wants (or needs) X more: Jack or Jill?
Has this theoretical move banished politics from utility theory? Not
at all. It simply turned it into an arch-conservative theory. Suppose Jack
is a multimillionaire, Jill is a pauper and X is $5. This amount of money
would be enough to feed Jill for a day. Should Jack be taxed $5 so
that Jill can be fed? This is a question the theory refuses to answer
since it has been banned from comparing Jack�fs and Jill�fs utility from
the $5. By default it supports the status quo.
84 CONSUMPTION CHOICES
In summary, Bentham�fs aim was to create a theory of the good society as the
happy society in which utility maximising individuals would work out ways in
which maximum utility would be possible for as large a majority as possible.
The idea of utility maximisation as a model of individual behaviour appealed
to the neoclassical economists of the late nineteenth century. However, they
were not interested in Bentham�fs utilitarian theory of the good society. So,
what did they do?
They kept the idea of utility maximising individuals without accepting
the one assumption which made it possible for Bentham to talk about the
good society: the assumption that my utility from an orange can be
compared with your utility from the same orange. By dropping the claim
that utility can be measured across individuals, economists rid themselves of
many of the political controversies of the previous paragraphs (see box on
previous page).
Of course they also jettisoned the possibility of knowing what the common
good is since it is now impossible to add up people�fs utilities in an attempt to
measure the community�fs well-being. In spite of the valiant efforts of
economists such as A.C.Pigou (Professor at Cambridge) the only thing left
from the original utilitarianism was a theory of individual action: a person
does whatever maximises her utility, even though the latter cannot be
compared across individuals.
3.2 Ordinal, cardinal and expected utilities
3.2.1 From Hume�fs passions to ordinal utility
David Hume thought that we are moved by our passions. Reason is simply a
tool for finding out how best to serve them. Now the problem with passions,
from the vantage point of the neoclassical economist, is that they are far too
messy to put into equations and geometry. The passion to drink coffee can
perhaps be quantified. But what about the passion for literature, justice,
beauty, freedom? Too messy! Not surprisingly, economists preferred a notion
of utility which can be rendered manageable more easily. Effectively they
allowed us to have a single passion: a passion for utility.
But as we saw in the preceding pages, economists were keen to sanitise
utility so as to avoid political controversies. Their solution was simple:
suppose that individuals have preference orderings between different options;
e.g. they prefer X to Y and Y to Z. The only passion they are allowed to
indulge is a passion to reach the top of their preference ordering (X in our
example). Utility then is a shorthand term for preference-satisfaction. It is not
as Bentham and the early utilitarians argued that people derive utility as some
kind of psychological energy from things/experiences; instead, they want to
satisfy their preferences.
THE ROOTS OF UTILITY MAXIMISATION 85
As they do so, we (the observers/theorists) imagine that they get more
utility the higher up their preference ordering they end up. However, this is
only in our imagination; it does not mean that they feel some particular
psychological experience as they get what they want. In conclusion, utility is a
term we use to relate the degree to which a person�fs preferences have been
satisfied and not a term describing some feeling the person may be
experiencing. Economists are keen to stress that theirs is a theory of rational
choice, not a psychology.
In short, whereas Bentham�fs utilitarianism was a primitive psychological
theory of choice culminating to a theory of the good society, neoclassical
economists stripped it down into something almost unrecognisable: a
calculus of private choice incapable of saying much about how good or bad
society is. As for utility, from a psychological inner-energy form, it became a
list of options ordered according to preference. The latter is commonly
known today as ordinal utility because it conveys the order, as opposed to the
strength of, preference. (Recall that strength of preference requires that
utility can be measured. Earlier we called this type of utility cardinal utility.)
Modern textbook economics assumes that people are maximisers of this
ordinal utility.
3.2.2 The limits of ordinal utility and the partial return of cardinal
utility
Suppose a person is confronted by a choice between driving to work or
catching the train. Driving means less waiting in queues and greater
privacy, while catching the train allows one to read while on the move and
is quicker. The metaphor of ordinal utility maximisation works in the
following way. Economists insist that every person has well-defined
preference orderings: each one of us, after spending some time thinking
about the dilemma, will rank the two possibilities (in case of indifference
an equal ranking will be allocated). Hence if, all things considered, you
prefer driving you will attach rank 1 to driving and 2 to catching the train.
In choosing to drive, you will be maximising your �eutility�f. For this reason
this type of utility is known as ordinal utility since it conveys nothing more
than information on the ordering of preferences. (Similarly in the
indifference curve diagrams of Chapter 2, e.g. Figures 2.4 and 2.5, each
indifference curve corresponds to some utility ranking with individuals
wanting to go from a lower ranked curve to a higher ranked one. And
since ordinal utility cannot be measured, the distance between indifference
curves should not be taken as a measure of how much happier the person
gets when climbing upwards.)
The point to remember about ordinal utility numbers (which are no more
than indicators of rank) is that their arbitrariness denies the possibility of
86 CONSUMPTION CHOICES
saying anything about the strength of preference. It is as if a friend were to tell
you that she prefers Homer to Shakespeare. Her preference may be marginal
or it could be that she adores Homer and loathes Shakespeare. Based on
ordinal utility information you will never know. It follows from this that there
is no way that one person�fs ordinal utility from Homer can be compared with
another�fs from Shakespeare (since the ordinal utility number is meaningful
only in relation to the same person�fs satisfaction from something else; it is
meaningless across persons).
Ordinal utility is sufficient in many of the simpler decision problems in
which solutions can be found without any information on strength of
preference; e.g. the above case where you had to decide between driving and
walking to work. (Or as in the case of Section 2.1.4 whenever there is full
information on prices and available funds and the person tries to get to the
highest indifference curve.) However, there are many other cases where
ordinal utility is insufficient. For example, consider the problem in Section
2.2.1 in which our agent is not fully informed and has to decide how
intensely to gather information. Ordinal utility cannot tell her how much
information to search for. Consider a simpler example which demonstrates
the point:
Imagine that you are about to leave the house and must decide on
whether to drive to your destination or to walk. You would clearly like to
walk but there is a chance of rain which would make walking unpleasant.
Let us say that the chance of rain was proclaimed by the weather bureau to
be fifty-fifty. What does one do? Well, the answer must depend on the
strength of preference for walking in the dry over driving in the dry, driving
in the wet and walking in the wet. If, for instance, you relish the idea of
walking in the dry a great deal more than you fear getting drenched, then
you may very well risk it and leave the car behind. For an observer to be
able to predict this, information on the strength of preference is necessary
(recall the ordinal utilities do not contain this; they only report on the order
of preferences).
Cardinal utilities provide such necessary information. If �ewalking in the dry�f,
�edriving in the wet�f, �edriving in the dry�f and �ewalking in the wet�f correspond to
10, 6, 1, and 0 cardinal utils respectively, then not only do we have
information about what is preferred over what; but also of how much one
outcome is preferred over the next. In this example walking in the dry is ten
times better for you than driving in the dry. Therefore we find that cardinal
utilities become necessary when the decision problem involves some risk. If
you knew with certainty whether it would rain or not then your ordinal utility
preferences (that is, the ranking of outcome alone) would be sufficient: you
would walk. It is the uncertain prospect of rain that complicates things.
Cardinal utilities allow the calculus of desire to convert the decision problem
from one of utility maximisation to one of utility maximisation on average; that
is, to the maximisation of expected (that is, average) utility.
THE ROOTS OF UTILITY MAXIMISATION 87
Let us stick with the assumption that the chance of rain is fifty-fifty; i.e. the
probability of rain is 1/2 (where a probability equal to 1 means that it will
certainly rain and a 0 probability means that it will definitely not rain). If you
walk there is, therefore, a 0.5 (out of 1) chance that you will receive 10
cardinal utils and a 0.5 chance that you will receive 0 utils. On average your
tally will be 5 utils (0.5 times 10 plus 0.5 times 0). If, by contrast, you drive,
there is a 0.5 chance of getting 6 utils (if it rains) and a 0.5 chance of ending
up with only 1 cardinal util. On average driving will give you 3.5 utils. If you
act as if to maximise average utility, your decision is clear: you will walk.
Hence in cases where the outcome is uncertain, cardinal utilities are necessary.
The reason is that it would be nonsense to multiply probabilities with ordinal
utility measures whose actual magnitude is inconsequential since they do not
reveal strength of preference.
Notice however that cardinal utility takes us closer to nineteenth-century
utilitarianism. I say this because strength of preference made a reappearance
after many decades of having been banned by neoclassical economists.
Suddenly something resembling a passion (other than the passion to satisfy
preferences in general) has returned: one can like walking 1000 times better
than driving! However, we are still a long way from Bentham�fs
utilitarianism. The reason is that Jack�fs cardinal utility numbers are still
incomparable to Jill�fs. Thus, when we say that your cardinal utility from
walking in the dry is 10 this 10 is meaningless outside your person as it
cannot be compared with a similar number relating to somebody else�fs
cardinal utility from walking in the dry.
What is now interesting is whether we approve of the manner in which
neoclassical economics models people�fs actions under circumstances involving
risk. The importance of this cannot be underestimated. If we are not
impressed by economists�f attempts, their theories of Chapter 2 could be
dismissed as next to irrelevant. Notice that uncertainty is everywhere. Even
when it comes to purchasing a bar of chocolate, you may not be entirely sure
prior to biting it about how much you will enjoy the experience. Thus a
theory of choice (or even consumption) needs to work well under
circumstances of uncertainty if it is to be useful. Economists argue that their
theory does: all we have to assume is that individuals maximise utility on
average or expected utility. This is interesting for many reasons.
First, it is of historical interest because it brings to mind memories of
Bentham and nineteenth-century utilitarianism. Recall Bentham�fs motif: the
most utility for the greatest number of people. Well, what is this if it is not
maximising utility on average? Indeed they are one and the same thing!
However, we must not forget that the neoclassicals have taken one crucial step
that precludes the resurrection of Bentham: they have banned interpersonal
comparisons of utility. So, when the modern neoclassical theorist speaks of
expected utility maximisation, she is not referring to maximising the average utility
across many different people. Instead she is talking about one person choosing
88 CONSUMPTION CHOICES
the option which would give her the largest average utility across many
repetitions, that is, if she had to make this decision many times over and over
again. Still, it is an interesting echo of the earlier form of utilitarianism.
Second (and more importantly), because it gives us the opportunity to put
the theory to the test in laboratory experiments. Unfortunately for the theory
of expected utility maximisation, these experimental tests seem to cast a great
deal of doubt on it. Actually an avalanche of research has shown that people
do not behave according to the principles of expected utility maximisation. The
box below gives an example. What conclusions should we draw from this?
Two come immediately to mind.
1 Neoclassical economics may not offer as general a theory of choice as
economists claim.
2 There is a profound difference between economics (or, more generally,
social science) and the natural sciences.
The Ellsberg Paradox (named after Daniel Ellsberg who
invented the following experiment)
Suppose you are shown an urn which contains 90 balls, 30 of which
are red. The other 60 balls are either black or yellow; you are not told
how many are black and how many are yellow. One ball will be
picked at random from the urn. You are then offered a choice between
two lotteries. Lottery 1 will give you $100 if a red ball is drawn
while Lottery 2 will give you $100 if a black ball is drawn. Which
lottery do you choose? To help you decide, here is a summary of the
two lotteries:
Would you choose Lottery 1 (in which case you will win $100 if a
red ball is drawn from the urn) or Lottery 2 (in which case you would
win $100 if a black ball is drawn)? Now consider another two
lotteries: Lottery 3 and Lottery 4.
THE ROOTS OF UTILITY MAXIMISATION 89
In this case the only way of not winning $100 is if either (a) you chose
Lottery 3 and a black ball is drawn or (b) you chose Lottery 4 and
a red ball is drawn.
Expected utility theory argues that if you chose Lottery 1 over
Lottery 2, then you should also have picked Lottery 3 rather than
Lottery 4. Think about it. If you chose Lottery 1 it means that, given
the information that there are 30 reds in the urn, you think that there
are fewer than 30 black balls in the urn. But if you think this, why
would you ever select Lottery 4? For if you think that there are fewer
than 30 black balls in the urn, Lottery 4 is a bad choice (since if
there are fewer than 30 black balls it makes more sense to choose
Lottery 3). And vice versa.
However, a majority of people making this choice in laboratory
experiments (including Leonard Savage, one of the founders of
expected utility theory) chose Lottery 1 the first time and Lottery 4
later. What should we make of this? There are two answers: In this
case the only way of not winning $100 is if either (a) you
1 People are irrationally inconsistent. This is convenient for those
who wish to defend the theory but has long run implications for
economics. Does economics create a theory of how people
behave or of how they ought to behave? If it does the latter,
then it cannot hold on to the claim of providing an objective
analysis of society.
2 People are rational but care about more than expected utility.
What do Lotteries 1 and 4 have in common? The fact that
when one chooses them one knows precisely one�fs chance of
winning $100 (1/3 in the case of Lottery 1 and 2/3 in the
case of Lottery 2). Could it not be that people are averse to
not knowing their chances? Could it be that, because of an
antipathy to ambiguity, they select the options that minimise it? If
so, who is to say that they are irrational? But then if it is rational
to defy the economists�f model the latter is not a unique guide to
rational choice.
In short, whichever answer we choose from the two candidates above,
the economists�f model is threatened.
The first conclusion in the above box seems obvious: if the theory does not
predict how people actually choose, then how good is it? Many economists
have claimed that they do not think that there is something wrong with the
90 CONSUMPTION CHOICES
theory simply because individuals do not behave according to it. Their
argument is that theirs is a theory of rational choice; perhaps it is not working
as well as expected because people are not rational. Which brings us to the
second conclusion above.
Why is economics profoundly different from, say, physics? Because, unlike
economists in the previous paragraph, physicists could never defend a theory
which does not work in the laboratory. If their theory does not work
experimentally, physicists cannot turn around and blame atoms or planets for
not behaving according to the laws of nature which ought to govern their
behaviour! Which is precisely what the economists of the previous paragraph
did (that is, blamed individuals for not behaving according to the laws of the
economists�f model of rational behaviour). But then economics has a problem:
if we can blame people (rather than the theory) every time they do not behave
according to the theory being tested, then no theory can ever be shown to be
wrong. In that case, why experiment at all? (I shall return to this question in
Chapter 11.)
3.3 Instrumental rationality and utility maximisation: the
politics beneath the surface
So far we saw that neoclassical economics sees rationality as an instrument for
satisfying desires. This identification was traced to David Hume who thought
of the �epassions�f as the sole source of motivation. Utilitarians of the late
nineteenth century set the scene for the modern economist�fs philosophical
base by identifying the one passion that supersedes all others: the passion for
joy (however broadly or narrowly defined). This was a liberal political move.
It told cardinals, princes, lords and the State to stop patronising the merchants,
the shopkeepers, the capitalists whose power was growing disproportionally to
their position of the social ladder (still dominated by the aristocracy in
Britain): they themselves are the only ones who can decide what is best for
them. And, yes, it is OK to want to be happy, to be nouveau riche, to find
pleasure in ways of one�fs own choosing. Undoubtedly, this was a serious
political challenge in its time.
Later, neoclassical economists appropriated the bits of utilitarianism which
they thought would assist them in their attempt to create an apolitical
economics. The result was that utilitarianism lost a great deal of its political
agenda. Eventually economists turned utility to no more than a preference
ordering. Out went Bentham�fs narrative of emancipation based on the notion
of the right to happiness for the individual as well as for society. In came a
mathematised theory of individual action (which we examined carefully in
Chapter 2) which could explain all sorts of human deeds. Its final purpose: to
illustrate the harmonious workings of markets populated by instrumentally
rational people; by people whose logic coincided with the logic of the market.
THE ROOTS OF UTILITY MAXIMISATION 91
The question then is: how apolitical is the economists�f version of utility
theory? Have they managed to sanitise Bentham�fs utility and turn it into an
objective, scientific, apolitical tool? Is it a good idea to assume that everyone in
society is rational (especially in the instrumental sense)? If we do make that
assumption, are we (unknowingly) taking positions in the political debate? We
already saw how banning interpersonal utility comparisons gave a
conservative political flavour to utility theory. Such questions will occupy us
again in Chapter 4 and beyond. For now it is interesting to note the views of
some influential intellectuals on aspects of the economists�f behavioural story
featured in Chapter 2.
Let us start from a simple question: do philosophers agree that rationality is
sufficiently widespread? Most would accept that, notwithstanding differences
between people, a capacity to reason is available to almost everyone. Rene
Descartes (1596.1650) .the French mathematician and philosopher.reflected
this feeling when he wrote:
Good sense is the best distributed thing in the world: for everyone
thinks himself so well endowed with it that even those who are the
hardest to please in everything else do not usually desire more of it than
they possess�cIt indicates�cthat the power of judging.which is what we
properly call �egood sense�f or �ereason�f .is naturally equal in all men.
Descantes, Discourse on Method, 1637)
However, assuming that we are all instrumentally rational (i.e. maximise our
utility) is not the same as acknowledging that most have the �epower of
judgment�f. Instrumental rationality requires more (or, as some would say, less)
than that: it requires that we are committed servants of our preference
ordering. It assumes that we have objectives which take the form of a list of
preferences. Once this list is complete, all we must want is to use our means in
whichever way possible to get to the top of our list. This is the idea of human
beings on which neoclassical economics trades its theory of choice and, later,
of society.
One of the earliest and keenest proponents of instrumental rationality in
the context of political manoeuvring was Niccolo Machiavelli (1469. 1527).
He served as a high-ranking official in several administrations in Florence and
wrote perhaps the first and most enduring manual (textbook?) on governing.
In his advice to politicians of his time (to a hypothetical prince) he set out the
project of working towards one�fs political objectives as follows:
Thus it is well to seem merciful, faithful, humane, sincere, religious, and
also to be so; but you must have the mind so disposed that when it is
needful to be otherwise you may be able to change to the opposite
qualities. And it must be understood that a prince, and especially a new
prince, cannot observe all those things which are considered good in
92 CONSUMPTION CHOICES
men, being often obliged, in order to maintain the state, to act against
charity, against humanity, and against religion.
(Machiavelli, The Prince, 1513)
Does he not sound like a proponent of instrumental rationality? His emphasis
on the centrality of outcomes and the unimportance of means (as long as they
serve the ends) resembles the economics textbook�fs message: it is what you
get, not how you get it, that gives you utility (unless of course it is part of your
objective to avoid or use certain methods). But is the tyranny of ends rational?
Is it rational to be unable to pass judgment on your passions (in other words
to be their slave)? Difficult questions.
What is certain, however, is that whichever way you answer, you take sides
in important political debates. If you reject the primacy of ends, you are
making a political statement (e.g. Americans arguing that it was wrong to
bomb Hiroshima regardless of their government�fs ends). If you accept that
ends justify means, again you take political sides. The interesting thing about
economics textbooks is that they remain mute on this subject; their silence
implying that it is possible to remain apolitical. Well it is not! For how could it
be when, by definition, the model of Chapter 2 rules out a rational evaluation
of preferences. Thus the desire of a millionaire to burn $1000 notes at a party
in order to impress guests is as rational (or irrational) as the desire of a Third
World mother to feed her starving child. George Bernard Shaw famously
argued, ironically, that the reasonable adapt themselves to the way the world is
while the unreasonable try to change both themselves and the world.
Espousing the model of humans in the economics textbook makes it difficult
to appreciate Shaw�fs irony. Thus it is political!
Finally, if we are to allow the world to look rationally back at us, as the
German philosopher G.W.F.Hegel (1770.1831) suggests in the box below,
surely it must be possible to look at ourselves and ask: where did I get my
Reason�fs narcissism
The sole thought which philosophy brings to the treatment of
history is the simple concept of Reason: that Reason is the law of
the world and that, therefore, in world history, things have come
about rationally�cIn everything that is supposed to be scientific,
Reason must be awake and reflection applied. To him who looks at
the world rationally the world looks rationally back. The relation is
mutual.
G.W.F.Hegel, Reason in History, 1837
THE ROOTS OF UTILITY MAXIMISATION 93
preferences from? Are they any good? In a sense this would mean going back
to Socrates (see p. 76) who suggested that we ought to assess our options not
just in terms of our preferences but of how conducive they are of the �egood
life�f. Instrumentally rational people cannot do this. They are too busy
satisfying them.
3.4 Summary
Before we examine these questions further in Chapter 4, it is useful to
draw a balance sheet. On the one hand, we have the economists�f model in
Chapter 2. It offers a precise, simple, dazzling account of how people act,
based on a notion of utility which has been de-politicised as much as
possible. The idea is that economists have divested themselves of the role
of judging what people want and created a theory of what they will do
when trying to get it. It allows people to determine their preferences and it
is as apolitical as it can get since it does not patronise them (e.g. it does not
tell them �eyou want X when you should want Y�f) and it does not allow
anyone else to do so either (e.g. by banning interpersonal utility
comparisons).
On the other hand, we have critics who see this model as dangerously
political not only because of the conservative politics it promotes, but because
it promotes its politics silently, disguised in a veil of scientific, totally apolitical
endeavour. For them, teaching economics under the pretence that it is free of
politics is a bit like teaching creationism as a scientific discourse free of
religion. Consider for instance the following quote from Catherine
Mackinnon, who writes from a feminist perspective:
the state is male in that objectivity is its norm. Objectivity is liberal
legalism�fs conception of itself. It legitimates itself by reflecting its view of
society, a society it helps make by so seeing it, and calling that view, and
that relation rationality. Since rationality is measured by point-ofviewlesness,
what counts as reason is that which corresponds to the way
things are. Practical rationality, in this approach, means that which can
be done without changing anything.
(Mackinnon, Towards a Feminist Theory of the State, 1989)
In conclusion, neoclassical economics can be viewed in two distinct ways:
as an attempt scientifically to understand our society, or as an attempt to
produce a theory which will under no circumstances recommend that
those who currently have social and economic power should be stripped of
it. Is the material in your economics textbook a rational theory of society
or is it mere rhetorical ammunition in support of keeping things the way
they are?
4.1 Humanity through the lens of economics textbooks
Imagine that some extra-terrestrials got hold of an economics textbook and used
it in order to work out what we humans are like prior to paying us a visit. What
would they come to expect? Neoclassical economic theory presents a model of
men and women as cool, fastidious agents who get what they want and want
what they get. As creatures ruled by something they call self-interest which they
pursue via the meticulous application of their scarce means. And if these extraterrestrials
can read in between the textbook�fs lines, they will also know that this
thing called self-interest is not the same as its nastier cousin selfishness. However,
they will not be reassured fully by this. The only promise the textbook makes is
that we can be counted on to be efficient in matching our means to our ends.
Whether our ends are charitable or homicidal, the textbook does not say.
This chapter, like the last chapter of each part in Book 1, is of a critical ilk.
It asks two sets of questions. The first scrutinises the descriptive accuracy of
the picture of human beings painted by economists:
1 Are the extra-terrestrials in for a grave shock when they approach earth
and observe us with their own eyes (or whatever sensory devices they
may have)? In other words, is the economist�fs model of Homo sapiens (let
us call this creature which inhabits the economics textbook Homo
economicus) a fair approximation of real humans? Or is it totally off the
mark?
DO WE MAXIMISE UTILITY? SHOULD WE? 95
The second set of questions takes us from description to prescription:
2 If it turns out that you and I do not think, behave, function or relate to
each other as the economics textbook suggests, is this something that
ought to worry us? Is it a sign of the fact that we are not as perfect as
the economics textbook assumes? Should we perhaps try a little harder
to become more consistent, less inefficient, more like Homo economicus?
Or could it be that what the textbook dismisses as weaknesses are, in
reality, strengths which economists mistake for imperfections because
they are less sophisticated than the subjects they are writing theories
about?
There is also a third question that will be left in abeyance until Chapter 11:
does it matter to economists if their model of humans is unrealistic?
4.2 How like Homo economicus are we?
4.2.1 Behaving according to a theory even if we do not know
anything about it
An objection often raised by newcomers to economics springs from the
latter�fs conspicuous austerity. Are we really being asked to think that when
we choose how much of two goods to buy we are equalising our marginal
rate of substitution with the ratio of the prices? Surely we are far more
spontaneous, creative, even unpredictable than this. However, the
neoclassical economist sees these objections as fundamentally ill conceived.
Consider a tennis player serving for the tournament. A physicist can look at
a slow motion recording of the player�fs action and explain in full
mathematical detail the dynamics of the player�fs motion, the rotation of the
arm, the swing of the body, of how the initial posture maximised the power
of the serve, the effectiveness of the wrist�fs movement in giving the ball a
wicked top spin and so on. And yet all this scientific analysis does not
depend on the player being conscious of it.
Even if the player in question is ill tempered or erratic, the scientific
analysis is still the best explanation of what happens on court when the player
strikes the ball well, regardless of whether she is a natural talent with no
understanding of why she plays good tennis or a physicist-turned-tennis-player.
Indeed all we need to assume is that she is trying to win the point (and,
incidentally, maximise her prize money).
Similarly, the neoclassical economist is not arguing that when we choose
between combinations of commodities we do so by consciously following the
edicts of the Equi-marginal Principle (that is, reaching for points of tangency
between indifference curves and budget constraints); instead economists try to
96 CONSUMPTION CHOICES
emulate the role of the physicists, namely attempt to provide a scientific
analysis for behaviour which is, primarily, instinctive.
The true assumption is not that the individual under consideration is
actually following the steps prescribed by the theory but that, once she masters
the skills involved in serving her objectives, she begins to behave as if she were
following the theory. All along, however, she is most likely to be totally
oblivious even to the existence of this or any other theory.
To illustrate further, the point here is that just as Martina Hingis needs to
know no physics to play good tennis, the consumer can make rational choices
without ever having heard of the Equi-marginal Principle. Take Figure 2.8 (see p.
72). One may naively argue that unless the worker in that example knows the
location of her indifference curves she cannot make the appropriate choice (i.e.
select the combination of leisure and income corresponding to the point of
tangency at A). Such uninformed criticism is countered easily by pointing out
that she will gravitate towards the tangency point A (even if totally untutored
into economics) provided she tries to maximise her utility.
Suppose that initially she chose to work more than point A in Figure 2.8
recommends. One day her firm is short on orders and her boss sends her
home early. To her surprise she finds that it is wonderful to return home at 4
p.m. and have lots more leisure time. On the following morning she
negotiates a reduction in her hours at the expense of a reduction in her
salary. Without realising it, she will have moved closer towards her best
choice at tangency point A. In conclusion, even though totally unaware of
economic theory, of the notion of marginal rates of substitution, of Figure
2.8 etc., but because of her inquisitiveness, our friend makes a choice as if on
the basis of the analysis behind Figure 2.8 thus confirming the Equi-marginal
Principle.
All the neoclassical theorist needs to assume is that the individual is
smart, inquisitive and has a nose for what is good for her, that is, she is
instrumentally rational. The point to remember is that the Equi-marginal
Instrumental rationality as instinct
The English philosopher and mathematician Bertrand Russell (1872.
1970) wrote: �eThere is no more reason why a person who uses a word
correctly should be able to tell what it means than there is why a planet
which is moving correctly should know Kepler�fs law�f. (Russell, The
Analysis of Mind, 1921) A neoclassical economist would need to
substitute only �ewho uses a word correctly should be able to tell what it
means�f with �ewho maximises utility should know what marginal utility is�f.
DO WE MAXIMISE UTILITY? SHOULD WE? 97
Principle is not meant to offer advice as to what we ought to do; it is,
simply, a mathematical description of what instrumentally rational people
do. Having sorted this one out, the question remains: are we
instrumentally rational (i.e. utility maximisers) and, furthermore, should
we want to be?
4.2.2 Suspect desires and the threat of rational idiocy
The quintessence of the human condition has troubled minds finer and
sharper than those that spawned economic theory. Faced with choices that tear
us apart, Sophocles�f Antigone and Shakespeare�fs Hamlet continually
demonstrate how much we do not know about ourselves. Can the neatness
and simplicity of the Equi-marginal Principle put an end to millennia of
existentialist angst? Could it hold the key to what we are about? Unlikely.
Choosing our character
The great nineteenth-century thinker John Stuart Mill, who took to
economics because of his philosophical and political interests, wrote:
A person feels morally free who feels that his habits or his
temptations are not his masters, but he theirs; who even in yielding
to them knows that he could resist�cOr at least, we must feel that
our wish, if not strong enough to alter our character, is strong
enough to conquer our character when the two are brought into
conflict in any particular case of conduct. And hence it is said with
truth, that none but a person of confirmed virtue is completely free.
John Stuart Mill, A System of logic, 1843
One does not have to be a Shakespeare or a Sophocles in order to understand
that there is more to wise choices than meeting objectives efficiently. Even in
our more mundane moments we can experience a secret fear that what we
desire is not worth desiring. When we begin to suspect our desires, the Equimarginal
Principle which is all about satisfying current desires (even if this
includes the desire to satisfy future needs and wants) begins to look rather
epidermic.
To make the point simply it will help to revisit an uncomplicated (but as
you will notice slightly touched up) fable by the Greek story-teller Aesop, who
lived in the sixth century BC.
98 CONSUMPTION CHOICES
It is summertime and the living is easy. However, whereas the
grasshopper is lazing under the sun leaning against a fig-tree and playing
his guitar, the ant is slaving away preparing for the coming of winter. As
the ant passes by the fig-tree, he looks at the grasshopper with disgust
and says: �eYou are truly stupid. Instead of gathering food for when the
snow conies, you waste your time singing and being merry. In my mind,
wisdom necessitates a commitment to one�fs future self. This is why you
should do like I do and invest everything in order to have as good a
future as possible.�f
The grasshopper smiles and replies: �eI may be stupid but I am
perfectly rational. Indeed I am as rational as you. For my concerns are
limited to the present moment and I am never interested in what the
future holds. You may, naturally, be absolutely right in that when winter
arrives I will be miserable, but since I am not interested in anything
other than my present happiness, I will carry on singing.�f The ant
shakes his head and moves on muttering: �eWhen winter comes do not
complain that I did not warn you.�f
Does the grasshopper have a point about being rational even if stupid? It
depends on how we define rationality. Since he has stated that he has no
concern for future levels of utility, it is clear that, in the context of instrumental
rationality and Figure 4.1, his best choice is to opt for maximum satisfaction
today (the constraint reflects the feasible combinations of happiness today and in
the future and is common for the ant and the grasshopper). Geometrically
speaking, the grasshopper�fs preferences are such that his indifference curves are
perpendicular to the horizontal axis and, therefore, his best choice is to sacrifice
Figure 4.1 The grasshopper and the ant; two species of rational fools
DO WE MAXIMISE UTILITY? SHOULD WE? 99
all future utility for present utility. Check that these vertical to the x-axis
indifference curves imply that only additions to present utility can help the
grasshopper climb on to a higher indifference curve (i.e. increases in anticipated
future utility leave him on the same indifference curve).
By contrast, the ant currently assigns zero relative value to present utility (and
maximum value to anticipating future utility) and ends up with horizontal
indifference curves; thus unsurprisingly the highest accessible indifference curve
yields zero present utility to the ant. In other words, because of their different
preferences, the ant chooses to invest everything into his future whereas the
grasshopper chooses the diametrically opposite strategy. On the grounds of
neoclassical rationality they are equally rational since they both maximise their
utility given their constraint. (Check also that the analysis employed here is
identical to the model of time preferences and saving in Section 2.2.2.)
Winter came, the land froze, the trees lost their leaves. The ant stayed
all snugly and warm in his hole consuming as little as possible of the
stockpile of food (not because he feared that he would run out before
spring but because, as Figure 4.1 explains, the ant has no current
interest in present happiness and seeks only to survive in order to
allow his future self, to whom he is so touchingly committed, to come
happily into being!). The grasshopper, by contrast, was in a sorry state.
Suffering from hypothermia and malnutrition he crawled to the
entrance of the ant�fs hole and called out for help. The ant
unexpectedly did not use this as an opportunity to remind him of their
conversation but instead said: �eThe terrible thing is that I cannot help
you even though it would make me happy to do so. You see, I am only
capable of enjoying the anticipation of happiness in the future rather
than present happiness (note the shape of my indifference curves) and
therefore I can give you no food. However, I can help in another way.
There is a bush further down the road whose leaves are nourishing
and rather appetising. Unfortunately, they are also poisonous. Ten
days after you eat them you will die a very painful death. But given
that you have no concern about the future, I presume that you will eat
them.�f �eOf course and thank you for the information,�f replied the
grasshopper and set off to find the bush.
Ten days later, the grasshopper was clutching his tummy in agony
minutes away from death. Suddenly the ant appeared. �eIt saddens me�f,
he said, �eto witness the result of your rational stupidity. I bring you bad
news and good news. Which do you want first?�f �eThe good news,�f
grumbled the grasshopper. �eWell, there is an antidote that will cure you
within twenty-four hours. That�fs the good news. The bad news is that
during those twenty-four hours you will be in greater pain than you are
now. Knowing you and your preferences, you will rather not take it.�f
The grasshopper sighed in agreement. �eFarewell!�f he exclaimed as it was
100 CONSUMPTION CHOICES
not (in a neoclassical sense) rational for him to invest into his future
(recall Figure 4.1).
Years later, the ant reached a grey old age and reminiscing he
lamented: �eI envy that grasshopper. He wasted his life in the name of
instant hedonism but at least he had some good moments. I, on the
other hand, have wasted a lifetime investing into a future that never
came. Not once did I enjoy the fruits of my labour as I enjoyed the
anticipation of future satisfaction, never satisfaction itself And just before
he expired, he admitted �eI envy that grasshopper; at least he lived while
he was alive.�f
The moral of the story: Knowing how to be wise is more difficult
than knowing how efficiently to satisfy
one�fs objectives. (Aesop always offered a
moral at the end of each of his fables!)
Seriously now, this version of Aesop�fs The Ant and the Grasshopper brings
into focus the partial nature of instrumental rationality Put simply it
reminds us that one can be, in the words of a contemporary economist
(Amartya Sen), a rational fool; that is, a person who knows how to meet
objectives but has no idea of which objectives are worth meeting. One
hopes that we are not like this; that we can question our objectives
rationally.
However, this species of rationality (one that helps us assess our objectives
and character) is nowhere to be found in your economics textbook. Why?
Because economics has developed a commitment to studying actions and
choices without passing judgment on the desires that they serve. How then
can the economist turn around and advise people to question their objectives
(which is clearly what Aesop wanted our two friendly insects to have done)?
To put the same point more technically, this would be like inciting people not
to behave according to the Equi-marginal Principle whenever one�fs utility is
determined by suspect desires (see the box on the next page for an example).
Is this a problem for economics?
Recall that the economists�f great claim is that they are about description
(i.e. pure science) rather than prescription (which is left to ethics, politics,
philosophy, religion and others). In this sense, the message from the fable of
the Ant and the Grasshopper is not a problem for economics if people are as
hopeless at questioning their objectives as Aesop�fs insects (although if this is
so people are defective even if economics is not). However, if we all have the
capacity to reason, occasionally, that our current desires are dumb and not
worth acting on, then the theory has a problem because we may choose to
behave in a manner that does not necessarily reflect our current objectives.
So the theory will not be able to explain our behaviour unless it has
something to say about which objectives people are likely to reject as
irrational. But this is something that economics has consciously chosen not
DO WE MAXIMISE UTILITY? SHOULD WE? 101
to do; indeed the notion of rational or irrational objectives is not part of the
economic way of thinking.
Summing up, the criticism occasioned by Aesop�fs parable has two cutting
edges. The first was dealt with in the previous paragraph: neoclassical theory
may not predict actual rational choices very well. There is, however, a
corollary of this which brings us to the second criticism: neoclassical theory
predicts too much! Let us be frank here. How did I touch up Aesop�fs story
above to link it with the theme of this chapter? In order to present the ant and
the grasshopper as rational, I drew up two sets of indifference curves so that
both their choices became instrumentally rational.
Whatever foolish thing they had chosen to do I could always have drawn
indifference curves which would have explained why their actions were
(instrumentally) rational. Thus we see that when we observe others�f behaviour
we can always concoct certain objectives which would make that behaviour
seem (instrumentally) rational. So if you were to witness me banging my head
against the wall, you could justify that sorry sight by saying that my utility
increases with every thump of my skull against the bricks. The worry here is
that a theory which can explain everything under the sun as �erational�f is a
theory which cannot distinguish between the rational and the downright
foolish.
Questioning one�fs objectives and the Equi-marginal
Principle
Imagine that someone is prepared to pay $10 for a packet of cigarettes,
$15 for two and $18 for three packets when the price of each packet is
$5. How many should the person buy? The answer provided by the
Equi-marginal Principle is two (since the marginal utility from the second
packet equals its cost). Now notice the use of the word �eshould�f in the
previous sentence. Its utilisation by economists reflects their assumption
that people�fs objectives are their own business and that their
recommendation takes them as given. So in so far as these objectives
are not questioned, the person �eshould�f buy two packets; and this is
indeed what economists predict the person will do. However, this is not
to say that the rational person must (or indeed should) buy two packets
of cigarettes. Perhaps what this person ought to do is decide to give up
smoking after having successfully scrutinised his or her objectives. Of
course economists would reply that it is not their job to tell people what
they ought to want. True. However, they are running a risk of doing so
indirectly, albeit very strongly, when they contend that the rational thing
to do in this case is to buy two packets of cigarettes.
102 CONSUMPTION CHOICES
4.2.3 The utility machine
Criticism is cheap when unaccompanied by concrete alternatives. Section 4.2.2
can be seen as a tawdry shot at what is in reality a pretty powerful explanation
of how people behave. Even if it gives rise to the paradoxical possibility of
rational idiots (like the ant or the grasshopper) and although it raises
interesting questions about rationality, wisdom and the importance of thinking
carefully about what we want, it may be tempting to toe the neoclassical line
and argue that, at the end of the day, the optimal choice model (i.e. the Equimarginal
Principle) is about right; that it captures most of what determines
behaviour; that humans, most of the time, try to get what they want given
their resources and that, even in the few cases when they do not, they behave
as if they did. In the end, the argument goes, we are utility maximisers most of
the time even if we do not want to be or know not that we are. Economics has
figured us out as well as one could wish.
Has it? Are we utility maximisers? There is little doubt that the above is
powerful reasoning. Yet part of us may still protest that human nature is not as
trivial. Is this due to our vanity (our need to think of our selves as more than
just computers mechanistically drawing up a balance sheet of utility and
disutility), is it that we value the irrational parts of our character or is there
some rational substance in these protests? Here is a way to answer this
question for yourself.a hypothetical that will help you decide whether you are
a utility maximiser or not.
Suppose a brilliant computer engineer comes up with the ultimate pleasure
machine. You lie on a bed, its electrodes are attached to your head and your
body is sustained artificially by means of intravenous drips and other state-ofthe-
art methods. Then the computer takes over your brain. However, there is
no need to panic. This computer is totally benign; it is your friend rather than
some mechanical monster eager to hijack your soul and render you lifeless. It
reads your preferences, understands perfectly what you value, what causes
you displeasure, and uses this information to create an imaginary life which is
tailor-made to suit your wishes.
While you are connected to the machine, you have no idea that you are
lying down with electrodes on your head looking quite pathetic: instead, you
are convinced that the images created by the computer are true. You are
surfing in Hawaii, winning the Monaco Grand Prix, proving Einstein�fs
relativity theory wrong.whatever takes your fancy; such is the power of the
machine. The question now is: assuming that you were satisfied that all the
above is true and that your body would be taken excellent care of while
attached to the computer, would you agree to be strapped to the machine for
the rest of your life?
Think carefully before you answer. This machine is the ultimate utility
maximiser: whatever experience you place at the top of your list of priorities
(i.e. your ordinal ranking) is the experience that you will have. And since real
DO WE MAXIMISE UTILITY? SHOULD WE? 103
life comprises a succession of experiences, the machine creates whole sets of
life experiences for us in complete accordance with our wishes. Now for the
big claim: if you decline the invitation, then your decision is fundamentally opposed to the
predominant economic view of the individual as a utility maximiser (i.e. the neoclassical
theory of Chapters 2 and 3).
So, will you join the �eutility machine�f or not? If the answer is �eyes�f, you are
effectively in agreement with neoclassical economics that you are a utility
maximiser (since attaching ourselves to the machine is the perfect way of
achieving maximum utility). For what it is worth, you will have discovered a
theory of human nature which is simple, consistent and can be found in any
economics textbook. But if the answer is �eno�f, you have problems! Let me
explain.
One legitimate objection is that you may not trust absolutely the promise
of the medical team that, while hooked on to the computer, your body will
be in as good a state as it would normally be. Of course this is a legitimate
reason for not agreeing to join the machine even if instrumentally rational.
But would you still refuse if you could be perfectly certain that your body
would not suffer any ill-effects while strapped to the machine? If the answer
is yes, then you cannot be a utility maximiser. Why? Because by continuing
to refuse you are acknowledging that there must be something other than
utility (or �egetting what I want�f) which matters. (Otherwise you would have
joined!) What is it? Could one be a utility maximiser and still not want to
join the machine even if perfectly certain that one�fs physical condition would
not deteriorate?
Consider the argument that you may be utilitarian but at the same time
at the top of your preference ordering you place the well-being of | other
people; that your utility is to be gained by helping others rather than
through selfish pursuits. Not convincing! For even if you wish to help
others, the machine will oblige you in the most efficient way. Remember
that the machine creates the experiences in your brain/soul that you want it
to. So, if you get your kicks from being nice to everyone, from helping the
poor and needy, from altruistic deeds, then the machine will create such a
life experience for you. Instead of feeling that you have just won the
Olympics or made it in Hollywood, the computer, faithful to your
preference ordering, will conjure up images of setting up path-breaking
medical facilities in Central Africa, of looking after millions of desperate
children and their families or whatever heart-warming images it takes to
sooth your soul.
Still no one will actually be helped by you. Is this not a good enough
reason to decline the machine�fs invitation to join it for the rest of your
biological life? Not so if you are a utility maximiser. Recall the point that
while you are attached to the machine you will have no idea that you are so
attached. The images in your brain will be as real as the experience of
reading these lines. Of course you may insist that, be that as it may, you still
104 CONSUMPTION CHOICES
want to help real people instead of the fake images of real people that the
machine conjures up even if the machine deceives you brilliantly that the
ones you are helping are real.
But what is real and what is fake? What if someone suggests that you
have no way of proving that your current reality is more real than the one
the computer will create in your brain? How do you know that you are not
attached to some computer as you are reading these lines which makes you
think that you are, at this moment, reading a book when, all along, you
are lying on a bed with electrodes sticking out of your skull? �eFine, I do
not know it,�f you may respond, �ebut right now, while in front of the
machine, when asked to be joined to it forever, I have a choice between
what I think is a real life and the virtual life that the computer will create
for me. Even though the latter may promise a lot more utility, I may value
enormously the current belief that the life I am leading now is real
(regardless of my inability to prove it) so much so that I can explain my
unwillingness to join the machine, and thus extinguish this valuable belief,
in terms of utility maximisation.�f Good point. What you seem to be saying
is that you would be happy if suddenly the computer, without asking you,
were to take over your brain (without allowing you to notice that it did so)
and created a fake life that boosted your utility. However, if you are asked
to choose the machine, you would not do so because of the large amount of
utility that you enjoy currently by thinking that you are choosing reality
over the machine�fs virtual reality. Fine. But then you would have to agree
to a situation where the computer would use wireless techniques to take
over your brain without your consent!
�eHold on a second,�f you might, rightly, protest, �eAre we not getting a bit
carried away here?�f I think so too. Nevertheless please allow me to make the
point again that if you choose to shun the machine on the grounds that you
do not want to live a fake life (while attached to some machine) then you
cannot be interested uniquely in utility. You are implicitly stating that you are
also interested in something called reality however we may conceptualise this
notion.
To sum up a rather complex argument, if you choose not to be linked to
the machine for life, then you cannot care only about utility. Your textbook
proclaims that the only notion of importance to the individual is utility, and
since the computer admirably maximises utility, you must accept that utility is
not all that matters to you if you are to argue against joining the machine
either for moral reasons or because of a commitment to �ereality�f. You must
concede that there is something outside utility that matters.
But were most of us to think this way, the neoclassical model of rational
choice would have failed at describing human behaviour. Moreover if we were
to have a rational explanation of why we refuse to join the machine,
economists can no longer claim that violations of their Equi-marginal Principle
are evidence of irrationality. So, can we offer a rational explanation of why we
DO WE MAXIMISE UTILITY? SHOULD WE? 105
would shun the utility machine? Is there anything other than utility that it
makes sense to care for?
4.2.4 The first reason for shunning the utility machine: the fluidity of
desires
Joining with the machine for ever would mean that we entrust our lives to our
desires (since the machine does no more than to create a life in the image of
our current desires). One reason why we may not want this to happen is a
concern that our current desires are a bit naff.recall the Ant and the Grasshopper.
Here is a similar example.
Ronald does not attend classical music performances. Figure 4.2a
explains why: the relative price of such tickets, in terms of all other
prices, is shown by the slope of Ronald�fs budget constraint. The flatness
of his indifference curves is indicative of how little classical music
appeals to him and confirms that his optimal choice is to spend
absolutely nothing on it (point A).
One day his boss changes his constraint to that in Figure 4.2b; that is,
the top part of the constraint (corresponding to the region between 0
and 1 concert) disappears. How? By demanding that tonight Ronald will
take an important client to the concert hall. If he refuses, he loses his job
and therefore his income (in which case his constraint collapses to the
origin if Ronald chooses less than 1 concert). A disgruntled Ronald
takes his seat at the concert hall when the curtain rises and, for the first
time in his life, Ronald is immersed in the music of Mozart.
Figure 4.2a Ronald�fs choice before his boss forced him to go to the concert
106 CONSUMPTION CHOICES
He is stunned! All of a sudden he realises that something has changed
in him. Classical music is not boring and fit for geriatrics only; it is
exciting and full of energy. He walks out of the hall and all night he can
think of nothing else than that last movement. The next day he goes to
his local record store and buys as much Mozart as he can afford. Then
he checks the concert guide and books himself a seat for the next
concert. To put the same story in economic language, his indifference
curves have undergone a substantial rotation following the concert (see
Figure 4.2b) which means that he is now a consumer of classical music
(notice how his new best choice is point B in Figure 4.2b).
�eSo what?�f you may ask. Well, when preferences and choices become
interdependent, the neoclassical model finds it much harder to predict what
we will do. In basic dilemmas (e.g. selecting different bundles of apples and
bananas) we find what the individual will do given preferences, prices and
income (via the Equi-marginal Principle). In this example, however, such
information is inadequate. To predict that Ronald would buy classical music
CDs we also needed to know the extent to which the (forced) consumption of
one concert would affect his preferences. To put it briefly, when choice
contaminates preference the theory (as presented in Chapter 2) is inadequate.
This is so because the theory assumes that it is only preferences that affect
choices and not vice versa. When the road linking the two becomes a two-way
street, the theory is helpless unless it can say something about the second
Figure 4.2b Ronald�fs choice after his boss forced him to go to the concert and
his indifference curves changed as a result of the experience
DO WE MAXIMISE UTILITY? SHOULD WE? 107
direction: that is, about how our experiences affect our desires. Unfortunately
this is not something which the model in your textbook can handle.
Let us see how this point (the interdependence of preference and
experience) offers the first reason for refusing the utility machine�fs invitation
to join it for life: it is quite simple. Ronald had no desire for classical music
(witness Figure 4.2a) initially. Had he submitted his body and mind to the
machine, the virtual reality that the latter would create to make him happy
would not include the experience of Mozart�fs music and the subsequent
transformation. The computer, faithful to the preferences he came with,
would continue to fulfil these preferences and would never expose him to
the concert hall magic since its programming prohibits it to brainwash him
(i.e. to create new preferences). However, some of us look forward to
unexpected changes to our preferences; changes that it is impossible to
anticipate. It is the delicious expectation of an ever-changing, developing self
that gives us an important confirmation that we are not machines; that our
human condition is pregnant with unpredictable possibilities. For those who
value this feeling more highly than preference satisfaction it makes perfect
sense not to join the machine; for they neither maximise utility nor do they
think they ought to.
4.2.5 The second reason for shunning the utility machine: looking for
happiness is not like looking for gold
The second reason why some of us would not join the machine for life is that
the search for happiness presents problems unfamiliar to gold-diggers: when
they find gold they have an objective test for testing whether it is real or fool�fs
gold. However there is no such test for happiness! A fool can be genuinely
happy for tragic reasons (recall J.S.Mill�fs words from p. 81 in Chapter 3). The
second reason is that happiness is not only difficult to identify but also it is a
pretty weird experience to boot. Take for example that evening back in the
1960s marked by a truly remarkable phenomenon: millions of Americans
cried almost simultaneously. Lassie (the popular canine TV-star) had died in
the final episode of the series. To have cried they must have been upset
(clearly they had not shed tears of joy). Yet they had, of course, chosen to
watch the programme and it is unlikely that they regretted that choice.
How can we reconcile their grief with the thought that they gained utility
from watching the programme? Does grief produce utility? Surely no one
places sorrow at the top of their list of priorities and seeks its attainment.
Could it be that it was the unexpected grief, the shock, that they valued and
that afterwards they wished that Lassie had not met her death? What if the
next day the network were to announce that the final episode was not what
the creator of Lassie had intended but, instead, that it was a pirate copy that
was never meant to be screened? Would the grieving millions welcome such a
108 CONSUMPTION CHOICES
development? Doubtful. What is interesting in this case is that viewers enjoyed
the sadness the episode caused and were not willing to erase it.
Happiness is indeed a strange experience. Whenever we go to the movies,
or read a book, perhaps we choose the author or director in a way the
neoclassical model describes (that is, with a view to satisfying our senses or
increasing our utility). However, the moment we start watching or reading,
our enjoyment will be spoilt if we are in control of the plot. Effectively, we
demand that we do not have a choice as to what happens in the movie or book.
We may even choose to watch a horror movie because it paralyses us for two
terrifying hours. Painful the scenes and passages may be but, if well written/
made, we enjoy them.
I can�ft get no satisfaction
Mick Jagger and Keith Richards, Rolling Stones, 1965
So although we would love a machine that does our chores, lessens pain and
alleviates suffering, we do not necessarily wish for a life of no pain, no suffering
and no chores. Such a life would be dull and likely to end by suicide. Happiness
is thus best supported by unplanned frequent excursions into its opposite
(whatever that may be). Consequently a machine that simply filters out all that
we place at the lower part of our list of priorities is incapable of generating a
truly happy life because joy and pleasure may be parasitic on pain and grief.
Put differently, it may be impossible surgically to segregate the good from
the bad experiences. However, notice that the utility machine needs such a
separation as an input so that it can decide which experiences to expose you to
and which to withhold. Unlike real life, which is not guided by a preference
ordering, the utility machine cannot possibly tread the thin dividing line
between pain and pleasure, utility and disutility, horror and edification. Thus
life while attached to it may be free of pain but also devoid of the problematic
pleasures of, say, a Dostoevski novel. Who is to say that choosing to shun the
machine (i.e. caring about things other than utility generation) is irrational?
4.3 Happiness, freedom and creativity
4.3.1 Sour grapes and manufactured desires
The ant, the grasshopper and Ronald�fs concert hall experience have already
shown us that there is more to the good life than preference-satisfaction.
Lassie�fs TV death alerted us to the futility of attempting an all-purpose and
globally meaningful definition of utility (i.e. a separation of utility from
DO WE MAXIMISE UTILITY? SHOULD WE? 109
disutility). But if we do not maximise utility, what on earth do we do? Let us
consider the opinion of Bertrand Russell, on this matter:
All human activity springs from two sources: impulse and desire�c
Children run and shout, not because of any good they expect to realise,
but because of a direct impulse to running and shouting�cThose who
believe that man is a rational animal will say that people boast in order
that others may have a good opinion of them; but most of us can recall
occasions when we boasted in spite of knowing that we should be
despised for it�cWhen an impulse is not indulged in the moment in
which it arises, there grows up a desire for the expected consequences of
indulging the impulse. If some of the consequences which are reasonably
expected are disagreeable, a conflict between foresight and impulse
arises. If the impulse is weak, foresight may conquer (acting on reason);
conversely, either foresight will be falsified, and the disagreeable
consequences will be forgotten, or, in men of a heroic disposition, the
consequences may be recklessly accepted�c. But such strength and
recklessness of impact are rare. Most men, when their impulse is strong,
succeed in persuading themselves, usually by a subconscious
selectiveness of attention, that agreeable circumstances will follow from
the indulgence of their impulse.
If Russell is right, behaviour cannot be explained by a model concentrating
exclusively on desires. Even if we agree that impulses create desires, they
cannot be reduced to desires. He makes two important points: first, there are
many actions that are supported only by a drive, an impulse, an emotion (as
opposed to a desire or the urge to happiness). Second, our rationality is not
just an instrument for getting what we want: it is also a tool for convincing
ourselves that we wanted what we got! This second point is a great threat to
the economists�f model which portrays choices as the rational responses to wellordered
desires. Russell, by contrast, suggests that we often act on impulse
Sour grapes
As always very few thoughts are original. Russell�fs view was expressed
brilliantly many centuries ago by Aesop�fs Sour Grapes fable. A fox is
walking by a vineyard. She sees some grapes hanging above and she
wants some. She jumps repeatedly but fails to reach them. Then she
decides that she did not want them anyway: �eThey must have been
sour,�f she muses. A typical case of altering our preferences in order to
live with the fact that we cannot have what we want. (This is what is
known today as ex post (after the event) rationalisation.)
110 CONSUMPTION CHOICES
(without good reason) and only then subconsciously concoct a desire that could
have motivated our choice. If this is how things work, a theory of choice
putting preference and reason in the driving seat is a sad extension of our
capacity for self-deception.
Children run and cry, adults laugh, both compulsively purchase
commodities that they neither need nor really want, ignorant armies round up
civilians, millionaires are caught shoplifting, students daydream: such
behaviour cannot be explained in any deep sense by the economist�fs model.
Yet the economist can, if pushed, create a list of desires that would have
produced such behaviour.
Looking for reasons after the choice
A marketing study found that 93 per cent of those who had read the
whole text of a full-page newspaper advertisement for a well-known
brand of car were recent buyers of that make and model of car. Why
did they read it? After all, they had just bought that car.
The answer given by psychologists is that after a hard choice people
often want to find reasons for their choice (ex post rationalisation).
Thus they read texts exalting the virtues of the car they have chosen.
Of course these lists are mere illusions of reasons, just like the reasons we
often create in our heads in order to justify our actions. The big question is:
how is the melange of desires, impulses and emotions manufactured? And this
is a question that the economist�fs model has neither an answer for nor much
of an interest in. One thing is certain: to argue that, in the end, our life is
reducible to a list of priorities (called utility function) is unsatisfactory from
both a philosophical and a psychological view. Economists can claim lots of
things; they cannot claim, however, to have rendered philosophy and
psychology obsolete.
4.3.2 Creative self-manipulation and identity
Faced with our own complexity (which economists unkindly, and arguably
incorrectly, refer to as irrationality), we nevertheless often find amazing
reserves of ingenuity with which to counter it. Homer tells the story of
Ulysses who, while sailing home on his return from Troy, came across the
Sirens. He knew of their magnificent song which had a reputation as the
ultimate in melodic splendour. But he also knew of the harrowing fate
awaiting those who, lured by the song, landed in the Sirens�f trap. Not
wishing to jeopardise his safety, but also unable to resist the temptation to
DO WE MAXIMISE UTILITY? SHOULD WE? 111
indulge his ears, he instructed his crew to tie him tightly on the mast, plug
their ears and ignore his protests until the ship was miles away from the
Sirens�f island. Thus, he shrewdly achieved the best of all possible worlds by
restraining himself from doing what would have been, at the same time,
utility boosting and fatal.
Soul-searching reveals that we all have at times attempted, mostly without
Ulysses�f proficiency, to bind ourselves on imaginary masts. When we
deliberately leave home without our credit card, knowing that otherwise we
will spend more than we ought to, we are retracing Ulysses�f moves. What we
attempt is to satisfy our desires taking into account the dangers of impulsive
behaviour. Have we salvaged, at least partially, the utility maximisation
principle? Consider the following application of the Ulysses strategy. I have an
economics assignment to complete by tomorrow morning but before going
home to work on it, you ask me to join you for a drink or two at the bar. I
want to come but I fear that I cannot trust myself.
Although I would like to join you for a couple of drinks, I know that after
the first two drinks I will want more and, for obvious reasons, the assignment
will never be completed. Thus, I fear the impulse that will change my
preferences in a manner that will lead to my intoxication. Enter the Ulysses
strategy. What if I give you all my money and instruct you to buy me only
two drinks? If I ask for more, you should say no! Supposing this ploy works, I
will have creatively dealt with my impulse before it materialises and I will have
thus maximised my utility. However, consider your position if I were to tell
you the following after the two drinks:
I know I have instructed you not to buy me a third drink. Thank you
for being such a loyal friend but now the time has come for me to reveal
the truth. The reason why I am studying economics is that I have
always been a timid, pathetic person amenable to social and family
pressure. In reality, I always knew that I should be an artist but never
had the guts to take the risk. Now that I have had the first two drinks I
have loosened up and I can safely say that this is it. No more economics!
Thus, the real �eme�f is now in command and instructs you to give me my
money so that I can have a few more drinks in order to find the courage
to do what is truly in my best interest: to drop economics and tell my
parents that I want to be an artist.
Well, this puts you in a terrible dilemma. When I claim that the self with
authority to speak on my behalf is the current, slightly intoxicated one, how
do you react? Do you believe me or do you remain loyal to my previous self?
The answer is that if we stick to the neoclassical story there is no answer. For
how can we compare the relative merits of the two selves? Based on utility
considerations alone it is impossible to know which self has more merit. (Note
the similarity between this problem and the question of intertemporal utility
112 CONSUMPTION CHOICES
comparisons discussed in Chapter 3.) Something else, like moral judgment, is
needed and utilitarianism is incapable of providing it. It is this missing link
which may provide further explanation as to why I would feel reluctant to join
the utility machine of Section 4.3.1.
Individuals and organisations
Economists acknowledge that organisations may find it difficult to have
well-defined preferences in view of the diverse interests of their
constituents (see Chapter 8). There is even an argument that
organisations often thrive on this inconsistency. On the other hand,
economics assumes that rational individuals must have well-ordered
priorities which must guide their actions mechanistically. My friend and
colleague Shaun Hargreaves Heap (1989) has argued that the
economic theory of human choices would improve if economists
treated individuals in the same way they treat organisations.as
complex �esystems�f with fluid and incommensurable motives.
4.3.3 Utility maximisation and freedom
Two competing views of human nature have emerged so far. One is the
textbook�fs Homo economicus: a consumer of utilities whose optimal choice
has nothing to do with preference creation and everything to do with
preference satisfaction. The other portrays the individual as an exerter, a
creator, a being whose character is shaped by her actions and by the
actions of others. Although they are both interesting creatures, it is only
the second type that qualifies in my eyes as autonomous, self-determining,
real and (most importantly) as capable of being free. If this is right, to be
free requires the capacity to differ from the model of women and men in
economics textbooks. Of course this is a big claim in need of justification.
Let me try to provide it beginning with a simple question: what is
freedom?
In our days freedom has (thankfully) made it big: the talk everywhere is of
free speech, free trade, free markets. An obvious meaning of that short word
�efree�f is: the absence of constraints.one�fs ability to do what one wants. But is
this a sufficient definition? If it were then the utility machine would be the
ultimate liberator (since it is programmed to maximise your utility by
removing all constraints). However, just as one can act foolishly while
maximising utility (remember the ant and the grasshopper), one can be a
happy slave. Thus untrammelled utility does not guarantee freedom. Consider
the following example.
DO WE MAXIMISE UTILITY? SHOULD WE? 113
Suppose you and I are involved in a dispute about how to share 1 million
dollars. You press a button and my brain is reprogrammed to loathe money
What will happen? It is then best for both of us that you receive all the money
By changing my preferences, you have set both of us free since both you and I
can now get what we want (you get the money and I get the chance to avoid
the money). According to the definition of freedom which equates freedom
with the absence of constraints I am as free as you are. According to another
account, however, you have turned me into a happy moron who gets what he
likes and likes what he is getting.
On this account, instead of freeing me, by allowing me to maximise utility,
you have turned me into the ultimate slave. This gives us yet another reason of
why one may rationally decide not to maximise utility and shun the utility
machine: we suspect that, rather than setting us free to �eenjoy�f, the machine will
deny us the quintessence of our freedom. Whether this is what the machine
does depends on how we understand the concept of liberty. If we think of
freedom in terms of economics textbooks, the utility machine sets us free. If not
it represents the definitive form of totalitarianism. Just imagine a world in which
we all lie down in huge hangers attached to a vast pleasure machine!
4.4 Conclusion
As explained in the Preface, the third chapter in each of the three parts of
Book 1 plays devil�fs advocate and criticises the economic textbook�fs contents.
The current chapter fulfilled this task by taking plenty of shots at the textbook
(i.e. neoclassical) theory of choice. Has it been a gratuitous exercise or is there
a good reason for being critical? Obviously I would claim the latter. Take a
look at any textbook. In a few brief paragraphs it dispenses with the central
question which has been occupying philosophers, political scientists and
intellectuals for centuries: what does it mean to act wisely in a social context?
The economist�fs answer to that momentous question is not only extremely
narrow (see Chapter 2) but also annoyingly arrogant. Rationality is defined in
often no more than one sentence, motivation is dealt with in terms of a
preference ordering (culminating in indifference curves) and best actions (or
choices) are expressed by means of the Equi-marginal Principle. The student will be
excused to think that these are all technical issues to be learnt mechanistically.
Perhaps economics does not need to delve into more sophisticated
philosophy or psychology in order to produce demand curves and economic
theories of prices, purchases, etc. (I shall be returning to this question in
Chapter 11). Nevertheless there is no excuse for textbooks to pretend that the
questions on rationality, wise choices or the source of desire have been
answered by the economic approach. Furthermore there is less excuse for not
even mentioning the limitations of the offered approach or for marketing the
economists�f epidermic approach to human nature as the authoritative model
of men and women.
114 CONSUMPTION CHOICES
The purpose of this chapter was to counter this arrogance. In Chapter 3 we
saw how economists borrowed the concept of utility from political theorists
(like Jeremy Bentham) in order to create a �escience of society�f. Utility lost its
humanist dimension (perhaps inevitably) and the warnings of early utilitarian
philosophers like J.S.Mill (see box) were forgotten. In this chapter a series of
parables illustrated the dimensions of humanity that have been left out of the
economic approach.
Progressive utility
I regard utility as the ultimate appeal on all ethical questions; but it
must be utility in the largest sense, founded on the permanent
interests of man as progressive being.
John Stuart Mill, On Liberty, 1859
Why is all this important? Because of the power of indirect indoctrination.
When we, the teachers of economics, tell our students that here is a model of
how rational persons behave (and perhaps ought to behave), it is not
unreasonable of them to think: �eIf I am not that kind of person then I must be
less than rational.�f This would be a tragically misleading message which needs
to be strangled at birth. For instance it is a favourite tactic of economists to
concede that their model is not always accurate because people are not as
rational as their theory assumes. Some concession! In reality, although it is
true that humans may lack the computational capacity of a computer (and
thus the ability to behave according to the Equi-marginal Principle with
precision), often we do not behave according to the economists�f theory
because our rationality is more sophisticated than that which the economic
model (or any computer) can understand.
Two simple examples of our superior rationality (as compared to
economies�f instrumental rationality): (1) we subject our desires to our reason;
(2) we even manipulate them when we deem them unfit. Also we understand
that our preferences are frequently manufactured and take steps to secure our
autonomy from advertisers and other sirens who are after our minds and
souls; in short, we do things that Homo economicus cannot even dream of (come
to think of it, Homo economicus, being just a bundle of preferences, cannot
dream, laugh, be embarrassed or feel shame). Thus if the economist�fs model
does not predict our behaviour very well this is so as much because we are
more clever than the model as it is because we are less skilled than a computer
at calculating costs and benefits. And this is a message that needs to be
broadcast loud and clear.
DO WE MAXIMISE UTILITY? SHOULD WE? 115
Debate as a precursor to free choice
Liberty, as a principle, has no application to any state anterior to
the time when mankind have become capable of being improved
by free and equal discussion.
John Stuart Mill, On Liberty, 1859
In short this chapter has endeavoured to warn beginners that priceless virtues
such as human autonomy, creativity and liberty (of the type J.S.Mill refers to
in the box above) are not to be found in the economist�fs repertoire. Later (see
Part 3) we shall find that the economic approach has serious problems in
providing guidance on matters such as social justice and well-being. Could it
not be that the root of these problems lie in the rather misanthropic model of
men and women on which economics trades? We shall see.
In the meantime, it is useful to end this chapter by pondering a paradox.
On the one hand, as already noted, economics is replete with eulogies to
freedom (particularly of the market). However, on the other hand, the type
of freedom that economics textbooks talk about is compatible with the
science fiction image of rows and rows of persons attached to a pleasure
machine which bombards them with utility (or, to be more respectful to
ordinal utility, which keeps them at the very top of their preferences
ordering). Less apocalyptically, it is consistent with a society in which
individuals�f ideals have been reduced to purchasing commodities in gigantic
shopping complexes guided totally by cravings manufactured in elaborate
marketing clinics. Perhaps the most helpful conclusion to draw from all this
is that the economic textbook�fs model of rational choice is the culmination
of the logic unleashed on the world by the emergence and domination of
market societies (see Chapter 1 again). One question is worth keeping in
mind when immersed in that logic: is a happy slave (a slave of feudal
masters or, today, of the advertisers) capable of being free (whatever that
person�fs utility level)?
So, if freedom is more than just desire-fulfilment what does it mean to be
free? No one has the definitive answer but here is a suggestion: individual
freedom may be the capacity to act freely, not only in order to satisfy the
preferences that are there already (the utility machine can do this admirably),
but in order to create new and better preferences.in order to improve one�fs
self. We can do this only if we care about more than the indulgence of our
current desires. This is of course not to say that we are masochists and that we
derive utility from the actual sadness we get from reading a bleak novel or
watching a melancholy film. Think of the bliss of the marathon runner who
has just finished first at the Olympics. Could this bliss be the same had the
116 CONSUMPTION CHOICES
pain been removed by some undetectable superdrug? No way. And yet this is
not to say that the athlete enjoys the pain. Instead what seems to be happening
is that grief, pain and sadness help us to reorient ourselves, to excavate parts
of ourselves (even preferences) we never knew existed, to create new ones and
to see the world through everchanging eyes. The right to such a complex
experience may be freedom.
The joyless ownership
During the 1993 bush-fires in areas of south-eastern Australia where
forests were devastated but no houses or farms affected, the media
often reported that �ethankfully no property was lost�f. This is not
inconsistent with the general trend in market societies of forgetting how
to derive satisfaction without direct consumption or ownership. For
some this is a loss for humanity; a diminution of freedom even. Karl
Marx, in his usual polemical style, had issued a warning which the
economists�f model of human behaviour cannot heed.
Private property has made us so stupid and one-sided that an
object is ours only when we have it.when it exists for us as
capital, or when it is directly possessed�cthe human being had to
be reduced to this absolute poverty in order that he might yield his
inner wealth�cThe increase in value of the world of things is
directly proportional to the decrease in value of the human world.
Karl Marx, Capital, Volume 1, 1867
Returning for the last time to the economic theory of rational choices, it seems
that its main defect is an inability to recognise the richness of the human
experience and thus to mistake appropriation of utility for freedom. It is true
that animals act purely on desires created by impulse. And these desires guide
their actions in a definite way. However, what distinguishes us from other
animals is our capacity to base our choice, not only on preferences over
outcomes (e.g. consumption bundles), but also on preferences over
preferences. Unlike cats and mice we have the capacity to think to ourselves:
�eShould I want this?�f or �eI do not like jazz music but I wish I did�f or even �eLast
year I was so immature! Thank goodness I no longer care about whether I lose
another 3 kg or not.�f So, be warned: the neoclassical economic model in your
textbook cannot handle the complex motivation which makes life worth
living. If this is right, then perhaps the economists�f theory of behaviour is very
well suited to mice and intelligent computers. We, humans, need a much
richer theory!
DO WE MAXIMISE UTILITY? SHOULD WE? 117
Rat choice theory!
John Kagel and three collaborators proved that mice are keen
followers of the neoclassical theory of choice. In their 1981 paper
(published in the Quarterly Journal of Economics), they report on an
experiment involving a male rat who was confined for days in a cage
in which there were two levers. Every time the rat pressed one lever, a
fixed amount of food was dispensed; each time he pressed the second
lever, a fixed amount of water was made available. Pulling those levers
was the only means the rat had to get food and water. The
experimenters controlled the total number of releases of food or water
so that, after say ten releases, no more food or water would be
dispensed during that day.
This total number was the rat�fs daily �eincome�f. They also controlled
the number of lever-presses it would take to release water or food. For
instance, on some days the rat would have to press the food-lever twice
to get some food whereas one press of the other lever would suffice for
some water. Assuming that the rat preferred fewer leverpresses for a
given quantity of food or water, the ratio of the leverpresses necessary
to get food and water respectively was equivalent to the relative price
of food and water.
After a few days of experimentation, the rat would discover his most
preferred mix of food and water given his �etotal income�f and the �eratio
of prices�f. Then the experimenters would alter his �eincome�f and
�erelative prices�f in order to discover whether the rat behaved in a
manner compatible with the neoclassical model of choice. Their main
finding is that, indeed, the rat�fs behaviour was consistent with utility
maximisation! Whenever the ratio of prices changed, he would alter
his consumption of food and water by consuming more of whichever
became �echeaper�f.
Part two
Production and
markets
Chapter 5
Review: textbooks
on firms, production
and markets
5.1 Firms and the Equi-marginal Principle
Surprised that the Equi-marginal Principle is back? You shouldn�ft be. The theory
of choice in Part 1 was designed to apply regardless of what is being chosen.
We have already seen how consumers were modelled as boxes which digest
commodities (or, more generally, experiences) as inputs and produce utility as
output. If we think of these boxes as firms then the inputs are the
�ecommodities�f used during the production process (e.g. labour, land, machines,
raw materials) and the output is the commodities that come out of the
production line (Figure 5.1). So, in exactly the same way that the Equi-marginal
Principle relates how the first box (i.e. the consumer) can get the most output
(i.e. utility) out of the inputs (e.g. commodities), it can also explain how the
second box (i.e. the firm) can get the most output (i.e. commodities) out of its
inputs (e.g. land, labour, machines).
5.1.1 The nature of a firm�fs inputs
Why do firms exist?
Why does a large firm like Ford have many different factories which
exchange commodities (e.g. car parts) with each other but without
using the market? For example the Spanish branch of the company
produces gearboxes which are then added to a car made in Ford�fs
122 PRODUCTION AND MARKETS
German factory. Yet the latter does not buy the gearbox from the
former. In effect, the firm has substituted the market. But if the market
works so well, why does the firm do this? Indeed, why does the firm
exist at all? Why do people not do everything through one to one
trading and, instead, work in groups called firms?
The answer given by Ronald Coase (who won the Nobel Prize in
economics primarily for this thought) was that transacting at the marketplace
has its costs; e.g. the time it takes to haggle, the risk that you will
purchase a good of inferior quality, the possibility that when you wish
to buy some part it will not be available in sufficient quantity at the
market etc. A firm, according to Coase, will expand until the cost of
organising an extra transaction within the firm becomes equal to the
cost of carrying out the same transaction by means of an exchange on
the open market. It stops growing when the cost of organising
internally the next activity (e.g. building a new gearbox) exceeds the
transaction cost of buying it in from some outside supplier (e.g. an
independent gearbox manufacturer). Notice how in the last sentence
the size of the firm was explained by means of the Equi-marginal
Principle.
Figure 5.1 Firms as consumers
TEXTBOOKS ON FIRMS, PRODUCTION AND MARKETS 123
What are the inputs to a production process? At first we notice the raw
materials (such as minerals, electricity, etc.) which are, clearly, commodities
traded in markets just like apples and oranges. Then we observe the main
factors of production which are also presented by neoclassical economists as
commodities. For example, there are the workers who labour over the
production line using machines in order to fashion final commodities out of
raw materials. Are these people commodities? Are the machines, or the
conveyor belt itself, a commodity? Is the land on which the factory stands a
commodity?
As Chapter 1 suggested, these factors have not always been commodities.
Indeed it was the transformation of these factors into commodities which
coincided with the rise of industrial, market-based societies (that is,
capitalism). Nevertheless one might say that, since the industrial revolution
is behind us, we are free to treat factors of production as commodities.
However, doing so introduces a small, yet significant, complication that we
must attend to.
With reference to the diagrammatical analogy above between the models of
the consumer and of the firm, the treatment of production factors as
commodities necessitates that the firm is not thought of as the owner of these
factors. Let me explain this subtle point: in the case of consumers, they buy
commodities and then proceed to consume them. In effect the consumer
acquires property rights over the consumption �einputs�f.
By contrast, the firm is not modelled as the owner of its inputs. Imagine the
controversy the following statement would cause: �eCoca Cola owns its
workforce.�f No, firms hire units (or hours) of labour from its rightful owners:
the workers. Although capital and land can be owned by the firms
uncontroversially, again it is more helpful for the theory to imagine that firms
are renting the land and the machines which they need. Why? Because the
theory wants to pinpoint how much land or how many machines the firm
should want to utilise at every point in time. If the firm already owns a fixed
quantity of land and capital which it always uses, then what is the point trying
to find out how much of these factors the firm ought to employ?
Of course you may point out that firms often do own their land or
machines. Well, economists can live with this happily. Their objective is to
remind us that land and machines have opportunity cost. Therefore, even if firms
own their land, under-utilising it may be costly in the sense that the firm might
increase its returns simply by leasing part of its land to someone else who
could make better use of it. So even when a firm owns the machinery or the
land it uses, economic analysis imagines that they are being leased by the firm
(even if it is leasing them to itself!).
To recap, in economic theory consumers (excepting thieves) are assumed to
own commodities before consuming them. Firms on the other hand do not
own the factors of production which they �econsume�f; instead they hire them.
However, they do own the commodities churned out by the production line
124 PRODUCTION AND MARKETS
and traded at the market later. Why is this an important observation? For two
reasons. First, because it helps us understand what the theory of the firm is
trying to do: it attempts to tell a story about how firms select amongst
different combinations of factors in order to minimise the cost of producing a
certain quantity. The idea that firms make this choice amongst hired factors of
production allows us to consider quantities of land, labour and capital which
the firm might not presently own (or which it owns but chooses not to use
and, instead, lease to others).
The second reason is political. As we shall see in Chapters 6 and 7, this
conceptualisation of the firm as a non-owner of land, labour and capital
creates a very specific image for business. If business does not own anything,
what is its role? Quite naturally, embarking from this description of the firm,
one comes to the conclusion that the role of business is to coordinate the
activities of the factors of production; to be something of an orchestra
conductor. Well, this is a pretty flattering image which I would not mind at all
if I were, say, the European owner of a mine in Africa but which I would
contest if I were one of the miners. However, we had better leave the politics
to one side until the end of this chapter.
5.1.2 The firm�fs choice of input combinations
Remember how the consumer�fs best choice between different baskets of
commodities was determined by the Equi-marginal Principle? Well, the same
principles apply to the firm�fs choice between different combinations of factors
of production. Firms like consumers have budget constraints. Their inputs are
commodities and come at a price per unit. Moreover firms have a certain
amount of money which they are prepared to lay out in order to purchase
inputs. Naturally in the same way the consumer tries to extract as much utility
as possible from a certain budget, firms try to ensure that for a given
expenditure on inputs (e.g. labour, land) maximum output will be produced.
Of course there is an important difference between the consumer and the
firm: Whereas the consumer craves utility for its own sake, firms are assumed
to care about output only because of the profit they can make from selling it
later. None the less provided the firm can count on being able to sell its output
at a certain price (or range of prices), the choices of consumers and firms can
be analysed using the same model. So, for our purposes, the analysis of how
firms behave can proceed along the lines of diagrams which differ very little
from the indifference curves and budget constraints of Chapter 2.
Looking at Figure 5.2 we find a picture very similar to that of Figure 2.4 in
Chapter 2. Only here the axis depict not commodities to be consumed by
some imaginary consumer but, instead, factors of production (e.g. labour and
machines) to be hired by some firm. As for the curves resembling indifference
curves, they are called isoquant curves (from the Greek word iso which means
TEXTBOOKS ON FIRMS, PRODUCTION AND MARKETS 125
�eequal�f) because they correspond to the combinations of the quantities of the
factors of production (in our example labour and machinery) which give rise
to the same quantity of output. Thus just as all the points of an indifference
curve generate the same level of utility for the consumer, all the points of an
isoquant produce the same output for the firm. For example, 6 units of capital
(i.e. machines) and 1 unit of labour produce 100 units of output but so do 2
units of capital and 12 units of labour (see points A and E in Figure 5.2).
Isoquants and their slope: the marginal rate of technical
substitution
The slope of an isoquant reveals the firm�fs production capabilities in
the same way that an individual�fs indifference curves reveal her
preferences. In Figure 5.2, at point A the firm produces 100 units
making use of 6 units of capital and 1 unit of labour. If it were to
reduce its capital by 1 unit without reducing its output, it would have to
increase its labour utilisation by about 1 unit; a rate of 1/1. This rate
(i.e. the rate at which it must increase its utilisation of one factor in
order to compensate for the loss of a small amount of the other factor)
is called the marginal rate of technical substitution. It turns out that the
geometrical depiction of this rate is the slope of the isoquant. (Just as
the consumer�fs marginal rate of substitution coincided with the slope of
her indifference curve.) Check that at point D, for example, the
marginal rate of technical substitution is 1/5.
Figure 5.2 A firm�fs trade-offs
126 PRODUCTION AND MARKETS
To sum up so far, the isoquants capture the production process of the firm
by translating different combinations of inputs into different levels of output.
The question now becomes: how does a firm choose between these
combinations? Quite obviously it must first ask itself how much money it
wishes to spend on inputs and what are the prices (rental prices, that is) of
labour, capital, land and so on. Suppose that in our example the firm wishes
to produce 100 units of output, each unit of capital costs $10 per unit per
period to hire, a unit of labour is half as expensive at $5 per period and that
the firm can afford to spend $60 per period on capital and labour. Since the
planned output is 100 units, the firm needs to get on the isoquant joining
points A, B, C, D and E. Consider each of these combinations in turn: A
and D each costs $65 while B and C cost $60. Clearly combinations A and
D cost more than the firm�fs budget while B and C are not only affordable
but can also generate exactly the same amount of output (since all these
points belong to the same isoquant).
Observing Figure 5.2 more closely we can discern geometrically the reasons
for which combinations B and C make a lot more sense than A and D.
Starting at A, if the firm were to reduce its utilisation of capital by one unit,
how many more labour units would it need to employ in order to remain on
the same isoquant? Answer: 1 extra unit of labour, that is the marginal rate of
technical substitution equals 1/1. But we do know that labour units are half as
expensive as capital units to hire. Therefore the firm should definitely proceed
with this substitution from A to B since it can replace an expensive capital unit
with a cheaper labour unit without any loss in production. Similarly, if the
firm were to begin at point D, it is easy to show that a move to point C would
be sensible. Think about it. At D the firm would be employing 7 labour and 3
capital units. How many labour units would it need to give up in order to
employ an extra capital unit while still producing 100 units of output?
Answer: 3, that is, the marginal rate of substitution is 1/3. This means that the firm
could rid itself of 3 labour units (and thus save $15 per period) and in their
place hire an extra unit of capital at two-thirds of the cost (i.e. at $10). A cost
minimising firm would certainly do so.
In conclusion, capital.labour combinations B and C make sense while A
and D are unacceptable. But which is better? B or C? The answer is that they
are equally good since they cost the same ($60 per period) and produce the
same output. This result is confirmed by, what else, the Equi-marginal Principle.
Recall what it had to say in the case of consumer choices in Chapter 2: select
the combination of quantities of two commodities such that the marginal rate
of substitution comes as close to the ratio of prices as possible. Surprise,
surprise this is also what is happening here. What is the marginal rate of
technical substitution between points B and C? Figure 5.2 clearly shows that it
equals 1/2. And what is the ratio of prices of labour and capital? It is also 1/2.
No wonder combinations B and C seem better than the rest. They have the
endorsement of the ubiquitous Equi-marginal Principle!
TEXTBOOKS ON FIRMS, PRODUCTION AND MARKETS 127
Is there perhaps a better combination than either B or C? Possibly. Figure
5.3 zooms in and looks more closely at the combinations lying between points
B and C. One of these points is X.
Immediately we notice that X costs just as much as B or C. Thus there is
no doubt that it is affordable. Is it preferable though? The answer is a
resounding �eyes�f. For it is clear that X lies above the red isoquant joining
points B and C (which corresponds to output of 100 units per period);
therefore X produces more output than either B or C even though it costs the
same (notice that it lies on a higher isoquant which corresponds to 105 units
of output per period). To see this another way, suppose the firm were to begin
at B. Should it reduce its utilisation of capital by half a unit? If it were to do
so, how much more labour would it need to employ to keep output constant?
Answer: less than one unit of labour (i.e. an extra quantity of labour equal to
line segment HY). But if it gives up this half a unit of capital (i.e. BH units of
capital in our diagram), the firm can afford to purchase one whole extra
labour unit (i.e. go from point H to point X); that is, half a labour unit more
than it needs to keep output steady at the same level as at B. Thus by moving
from point B down along its budget line (or constraint) towards X, the firm
will be increasing output from 100 to 105 units per period at no extra cost.
Under what circumstances will the firm have no opportunity to improve its
situation further? The answer is: if it is at a point such as X where there is no
room for further improvement of the sort we just described. Diagrammatically
this means that, at the firm�fs best combination given its budget, one of its
isoquants will be tangential to its budget line.as at X. Analytically, this is a
restatement of the Equi-marginal Principle which was fully developed in Chapter
2 (see box below).
Figure 5.3 Efficient input choices
128 PRODUCTION AND MARKETS
The Equi-marginal Principle and a firm�fs choice of inputs
All we need here is a restatement of the Equi-marginal Principle from
Chapter 2. Compare Figures 2.5c and 5.3: the best choice of inputs
for the firm is achieved when the slope of the isoquant equals the slope
of the firm�fs constraint. That is, when the firm�fs marginal rate of
technological substitution equals the ratio of input prices.
In conclusion, the only combinations of factors the firm will consider,
irrespectively of how much it wants to spend on inputs or how much output it
wants to produce, will be those resembling X; that is, they will contain
quantities of capital, labour, land etc. such that the marginal rate of technical
substitution will equal the ratio of factor prices or, diagrammatically, they will be
points of tangency between the firm�fs budget line (or constraint) and an
isoquant. So, let us examine what will happen as the firm expands; that is as it
spends more and more on inputs in an attempt to produce more and more
output. In Figure 5.3 the assumption was that the firm had about $60 per
period to spend. Suppose that was the case two years ago. Last year business
boomed and it decided to spend $80. This year its expenditure increased
further to $100 per period. How would its demand for capital and for labour
units change from one year to the next? And how much should it produce at
the new expenditure levels? Figure 5.4 answers these questions under the
assumption that the price of labour and capital units have remained the same
(at $5 and $10 respectively).
Figure 5.4 A firm�fs expansion path
TEXTBOOKS ON FIRMS, PRODUCTION AND MARKETS 129
Starting with the optimal combination when the firm has $60 to spend
(combination X, already examined in Figure 5.4) all we need to do is shift the
firm�fs constraint (up and to the right in the figure) with every increase in its
budget and then observe the combination on the new budget constraint
corresponding to a tangency point between that constraint and an isoquant.
Table 5.1 summarises our findings.
So, according to Figure 5.4, the straightforward application of the Equimarginal
Principle suggests that by increasing its expenditure from $60 to $80
and then to $100, the firm can boost its output from 105 units to 150 and 180
respectively. Of course in order to do this it must be clever in the way it
employs (or �eblends�f) its capital and labour; it must be efficient (see box on next
page for a precise definition of economic efficiency). To achieve maximum
output given its expenditure on these two factors, the firm must select the
precise combinations above. If it does not (e.g. if it were to spend its $80 in the
case of the second row on 4 units of labour and 6 units of capital.instead of 5
and 5.5 as in combination Z) it would fail to produce 150 units (notice that
combination [4, 6] the firm does not manage to reach the isoquant
corresponding to output 150 units).
The three combinations X, Z and O in Figure 5.4 are all recommended by
the Equi-marginal Principle and, in this sense, are efficient (or optimal) in that
they maximise output at a given cost (or minimise cost at a given output).
Linking them up creates what is known as the firm�fs expansion path: as the firm
increases its output it must stay on this path if it is to remain economically or
Pareto efficient (see box below). To recap, a firm�fs expansion path comprises
combinations which are tangency points between the firm�fs isoquants and its
various budget constraints (one for each expenditure level).
Table 5.1 Input choice: a numerical example
130 PRODUCTION AND MARKETS
Efficiency in economics: Pareto efficiency/optimality*
In the theory of the firm, a combination of inputs is inefficient if it is
possible to alter it at no extra cost and, in so doing, boost output. And
conversely: if a combination is such that any alteration of it will either
cost more money or cause output to fall, then this combination is
efficient. Diagrammatically, the combinations on the firm�fs expansion
path (i.e. those conforming to the Equi-marginal Principle) are efficient
while all the others are not.
This simple definition of efficiency is named after the Italian
economist Vilfredo Pareto (1848.1923). Often it is referred to as
economic efficiency in order to contrast it to technical efficiency. To
illustrate the difference, consider a firm using input combination A in
Figures 5.2 and 5.4:6 units of capital and 1 unit of labour.
According to the isoquant through A, the firm can produce 100 units
of output at A. Well, this does not mean that it will. For example, the
workers may be lax or the technicians may be operating the
machinery less than perfectly. Technical efficiency implies that this
will not be the case and that the firm will produce at every point in
the figure of Figures 5.2, 5.3 and 5.4 the amount reported by the
isoquant (i.e. the maximum possible given the combination of factors
at that point). Economic or Pareto efficiency by contrast requires
more: it requires not only the ability to work the factors that you have
at your disposal as hard as possible, but also the capacity to select
the right blend of factors of production given your firm�fs budget (i.e.
point X in Figure 5.3 or the points on the firm expansion path in
Figure 5.4)
* Note that the two words efficiency and optimality are used
interchangeably in economics.
5.1.3 The firm�fs cost of production
In Homer�fs Odyssey there is a story about Penelope who spent ten years
weaving a single garment in an attempt to stave off the pretenders to Ulysses�f
(her husband�fs) throne. She had promised the pretenders that when the
weaving is over she would choose his successor from their ranks; and then
proceeded weaving by day and spoiling her handicraft by night. If one is
wasteful, either intentionally like Penelope or unintentionally, there is no limit
to the cost of making something. Consequently, when economists talk of the
cost of producing a certain output, they mean the minimum cost.
TEXTBOOKS ON FIRMS, PRODUCTION AND MARKETS 131
For this reason, Figure 5.4 is invaluable. Once the firm�fs expansion path
has been drawn, we can immediately read off it the minimum cost of
producing different levels of output. Thus output levels of 105, 150 and 180
units will cost the firm $60, $80 and $100 respectively per period. But
remember that these are minimum costs which will escalate if the firm chooses
any combination other than X, Z or O. Why would the firm make such a
mistake? Some times due to bad management; on other occasions because it
cannot get its hands on the combinations it wants (e.g. a shortage of labour or
a waiting list for tractors).
Figure 5.5 simplifies Figure 5.4 by reading off the latter the minimum cost
of producing each level of output. While consulting it one must always keep in
mind that the cost curve it depicts only applies as long as the firm sticks to its
expansion path in Figure 5.4. One last observation is worth making at this
stage: The average cost of producing a unit of output is not constant. As the
firm�fs production increases from 105 to 150 and then to 180, the cost per unit
(or average cost) drops at first from 57 cents to 53.3 but then rises to 55.5
cents.
5.1.4 Profit maximisation
So far the theory has explained how the firm wishing to produce a certain
output, or equivalently to spend a certain sum of money on producing a
commodity, will choose its inputs. The time has now arrived to ask: how much output
should the firm want to produce? To answer this question, one must know what the
Figure 5.5 The makings of a cost curve
132 PRODUCTION AND MARKETS
firm�fs objective is. The standard assumption of neoclassical economics is that
firms strive to maximise profits. The idea of profit maximisation is as central to
the theory of the firm as the idea of utility maximisation was crucial in Part 1 of
this book.
Profit, as defined by economists, is the difference between revenue and
economic (or opportunity) cost. Consequently the level of output that
maximises profit stretches as far as possible the difference between revenue
and cost (provided of course the former exceeds the latter). Therefore the
fact that a firm can increase its revenue by boosting output is not
necessarily a good reason for doing so. Increasing output enhances
profitability only if the extra units of output bring in more revenue than
they cost.
In the language of economics, the profit maximising firm will increase
output when marginal revenue exceeds marginal cost and vice versa. By
deduction, the profit maximising output level is the one at which marginal
cost equals marginal revenue. Figure 5.6 captures this latest reincarnation of
the Equi-marginal Principle with output q�f maximising profit since at that level
the slope of the revenue curve (i.e. marginal revenue) equals the slope of the
cost curve (i.e. marginal cost). Notice that it is almost identical to Figure 2.2
(the only difference being that where we used to write �eutility�f or �edisutility�f
we now have �erevenue�f and �ecost�f). For this reason the explanation of the
geometry of the Equi-marginal Principle will not be repeated here (consult
Chapters 1 and 2 for a revision).
Figure 5.6 The geometry of the Equi-marginal Principle revisited
TEXTBOOKS ON FIRMS, PRODUCTION AND MARKETS 133
In summary, Figures 5.2 and 5.3 solved the choice problem of a firm which
knows how much money it wants to spend on inputs or, equivalently, how
much output it wants to produce. Figure 5.5 translated this solution into a cost
curve reporting on the minimum cost of production at different levels of
output. By matching this information to data on the firm�fs revenue at different
levels of output/sales, Figure 5.6 completes the story by explaining what is
involved in the choice of how much output to produce in the first place (or,
equivalently, how much money the firm wants to spend on inputs).
5.2 Firms and markets
5.2.1 Competition as a determinant of a firm�fs revenue
You will have noticed that in the preceding pages we laboured over the
derivation of the firm�fs cost curve whereas we threw its revenue curve into the
picture (Figure 5.6) only at the last moment. Admittedly this was a bit
naughty. Where did the revenue curve come from? Sure enough we learnt
how to derive revenue curves in Chapter 2 as an extension of demand curves.
However, back there we learnt how to obtain demand curves either for
individuals or for groups of individuals (by summing up individual curves
into curves for groups of consumers; into demand curves for whole markets).
What we did not learn is how to derive a demand (or a revenue) curve for a
firm.
Let us think about the problem. Suppose there are two ice-cream sellers on
some beach: Jill and Jack. Jill charges $2 per cone. What will Jack�fs revenue be
if he charges $3 (let us assume that there is no difference in the ice-cream they
are selling)? Very little, one presumes. Why pay $3 if you can buy the same
item for $2? Now suppose Jill got tired and went home, leaving the beach to
Jack. With no competitor left, Jack will be in a position to raise the price to $3
without losing the revenue he would have lost had Jill continued to sell icecream
at $2 a throw.
Granted that a firm�fs revenue is affected by the extent of competition it
faces at the market, how can we work out what revenue it can expect at
different prices? Before we proceed it is important to acknowledge the
question�fs complexity. Imagine that you and I compete in some market.
Before I decide what price to charge, or how much output to produce, I must
try to anticipate your decision. But how can I do this? Predicting what you
will do is not like predicting the weather. Unlike the weather which will be
whatever it is meant to be regardless of my thoughts about it, your actions will
depend on what you expect me to do just as much as my decision hinges on
my expectation of your decision. We end up with a conundrum: my choice of
output and/or price will depend on what I think that you think that I think
that you think that I think�cabout this choice!
134 PRODUCTION AND MARKETS
Competition breeds uncertainty about a firm�fs revenue at different prices
and output levels. If a market is monopolised totally by some firm, there is no
such problem: the sum of the consumers�f demand curves will be the firm�fs
demand curve (and there is nothing easier than deriving from that its revenue
curve). However if there are two sellers we end up with the conundrum of the
previous paragraph. And the greater the number of sellers the more
complicated things become. Section 5.2.2 gives an example of a two-seller (or
duopoly) market. Section 5.2.3 introduces more competitors, while Section 5.2.4
takes all of them but one away thus analysing the case of monopoly.
5.2.2 A market with two competitors: a duopoly
Consider the market for some specialised car component (e.g. a rare type of
mechanical fuel injection suitable for a small number of 1970s exotic cars) and
suppose that there exist six workshops capable of producing this unit. Every
year, each workshop can produce 1, 2 or a maximum of 3 units at a cost of 8,
11 or 16 respectively (Table 5.2). Now suppose that two companies, Alpha
and Beta, each owns three workshops. Neither firm will utilise more than one
of its three workshops if it has orders for three units or fewer (notice than
within the same workshop, once the first unit has been produced at a cost of
8, the second unit costs an extra 3 and the third an extra 5). However, if
demand per firm ranges between 4 and 6 units, Alpha or Beta will utilise their
second workshop; and if demand exceeds 6 units then all three workshops of
the company will go into production. Thus let us assume that workshops
come into stream sequentially. The first one operates when demand is less
than 4 units; the second starts up production when demand exceeds 3 units;
finally, the third begins to produce only if demand exceeds 6 units (i.e. when
Workshops 1 and 2 are already working at full capacity).
From the above we can derive the cost schedule for producing any output
between 1 and 9 units for Alpha or Beta. For output levels 1 to 3, the cost
schedule of the whole firm will coincide with that of the single functioning
workshop. However, to produce 4 units, each company will need to use its
second workshop in order to produce the fourth unit. Thus the cost of
producing 4 units will equal 16 (the cost of producing 3 units in its first
workshop.see Table 5.2) plus 8 (the cost of producing the fourth unit in the
second workshop). And so on.
Table 5.2 A workshop�fs cost of production
TEXTBOOKS ON FIRMS, PRODUCTION AND MARKETS 135
Table 5.3 summarises the cost schedule of either Alpha or Beta. Of course
in real life firms have different cost schedules; however in order to keep the
analysis simple let us assume that Alpha and Beta have identical costs because
the three workshops they each own and run are identical.
Now that we have data on cost we must turn our attention to the demand
side: what prices are the customers of Alpha and Beta prepared to pay?
Imagine that market research has shown that if only one unit were available in
the whole market, an auction would occur and that unit would fetch a price
equal to 19. Moreover if 2 units were to be auctioned off, each would be go
under the hammer for 18. Again for simplicity let us suppose that the price for
each unit would approximately equal 20 minus the number of units in the
market. Thus if Alpha were to produce 3 units and Beta 4, then the price the
market would be able to bear (provided all 7 units were to be sold) would
equal 20.(4+3)=13.
Notice how the information made available by market research, although
precise and of interest to our two firms, does not tell them how much to
produce. The reason is that the price of Alpha�fs product depends not only on
how many units Alpha makes but also on how many Beta produces. But the
same applies to Beta. Thus the earlier conundrum: Alpha�fs output decision
depends on what it expects Beta will think that Alpha antic-ipates Beta
to�cWhat a mess! However, there is a way in which to disentangle all these
beliefs, expectations and projections.
Suppose that you are Alpha�fs managing director. You do not know how
much Beta will produce and as a result you cannot know what price you can
sell your output at. What do you do? Your problem resembles that of a chess
player: without any firm idea as to your opponent�fs next move, you are forced
to consider various scenaria of the form: �eIf Beta does X, which of my actions
is a best reply to X? And if Beta does Y, what is the best reply to Y? Etc.�f Like
a grandmaster of chess, the more scenarios you consider in this way, the better
prepared you will be for all eventualities and the better the chance that you
will make the right moves.
Given that the maximum output of each company is 9 (3 from each of its
three workshops), Beta has nine possible options from which to choose. It may
decide to produce 1 unit, 2 units,�cor 9 units. What you can do is to treat these
The demand curve
for the output of
Alpha and Beta
Price per unit=20 minus
the combined output of
Alpha and Beta
Table 5.3 Cost and demand facing our
two firms
136 PRODUCTION AND MARKETS
nine possibilities as nine different scenarios. �eSuppose�f, you say to yourself,
�eBeta were to produce X units. What would my profits be if I produced Y
units?�f Although time consuming, this is not too hard a calculation. For
example, take the scenario were Beta produces 3 units altogether when your
company produced 4. The total output (by both firms, that is) being 7, the
price that each unit would fetch at the market would be 13 (recall that market
research showed that price would equal 20 minus the total output).
So since you produced 4 units, your revenue would equal 4 times the price
(13)=52. Subtracting the cost of producing 4 units from this revenue (which
according to Table 5.3 is 24) leaves you with a profit of 28. In the same way,
you can calculate your profits from all possible decisions of the two
companies. To spare you the anguish of so much arithmetic, Table 5.4 reports
on the profits you ought to expect from different scenarios (involving 9
possible choices by each company).
With all this information available to you, it has become possible to gain
a better insight into which output is more likely to maximise your profits.
Looking at the first five columns, it is easy to see that provided Beta
produces an output no more than 4 units, your best strategy is to produce 6
units. Why? Remember that each column corresponds to one output
strategy by Beta. Thus the first column applies if Beta is to produce a single
unit, the second if Beta produces two units, the third if it produces three
units and so on. In each of the first four columns, your highest profit is
located in your sixth row; that is, provided Beta produces no more than 4
units, your best decision is to stick to 6 units. (In Table 5.4 the maximum
profits per column are shown in bold. Note that the first four lie on Alpha�fs
sixth row.)
Table 5.4 Alpha�fs profits in each of eight-one possible scenarious
TEXTBOOKS ON FIRMS, PRODUCTION AND MARKETS 137
Now if for some reason you expect Beta to produce 5 or 6 units, clearly
your best reply is to produce only 5 (notice how your maximum profit. in
bold.is in your fifth row when Beta has selected its fifth or sixth row). And if
Beta is expected to produce between 7 and 9 units, you are better off
producing only 3 units. Looking at the overall picture, it is obvious that your
profit is highest when Beta produces as little as possible (see the first column)
while it will fall dramatically (to values less than zero) if your competitor
floods the market with its produce. How much output should you produce
now that you know all this?
If you are very cautious, you may stick to only 3 units anticipating that
Beta may produce 7 or more. If not, you will produce between 5 and 6 units
(5 if you expect Beta to produce between 4 and 5 units, 6 otherwise).
Economics textbooks in this case suggest that you will produce 5 units for
the simple reason that you have no reason to expect your competitor to
produce a quantity different from yours since the two companies are so alike
(recall that they have the same costs). Therefore in the same way you should
not expect your competitors to produce more than you intend to produce,
they will not expect you to produce more than them either. The only
exception is the case where one firm has been in business for a while, before
the second one comes in. Then the firm that was there first, by some
historical accident, will always produce more and enjoy higher profit than
the other even if they face the same costs. To see this clearly check that if
Beta was operating before Alpha entered the market and had already settled
on an a steady output of 7 units per period, then Alpha�fs best strategy would
be to produce only 3 units. In that case, Alpha�fs and Beta�fs profits would be
14 and 30 respectively. As economists say, Beta would be benefiting from a
first mover advantage.
To summarise, in this simple case of duopoly one would expect each firm
to produce 5 units on average. In aggregate, output would hover around 10
giving each firm an average profit of 23. Finally the price of these components
would, if this theory is correct, averages $10.
5.2.3 Collusion, cartels and monopoly
You are still Alpha�fs manager. Both you and your competitor have settled at 5
units of output and $23 profit each. At this point you notice something
interesting. If you and the manager of Beta can somehow agree on reducing
output to 3 units each, your profits (and thus Beta�fs profits) will climb from
the current 23 to 26 (consult Table 5.4). Why not come to such an agreement?
There are two reasons why such an agreement may be difficult to reach. The
first one is that most countries have legislation which forbids such agreements
amongst competitors. Of course if this was the only obstacle to collusion
between firms, it would be unlikely to stop them from colluding.
138 PRODUCTION AND MARKETS
However, there is a second, much more compelling, reason: although it is
in Alpha�fs interest to agree with Beta to an output of 3 units each, it is also in
its interest to break the agreement and produce 6 units once Beta has
produced 3 (notice from Table 5.4 that when Beta is sticking to the agreement
and produces only 3 units, Alpha�fs profits will increase from 26 to 34 if it
cheats and raises output to 6 units). But because this is a temptation afflicting
Beta as well (i.e. the urge to cheat on Alpha), it may undermine the trust
between the two companies without which such an agreement would not
occur.
This does not, of course, mean that collusion is impossible. For example,
wise managers may learn to resist the temptation to cheat because the payoffs
from cheating are short term while those from collusion are long term. If this
happens, then competition between the two companies will end and the two
will function like a merged company: explicitly as a merged monopoly or
implicitly as a cartel. What would the result be? Aggregate output would fall
from about 10 units to 6 units (3 each) and price would rise to 14 (recall again
that price equals 20 minus total output). Evidently the end of competition
would increase prices, boost the sellers�f profit and reduce the number of car
components available to consumers. In a nutshell, collusion and monopoly
increases profit because it makes it possible for producers to organise a reduction in the
level of output.
5.2.4 Expanding competition
In our example collusion between Alpha and Beta reduced output almost by
half. But even if collusion had not occurred, output would still be relatively
low: each firm�fs output would be around 5 or 6 units, which would leave
one workshop per company idle (each firm owns three workshops each with
a capacity to produce three units). Suppose the government takes a look at
this situation and concludes that something needs to be done about this
waste in productive capacity. It takes Alpha and Beta to court for restrictive
practices and succeeds in breaking them up. The two companies are forced
to give up their idle workshops which are then put together into a freestanding
company Gamma, the new player in the market with a capacity to
produce as much output as either Alpha or Beta (since now all three own
two workshops each).
How much should Gamma produce if Alpha and Beta together produce 10
units (Alpha produces 5 and Beta 5 units), and therefore the price is set at 10
(price=20 minus total output)? One thing that Gamma ought to keep in mind
is that the price will be affected by its output decision. Assuming that the
earlier market research is still valid, i.e. in this market price equals 20 minus
the total number of units supplied to consumers, Table 5.5 relates Gamma�fs
decision problem.
TEXTBOOKS ON FIRMS, PRODUCTION AND MARKETS 139
The first row refers to the situation prior to Gamma�fs entry into the
market. Total output equals the sum of output by Alpha and Beta.
Recalling that in this case price would equal 10 (20 minus total output),
when Gamma enters the market producing 1 unit total output rises to 11
and the price falls to 9 (otherwise the extra units of output produced by
Gamma will not find a buyer). As for profit, 1 unit produced at a cost of 8
fetched 9 at the market; a profit of $1. However, if Gamma were to
produce two units, even though price would now drop to 8, it would be
selling them for a sum of 16 when the cost of production is only 11. This
profit of 5 is due to what economists call economies of scale, the situation
where you increase your cost by x per cent (as a result of producing more)
but your output (and revenues) increase by more than x per cent. In this
case, Gamma increased output by 100 per cent (from 1 unit to 2 units)
while its cost increased only by 37.5 per cent. This is the reason why 2
units bring in higher profit than 1 unit.
Economies of scale usually apply when a company is producing far below
its capacity. As output rises to near the maximum capacity of the workshop,
squeezing yet another unit of output out of the production line causes a rapid
escalation of costs. So we see that the marginal cost of producing a third unit
rises to 5 (cost goes up from 11 to 16; a difference of 5). In summary, Gamma
comes into a market in which the existing companies, Alpha and Beta,
produce 5 units each (total output=10) and sets its own output at 2. The effect
of this new competition for the incumbent firms is that their profits are curbed
as market-wide production increases and, consequently, price falls. To be
precise, Alpha�fs and Beta�fs profits will decrease from 23 to 13 as the price will
fall from 10 to 8. And all this because of the extra 2 units that Gamma
supplies to consumers.
Why does Gamma not produce 3 units? Although according to Table 5.5
its profit would be the same ($5), it may not wish to provoke Alpha and Beta.
Notice that if Gamma produces 3 units, it will be pushing Alpha�fs and Beta�fs
profits down to $8 for no benefit to itself. Why provoke them in such a way
unnecessarily? (Notice that if Alpha and Beta agree to set their output equal to
7 each Gamma will be driven out of the market.) Thus we can predict with
some confidence the following market structure:
Table 5.5 The effect of a third firm entering the market
140 PRODUCTION AND MARKETS
Output: Alpha and Beta producing 5 units each and Gamma 2 units;
total supply of 12 units.
Price: 20.12=8
Profit: Alpha and Beta 13, Gamma 5; total profit equal to 31.
How do we know that this will be a stable situation? A strong indication that
things might stabilise at this state can be had from the observation that none
of these firms has an incentive to change its output. We have already seen why
Gamma might refrain from producing more. Consider Alpha and Beta. If
either of them reduces its output from 5 to 4, its profit will fall from 13 to 12.
Thus none of them have an incentive individually to change their output. Of
course, as before, they may prosper if they get together and decide to cut their
output in unison; that is, collude.
Just like in the case of duopoly (before Gamma was created), if the firms
manage to coordinate their action in order to restrict production, they will
increase their profit at the expense of consumers. For example, suppose that
the three agree to reduce their individual output by 1 unit, that is Alpha and
Beta to cut production from 5 to 4 and Gamma from 2 to 1. Then Alpha
and Beta would boost their profit from 13 to 20 while Gamma would see its
own fall from 5 to 3. However Gamma might agree to this if Alpha and Beta
were to pay Gamma, say, 50 per cent of their extra profit due to this
agreement (i.e. 50 per cent of 7+7=7). Then the agreement would mean an
extra 3.5 profit for Alpha, another 3.5 for Beta and an extra 7 for Gamma.
all due to the reduction in total output by 3 units (and thus the increase in
price by 3).
On the other hand, as mentioned previously Alpha and Beta might
decide there is a better course of action: boost output to 7 units each so
that it is never profitable for Gamma to produce even a single unit. After a
while, Gamma might go out of business at which point Alpha and Beta
could resume their cosy duopoly. Even though this strategy is costly for
the incumbent firms (since they will be making a profit only of 2 while
keeping their output at 7 units each), it might prove tempting enough in
view of the long-term benefits of having rid themselves of a third
competitor.
In conclusion, Gamma enters the market and spearheads an increase in
supply, a concomitant reduction in price and a fall in the profit of the
incumbent firms. The new competitor drives price down and expands the
quantity available to consumers. However the increase in the number of firms
from two to three cannot by itself guarantee this. As we just saw, there are two
other possibilities: (1) Collusion between the incumbent firms and the
newcomer; (2) collusion between the incumbent firms in order to kick the
newcomer out of the market.
TEXTBOOKS ON FIRMS, PRODUCTION AND MARKETS 141
5.2.5 Perfect competition
Have you ever heard mathematicians defining two lines as parallel if their
intersection is an infinity away? What is the point of saying this? Well, it is of
theoretical interest even though when one is building a bridge, or simply
trying to find the quickest route to the Post Office, it suffices to say that two
parallel lines never meet. Economists also have a way with theoretical
statements which have no obvious practical value but which are interesting
from a theoretical point of view. The most famous is the idea of a perfectly
competitive market.
In Section 5.2.4 we saw how the addition of a third firm had a capacity to
enhance competition, reduce price and increase supply. Imagine that starting
from a market with only a few firms, more and more firms enter without
any restriction. Suppose further that they all sell the same commodity (not
even different brands of the same commodity) so that no firm can claim that
its product is better than anybody else�fs. Finally, assume that consumers
have equal access to all these firms (e.g. they are all located in the same
district) and know the prices that each one of them charges. You are
beginning to get the idea of what a perfectly competitive market is supposed
to look like.
To get a preliminary flavour of perfect competition, suppose that each
of the workshops of our earlier example was a separate business with
four of them operating. With all four producing at full capacity (3 units
each), cost for each firm is 16 and price equal to 8 (since total supply to
this market is 3 times 4 and price equals 20 minus total supply). Thus
each firm retains a profit of 8 and the level of total profits is 32. Now the
question is: does it make sense for the fifth workshop/company to start
producing as well? If it produces one unit, price will decline from 8 to 7
and, therefore, given that the cost of producing one unit is 8, the fifth
firm will lose money. However if it produces 2 units, even though price
will decline further to 6 (for the simple reason that in order to convince
consumers to buy the extra units suppliers must reduce prices), its
revenue will equal 2�~6=12 while the cost of producing 2 units is only 11.
So, by producing 2 units the fifth firm will be making a modest profit.
But look at the profits of the other four firms: With price down to 6,
their revenue will collapse to 3�~6=18 and their profit will fall from 8 to
only 2 (i.e. 18.16).
To recap, in a market where entry by new firms is free, the profitability of
incumbent firms attracts newcomers. This increase in supply reduces overall
profit by boosting supply and reducing price. This is no more than the basic
idea that motivated Adam Smith�fs faith in the market�fs capacity to expand
production as far as possible while keeping price just above cost (and thus
cause profit to hover around zero) .recall Section 1.2.2. Notice too the
workings of Adam Smith�fs unintended consequences: in our example, no
142 PRODUCTION AND MARKETS
entrepreneur intends to reduce price or aggregate profit. Exactly the opposite is
the case actually: in an attempt to boost their own profit, they reduce profit for
everyone; including their own. Table 5.6 and Figure 5.7 demonstrate.
As long as there is profit to be made, more firms will come into the
industry. As we just saw, with four firms producing 12 units altogether, the
fifth firm had an incentive to come into the market and produce 2 units thus
forcing the profit curve of the industry as a whole down. Figure 5.7 illustrates
how free entry into a profitable market by profit hunters will, eventually, all
but eliminate profit.a diagrammatic perspective on Smith�fs unintended
consequences also reveals the significant incentive firms have to collude. For if
they could agree to cut down total output to about 8 units, their collective
profits would sky-rocket (observe how the profit curve reaches its peak at
about 8 units of total output). You may then ask: why don�ft they limit their
collective output to 8 units then? The answer is, as mentioned earlier, that the
Table 5.6 Profit, revenue, price and cost as competition intensifies
Figure 5.7 Aggregate revenue, cost and profit for all firms in the industry
TEXTBOOKS ON FIRMS, PRODUCTION AND MARKETS 143
incentive to collude (however strong it may be) has a mortal enemy: the
incentive for any individual firm to cheat on whatever collusive agreement is
struck.
To understand this point better, note that Figure 5.7 refers to aggregate
profit, revenue, etc. This is why it makes so clear the benefits to firms from
collusion. However, if you look at things from the perspective of individual
businesses (rather than from that of the whole industry), a different picture
emerges. For example, suppose that there are four firms operating each
agreeing to produce 2 units of output, a total output of 8 which maximises
collective profits. There are two reasons why this agreement may be infeasible:
(1) a fifth firm has an incentive to enter producing 2 units (this will give it a
profit of 9), and (2) even if there is no entry, any of the existing firms will
increase its profit by boosting output provided the others stick to the
agreement.
Whether the agreement will stick or not in this example involving four or
five firms is unknown; it depends on the kind of communication that exists
between them, how long they expect to be in that market together, each firm�fs
relative valuation of future as compared to present profit and so on.
Nevertheless economists (especially economics textbooks) assume that the
larger the number of firms the less likely that they will manage to collude.
And this is were the notion of perfect competition emerges as a sort of
benchmark. Perfect competition is thought of as the limiting case in which there
are so many, many firms that it is impossible for them to coordinate their
actions. So many, that each one firm is like a tiny drop in a vast ocean and
thus incapable of influencing anyone and anything; not even the price of the
commodity.
In our example above, the market was pretty small (at most six firms with
maximum total output of 18). In this setting it was natural that whenever a
firm increased its output, this had a significant effect on price (to be precise,
we assumed that with every increase in output by 1, price came down by 1).
The reason was that each firm�fs output was a significant proportion of total
output. However, when the firm�fs output is minuscule in comparison to the
whole industry�fs, changes in its production level may have a negligible effect
on price. This is what is assumed to be the case under perfect competition. Firms
accept the price that is determined by the market (economists refer to such
firms as price takers) and simply strive to select their output in such a way that
their profit is maximised. So as long as firms are profitable, new entry into the
industry will mean new entrants from outside (presumably those abandoning
other less profitable markets), an increase in output and a subsequent decline
in the industry�fs profit. When will this migration end? Whenever the
industry�fs profit falls to such a low level that stops attracting new firms
(diagrammatically, see Figure 5.7: this will happen when total receipts by firms
edge close to the cost line or, equivalently when the profit line hits the
horizontal axis).
144 PRODUCTION AND MARKETS
5.2.6 The significance of perfect competition
Is there such a thing as a perfectly competitive market? One in which no
firm has the power to change prices, all firms sell an identical product, there
are no distances to be covered or transport costs, information is bountiful
and therefore consumers can never be cheated into buying that item for
$2.10 if it sells somewhere else for $2.05? Unlikely. So why is it that
economists use the idea of perfect competition so much in their theories?
The most common answer is that it is useful as a limiting case; an extreme
diametrically opposed to that other extreme case of pure monopoly or
collusion.
Looking again at Figure 5.7, it is simple to locate the two extreme cases of
monopoly and perfect competition. The former coincides with a level of
output such that total profit is maximised (about 8 units). The latter
corresponds to the level of output at which profitability has been reduced to
almost nothing as a result of fierce competition between profit maximising
firms (15 units). These two cases can be thought of as �emarkings�f (or limits)
against which to project an actual market situation.
For example, take the scenario explored in Section 5.2.2 according to which
there were two firms producing 5 units each.a total output of 10. By
comparing this total output to that which would obtain under monopoly (i.e. 8
units) and under perfect competition (i.e. 15), one can work out at a glance the
extent of competition in the market under observation. For instance, our
duopoly example seems evenly perched between the two extremes. And the
lower the degree of collusion, or the larger the number of competitors, the
closer we get to perfect competition. Even if we are certain never to get to a
perfectly competitive market environment, it is useful to know our distance
from it.
5.2.7 The market for factors of production
Firms sell commodities (or services) at markets whose structure determines,
together with the cost of production and the level of price, output and profit.
However, firms are not only sellers but buyers too. To be more precise they
buy raw materials, electricity and other consumables (that is, commodities
from other enterprises) and hire factors of production (such as labour, capital
and land) .recall Section 5.1.1. How are these rental prices determined? The
theory of the firm presented in this chapter can be adapted rather simply in
order to provide answers. Table 5.7 gives an example.
Like other markets, there are sellers and buyers, only this time
individuals sell to firms rather than vice versa, e.g. workers selling their
labour. Suppose that at the measly price of $10 per day only 10 (rather
desperate!) workers would wish to work. To attract 20 workers, employers
TEXTBOOKS ON FIRMS, PRODUCTION AND MARKETS 145
must pay $20; to lure 30 workers they must fork out $30 per day. This
information is contained in the first two columns of Table 5.7. The third
column multiplies the first two and generates data on the total wage bill for
all employers in this market at different levels of labour utilisation. The
fourth column reports on the cost to the employers from having hired the
last worker on average (e.g. when 40 workers are employed, the cost of
having increased employment from 30 to 40 equals $700; $700 divided by
these extra 10 workers is $70). Finally the last column (ostensibly put
together after some market research) tells us what wage employers are
willing to pay to each worker at different levels of employment. So, when
there is a terrible labour shortage, and only 10 workers are available,
employers are willing to part with $100 per worker per day. But as the
supply increases, their generosity declines (can you explain this in terms of
diminishing marginal returns?).
Given the identical structure of this mode of analysis and of the preceding
theory of the firm�fs output and price decisions, it is hardly surprising that
Table 5.7 A market for a day�fs labour
Under a perfectly competitive labour market, the wage workers get paid by the employer is
such that the number of workers who offer their labour to the firm at the wage is
identical to the number of workers the firm wishes to employ at that wage; that is, we
seek the row coinciding with an equality between the elements of the second and fifth
columns. Thus we should expect a wage of $60, 60 workers to be hired daily and a
total daily labour cost to employers of $3600. Under a monopsonistic labour market, the
single employer hires a number such that the wage she would be willing to pay equals
her cost of hiring the last bunch (of 10) workers; i.e. her marginal cost (that is, we seek
the row at which there is equality between the employer�fs fourth and fifth column). So,
40 workers will be employed at a wage equal to $40 and the total cost of labour to the
single employer will be $1600 (notice that marginal cost to single employer is $70;
contrast this to the case of a perfectly competitive labour market in which each buyer
faced a marginal cost of only $60).
146 PRODUCTION AND MARKETS
there is no difference in the conclusions. As in the commodity market, the
largest �equantity�f will change hands under conditions of perfect competition.
These conditions include that labour units for sale are identical (that is, no
worker is more dexterous or lazy than others), information is plentiful (so that
wages offered by different firms are known to all workers), and there is a very,
very large number of small-scale employers (so that none of them has the
capacity to alter the market-determined wage). If all this holds, the level of
employment will be such that the wage necessary to give workers the
monetary incentive to work will equal the wage employers are prepared to
pay. In the example above, this happens when 60 workers are employed (see
how the wage in the second and the fifth columns coincide).
But what if the market is not competitive? And what is the opposite of
perfect competition in this case? The term used is monopsony (from the Greek
root pson- which means �eto purchase�f and therefore implies a market with a
single buyer). If all workers are trying to sell their labour to a single employer
(or equivalently to a cartel of employers), then the wage will be lower than if
there were many employers competing against each other for the workers�f
services. The reason for this is that a single employer can push wages down by
hiring fewer workers than would have found jobs in a competitive labour
market.
To see this in terms of the example above, note the main difference between
a monopsonistic and a competitive labour market: as stated already, in a
competitive market there are many employers and therefore each one of them
is too insignificant to have a sizeable effect on the wage. (Whether an
employer hires an extra worker or two will not affect the wage since the effect
of that on overall employment is tiny.) By contrast, single employers have the
whole labour market to themselves and therefore, whenever they alter
employment, these alterations affect the wage directly. In this sense, employers
operating in a competitive market can safely assume the wage to be
independent of how many workers they wish to employ; they take the wage as
constant.
However, notice that things are different in a monopsonistic labour market.
Imagine for instance that you take over all the firms in this market and remain
the sole employer. At first you will be employing the 60 workers that you
inherited from the firms that you took over. Would you keep them in your
employment? Let us think about it. If you were to fire 10 workers, how much
money would that save you? From the fourth column (sixth row) we know
that these 10 workers added to your cost $110 per worker ($60 as their wage
plus an extra $50 which is the cost of having to keep paying the remaining 50
workers a wage of $60 rather than the $50 you would be paying them after
firing these 10 workers). How much money were you prepared to spend on
these 10 workers? According to the fifth column (sixth row) you were
prepared to spend $60 for each one of them; yet they are costing you a whole
$110. Conclusion: you must fire them.
TEXTBOOKS ON FIRMS, PRODUCTION AND MARKETS 147
Should you stop there or should you fire more workers? Answer: you must
fire another 10 workers (a total of 20 workers). Why? Because, looking at the
entry in the fifth row, fourth column, the last 10 of the remaining 50 workers
cost you, per head, $90 when all along you were prepared to spend on them
only $65 per person (see the entry in the fifth row, fifth column). They must
therefore go. When should you stop firing workers? The answer that Table
5.7 gives is: when total employment equals 40. Why? Because at that level the
marginal cost of labour (i.e. the cost to the single employer of each of the last
bunch of 10 workers.see the fourth column.equals the wage this
monopsonist is willing to pay.see the fifth column).
In summary, the take-over of this competitive market by a monopsonist
reduced the wage from $60 to $40 and, simultaneously, cut employment from
60 to 40. As a result, the total income of workers diminished from $3600 to
$1600.
Recapping, just as monopolists profit from their capacity to restrict
production, monopsonists in the labour market benefit from their ability to
restrict employment. The only difference is that in the first case the victims are
the consumers whereas in the latter they are the workers (of course often these
two categories are the same people) who, as we just saw, suffer a reduction in
wages and fewer jobs.
Minimum wages: do they increase unemployment?
The answer provided by this theory is: it depends! If the labour market
is competitive, minimum wages will increase unemployment. However,
if there are strong monopsonistic elements (and this includes the
equivalent of oligopoly, i.e. oligopsony), imposing minimum wages
may actually create more jobs.
The reason is that, under competitive conditions, increasing wages
from $60 to, say, $70 will reduce the level of employment from 60 to
40 (see the fifth column which shows that employers are prepared to
buy only 40 units of labour at $70). However, under monopsony, we
start at an employment level of 40 and a wage of $40. Now if the
government introduces a minimum wage of $60, the monosponist has
no reason to maintain employment at a level less than 60 since the
only reason for doing so is to reduce wages from $60 to $40. Now
that this would be illegal (the legal minimum being $60), the
monopsonist employer will simply choose the level of employment
which sets the minimum wage ($60) equal to the wage she is prepared
to pay; that is, find the row in the fifth column of Table 5.7 which is
closest to $60 (notice that this happens in the fifth row implying a
chosen level of employment equal to 60 workers).
148 PRODUCTION AND MARKETS
In effect the minimum wage can force the monosponistic market to
behave as if competitive. Of course for this to be so, the minimum
wage must equal the level which the competitive market will have
reached. If it is set at a higher level (e.g. wage=$70), then the
monopsonist will settle on an employment level (40 workers) below that
of a competitive market.
5.3 Summary
The businesses, firms and corporations which live in economics textbooks are
not unlike consumers. Instead of consuming whisky, hamburgers and cinema
tickets, they devour units of capital, labour, land and raw materials. Rather
than generating �eutility�f for the individual, these consumable �einputs�f produce
commodities for the firms which hire them. None the less in the final analysis
it is, once more, �eutility�f that they give rise to: After the commodities have
been produced, they are sold at the market-place and the revenue is used to
reward the owners of these factors (the landowners who rent the land, the
workers who �ehire-out�f their labour units, the entrepreneurs who invest their
capital units, etc.). These rewards are, finally, used in order to purchase
commodities whose consumption yields utility for the individuals. The circle
has been closed.
At the heart of the neoclassical theory of production is the idea of firms as
brokers which organise the swapping of capital units for labour units (and
units of other inputs). Production is perceived as no more than such an
exchange. Rational (or efficient) firms are those which select their combination
of inputs and make output or pricing decisions according to the Equi-marginal
Principle. The extent to which they profit depends on the extent of competition
which is often assumed to depend entirely on the number and size of the firms
in the industry.
Chapter 6
History of textbook
models
The intellectual road to
perfect competition
6.1 Production: from classical narratives to neoclassical
models
In pre-industrial societies most production occurred close to, if not within, the
household. Thus consumption and production cohabited in a way that would
have made it impossible to separate analytically.as modern textbooks do.the
activity of �emaking things�f from that of consuming them. Only after the
establishment of explicitly market-societies in which people produced not
goods but commodities (i.e. goods whose whole reason for being produced
was so that they could be traded in some market), and the subsequent
emergence of the factory (see Section 1.1), was production moved far from
where people lived and slept. Indeed it took the whole might of the industrial
revolution to create the distinction between the private and public spheres that
we take for granted today and which encouraged economists to spend much
time analysing production outside the context of the ekos (ekos, the root of the
word economics emanating from the Ancient Greek ????? which means �ehome�f).
Thus in contradistinction to feudalism, capitalism was based on
economic units in which goods were produced not in order to be used or
eaten by those who produced them, but almost exclusively in order to be
150 PRODUCTION AND MARKETS
sold to strangers in impersonal markets. Economists (also a product of the
emerging capitalist market society) spent most of their time studying this
new wave of industrial production of commodities. However, it was only
after the growth of neoclassical economics towards the end of the
nineteenth century (i.e. at least one hundred and fifty years later) that the
private sphere of the household and the public sphere in which industrial
production took place gave rise to the formal separation (common in
modern textbooks) between the Theory of Consumption and the Theory
of Production.
6.1.1 The classical view: firms as blocks of capital
The first economists, the classical economists referred to in Chapter 1, did not
spend much of their mental energy devising complex theories of the individual
firm (just as they were not particularly interested in theories of individual
consumption). Fascinated by the bigger picture of the market economy as a
self-organising system they explored keenly the mechanics of competition in
interlocked markets and the fluctuations of whole industrial sectors. For
example, Adam Smith saw firms as organisations built around blocks of
capital (i.e. machinery) employed by entrepreneurs for the purpose of
fashioning commodities at ever reduced cost per unit before entering the
emerging circuits of national and international trade.
For Adam Smith (as mentioned in Chapter 1), the dog-eat-dog aspect of
capitalism was significant because it forced entrepreneurs to amass machinery
so as to reduce costs and stay in the game. It was the accumulation of these
machines (or capital) that would raise the productive capacity of society as a
whole leading to a plentiful supply of the commodities which would make life
more bearable for the masses. In this sense, the firm was a block of capital (of
steam engines, sewing machines, etc.) and the entrepreneur the coordinator of
this build-up. Production was understood as the conversion of raw materials
and intermediate goods into finished products ready for the retail market; a
process which required the blending of machine power (capital) and human
effort (labour).
The other classical economists shared this perspective: production was
associated with industrial activity involving the physical creation of something
tangible that did not exist before. While they disagreed with each other on
many aspects of capitalism, they were united in their regard of production as a
process during which a powerful boss oversaw the labour of relatively
powerless workers who utilised machinery in order to create commodities.
Their analytical and ideological differences transcended this common
perspective and touched upon other, more subtle, issues. To give a flavour for
these differences I will refer briefly to the views of the two other classic
economists mentioned in Chapter 1: David Ricardo and Karl Marx.
INTELLECTUAL ROAD TO PERFECT COMPETITION 151
Ricardo, as you will recall, was a worried man. Unlike Smith, he did not
think of all the ingredients of capitalist competition as desirable. As explained
in Chapter 1 (see Section 1.2.3) he feared that the energy of capital
accumulation would be sapped by those who managed to appropriate
Material goods please: spare us the moralising
One does not have to be a supporter of capitalism in order to espouse
Adam Smith�fs belief in more worldly goods. George Bernard Shaw
(1856.1950), the outspoken socialist playwright, wrote:
The crying need for the nation is not for better morals, cheaper
bread, temperance, liberty, culture, redemption of fallen sisters and
erring brothers, nor the grace, love and fellowship of the Trinity,
but simply for enough money. And the evil to be attacked is not
sin, suffering, greed, priestcraft, kingcraft, demagogy, monopoly,
ignorance, drink, war, pestilence, nor any other of the scapegoats
which reformers sacrifice, but simply poverty.�f
G.B.Shaw, Preface to Major Barbara, 1905
large segments of produced wealth even though they had not helped create it.
Thus he was concerned that if this appropriation continued unabated (or even
with increasing fervour), the economy�fs engine of growth would stall. To use
the term that Ricardo introduced, if a large portion of society�fs surplus
produce ended up as economic rent (recall the definition of rent in Section
1.2.3: a return to some factor of production or person over and above the worth,
or opportunity cost, of that factor�fs or person�fs productive contribution), the
society�fs capacity to generate future surplus would be impaired.
The explanation is simple: if those who have the incentive to invest into
machinery (i.e. industrial firms in competition against each other) receive a
decreasing portion of the pie, they will slow down their rate of investment and
thus the pie will not rise as fast (it may even start shrinking). But how could
this be the case? Why would some be in a position to appropriate a share of
the pie not justified by their contribution to its creation?
Take two firms: one is an industrial company making nails. The other is a
farm cultivating corn on rented land. The former competes against many
other nail-producers in an open market. The latter is also trading in a
competitive market but is situated on a prized piece of land. As the economy
grows the demand for nails and corn increases. However, whereas in the nails
industry this increase in demand translates into more firms producing nails
with more or less similar costs, in the market for corn, our farm is in a
privileged position since the amount of fertile land is finite. Therefore as the
152 PRODUCTION AND MARKETS
demand for corn rises, other less productive land is brought into operation
and the costs of these new farms lies above that of the original farm. The
difference between the two enterprises is now clear.
On the one hand, we have the original farm which benefits from economic
growth because the extra demand for corn increases the price of corn without
affecting its cost. This happens because, in order for the market�fs increasing
appetite for corn to be satisfied, new farms have to be set up on less fertile soil
than that gracing our original farm. But for the new farms (with higher
production costs than our farm) to start producing, the price of corn must rise
so that it covers the extra cost of cultivating poorer soil. Meanwhile, our
original farm happily continues to exploit its fertile land, producing at the
same low cost as before but now enjoying the higher price. Under these
circumstances, what is the landlord who owns the farm likely to do? Clearly
he will increase the rent (since he knows that the tenant can afford to pay
more given his success at the market for corn). When will he stop increasing
the rent? When the rent is such that a further small increase will make the
tenant quit producing corn and leave for the nearest town. So, Ricardo
exclaims, without investing into any new machinery, without trying harder, the
landlord who owns the fertile land will be raking in more revenue at no extra
cost. And the greater the increase in demand for corn, the larger the share of
the pie that he will appropriate for no extra effort or investment.
On the other hand, both our farmers who do not own or work on fertile land,
as well as our nail-producing firm, are not in the same privileged position. When
the demand for nails grows, after an initial period of rising prices profit, new nailproducers
will enter the market driving profit down to zero again. Similarly, the
profit of our working farmers will be eaten away by increases in the rent charged
by the landlord. However, and this is the difference between landlords and
capitalists, economic growth create more competition for producers but not for
landlords since the quantity of land is more or less fixed. Thus while the capitalists
(industrialists or tenant-farmers) have to find ways of reducing their costs in order
to survive (e.g. invest whatever profit they have made into new cost-reducing
machines), landlords have no such concerns. Indeed they are guaranteed more
rents for no greater effort as long as the economy grows. In conclusion
manufacturing firms as well as farmers who rent land from landlords, invest into
new technology, more efficient production methods, etc. and in so doing help
mechanise and modernise society. Yet their profit is constantly eaten away by
increasing competition. By contrast, the owners of the sought-after land make
more and more profit without so much as lifting their little finger. This is why
Ricardo was so worried: because those who invest into society�fs infrastructure (the
capitalists) end up with little to show for it whereas those who do little or nothing
at all (the landlords) cream off the surplus.
Ricardo�fs conclusion (first stated in Chapter 1) was that unless something is
done (e.g. taxation) to keep in check the portion of surplus appropriated by
the first type of producers (i.e. all those who happen to own a resource in
INTELLECTUAL ROAD TO PERFECT COMPETITION 153
short supply), the producers who are genuinely responsible for capital
accumulation and growth will run out of the resources necessary to keep the
show on the road.
Leaving to one side the general implications of Ricardo�fs work, it is clear that
he distinguishes between two kinds of revenue: (1) that collected by firms in
return for entrepreneurial effort, investment in technology, etc. and (2) that
received in return for nothing other than the mere historical accident of owning
(usually through inheritance or chance) a resource in short supply which, as the
economy grows, becomes increasingly valuable and able to furnish its owner
with more and more economic rent. Following up this distinction, firms can be
segregated between those whose profits reflect their productive contribution to
the economy�fs surplus and those which receive a lot more from society than
they contribute to it (that is, rent). Unsurprisingly Ricardo identified (at least
psychologically) manufacturing industry with the former and landowning, estate
agents, mining, housing (amongst other) with the latter.
Karl Marx both utilised and amended significantly Adam Smith�fs portrayal
of firms as organisations based on blocks of capital and Ricardo�fs distinction
between productive and unproductive activities and economic roles. Adopting
the view of production as the physical creation of goods to be traded at the
market, he distinguished between those activities involved in the production of
value and those which redistributed existing value. For example, the farmer,
miner and manufacturer produced value in so far as they fashioned corn, coal
or nails out of nature�fs raw materials. The value of their activities was in direct
proportion to the value of these commodities (which in turn was determined
by the amount of human labour required to produce them.see Section 1.2.4).
By contrast the bookmaker or equally the stockbroker produce no new
value; they just help reassign already produced value to different people and,
in the process, retain some of that value in the form of fees for themselves. Just
like Ricardo, Marx thought that the dynamism of capitalism hinged on its
capacity to minimise unproductive activities and channel more resources into
productive ones. Consequently Marx also saw the factory owner, the
manufacturing capitalist (as opposed to the landowner or banker), as the most
significant agent of capitalism.
Productive versus unproductive labour
A more moderate but equally interesting way of distinguishing between
the two kinds of labour is to consider the question: Can the production
of commodity X help society increase its surplus (i.e. its production
during a year over and above what was necessary in order to
replenish the resources, goods etc. that it consumed during that same
year)? If it can then the labour that went into producing X was
productive. Otherwise it was unproductive.
154 PRODUCTION AND MARKETS
Karl Marx on the capitalist�fs drive to accumulate capital
�cwhat appears in the miser as the mania of an individual is in the
capitalist the effect of a social mechanism in which he is a cog.
Moreover the development of capitalist production makes it
necessary constantly to increase the amount of capital laid out in a
given industrial undertaking, and competition subordinates every
individual capitalist to the immanent laws of capitalist production,
as external and coercive laws. It compels him to keep extending
his capital, so as to preserve it, and he can only extend it by
means of progressive accumulation.
Karl Marx, Capital, Volume 1, 1867
Although it was the worker alone who created value (by putting her effort
into commodities), the capitalist was the despot who orchestrated the
process of its creation and collected the resulting surplus value (by paying
workers the value of their labour time while retaining the significantly
larger value of the products they produced.see Section 1.2.4 again). What
happened to this surplus value? After paying off the landlord for the use of
the factory space and the bank for outstanding loans and interest, the rest
remained as profit to be converted into more machinery (capital
accumulation) .see box above.
One of the most original aspects of Marx�fs theory of the capitalist firm
concerns the production process which he sees as distinct from the market. At
the market people exchange apples for oranges, money for car stereos, holiday
packages for credit, and so on. However, within the firm, according to Marx,
the relation between workers and bosses is not anything like that of buyers
and sellers. Instead their relation is more like a contest: the boss trying to
extract as much labour (or effort) from the worker for the given wage and the
latter resisting. In this sense the rules and traditions of the market-society end
at the factory gate. Once workers have traded their labour time for a given
wage, they enter the gates daily and are involved in a continual power struggle
(e.g. how many minutes they are allowed to stay in the toilet, the pace of work
which is considered acceptable, the right to stay at home and nurse a sick
child, etc.). According to Marx, to understand the goings-on within the firm
one needs to be a sociologist, psychologist, political scientist as well as an
engineer all wrapped in one. Mere knowledge of the supply and demand
model does not help.
Moreover, starting from his assumption that only labour produces
value, Marx develops an interesting theory of the firm�fs capital: capital is
no more than crystallised labour; that is, the embedding of layers of labour
into machinery which, combined with the intellectual labour of the
INTELLECTUAL ROAD TO PERFECT COMPETITION 155
inventor, contribute to the improvements in productivity. And since it is
the value produced but not claimed by the worker which is used in order
to purchase these machines, labour and capital are one and the same factor
of production. Workers have sweated on the factory floor to produce the
value that gives rise to capital accumulation and the capitalist has used her
social power (due to the asymmetric ownership of factories, tools etc.) to
extract that value out of workers. In one short sentence, capital is
crystallised labour reflecting the social relation between workers and
capitalists.
Notice that, once workers have sold (say) 40 hours of their time per week,
there is no limit to how much effort (or actual labour) the employer can want
from them during those 40 hours. And as the market pressurises the employer,
the employer passes that pressure on to workers by demanding more effort.
Therefore labour is the major factor of production within the firm while
capital is the product of that labour or, to put it in a more abstract manner, it is
a reflection of the way bosses and workers relate to each other.
Finally, the hallmark of Marx�fs view of capitalist production is an
intentional contradiction. On the one hand, we have his enthusiastic
recognition that the emergence of the capitalist firm was essential for the
creation of capital and the liberation of society�fs productive forces from the
strait-jacket of feudalism. On the other hand he claimed that the capitalist
organisation of production, once established, is unable to utilise society�fs
productive energy further. In today�fs jargon, capitalism is inefficient.
Marx�fs explanation is that private ownership of factories, and the
subsequent retention of the firm�fs surplus by owners, perpetuates a conflict
between workers and owners which forces managers to adopt not the most
efficient production technique but the one which will maximise their power
over the workers. Moreover the workers, alienated from the product of their
labour, have little incentive creatively to develop new techniques and ideas.
Put simply, Marx saw the coming of capitalism as a decisive yet incomplete
step in the direction of efficient production.
6.1.2 The neoclassical view: production as exchange
Classical economists were mesmerised by images of the factory, the conveyor
belt, the steam-engine, the mass creation of commodities, the division of
labour which cut costs spectacularly. They were the children of the brave new
industrial society. Even though they disagreed on many things (ranging from
the prospects of capitalist societies, to the ethics or efficiency of the bossworker
relation and the different degrees of concern that unproductive people
were receiving large shares of the wealth), they shared a common vision:
society progressing through the wonders achieved in smoke-filled industrial
sites. For them contemporary terms such as the �eentertainment industry�f
156 PRODUCTION AND MARKETS
would seem ridiculous. Entertainment is great, Smith and Marx would agree,
but it ain�ft no industry folks! Production is the act of creation of physical
objects. Music, theatre, hair-cuts, parties are all wonderful things but they lie
outside the sphere of industry. To put it differently, they can occur and
flourish only in countries underpinned by either a strong industrial sector or
ownership of very scarce resources (e.g. oil).
Enter neoclassical economics with its urge and enthusiasm for a unifying
principle which would turn economic analysis into something very much like
Newtonian physics. Having adopted �eutility�f as the universal currency which
would help them achieve this end, neoclassical economists initiated their grand
break from the classical tradition. Everything was to be reduced to utility (in
ways mirroring the Newtonian explanation of all physical phenomena by an
appeal to the notion of energy). Thus consumption was to be thought of as
the human being�fs response to a craving for �eutility�f and production as the
creation of that �eutility�f (since humans did not lust for commodities or
experiences per se, but for the utility they would derive from them).
Actually we have already come across in this book the basis of neoclassical
production theory as part of the second chapter�fs presentation of consumption
theory: recall the example of someone walking in the fields picking berries.
When should she stop picking (i.e. producing)? The answer (courtesy of the
Equi-marginal Principle) was that she should stop when her dis-utility from
picking the last berry just about equalled her utility from it. Therefore
neoclassical economists, so as to promote the concept of utility as the one
which unifies all economic analysis, had to insist on a definition of production
as the costly generation of utility.
This definition took them far away from the classical economists�f
identification of production with heavy industry, the accumulation of
machinery, the sound of the factory whistle and the sight of mineworkers�f
blackened faces. For neoclassical economists a stand-up comic was as much a
�eproduction�f worker as a miner. The immediate repercussion of this position
was that, all of a sudden, the classical economists�f distinction between
productive and unproductive activities disappeared. So did their conviction
that production was a rich process of physical transformation of intermediate
goods into material commodities. Moreover their prime concern and yardstick
for the success of an economy, i.e. strong capital accumulation, gave its place
to �eutility�f. Whereas for Adam Smith et al. showing that a particular measure
would enhance the build-up of machinery was sufficient for demonstrating the
superiority of the measure in question, in neoclassical eyes the only test was
whether it would enhance utility.
Having identified production with the creation of utility (as opposed to
the creation of physical products), neoclassicism proceeded to its second
major step towards homogenising production and consumption: it identified
what happens in the firm with a pure exchange between owners of different
factors of production (recall that, unlike Marx who thought only of labour
INTELLECTUAL ROAD TO PERFECT COMPETITION 157
as a factor, neoclassical economists recognised three: land, labour and capital
.perhaps four if we include �eentrepreneurship�f). According to this view,
capitalists exchange with workers units of capital for units of labour as if
they are at a market place trading apples for bananas. They also exchange
units of capital for units of land with landlords. Then, once the trade is
complete (e.g. once 4 units of labour have been blended with 3 units of
capital), the resulting combination of the traded units translate into a certain
amount of output.recall the isoquant curves in Chapter 5. How this
happens is not explained. It is simply presumed that it is a technical matter;
that a combination of so many workers and so many machines will or can
produce so many units of output.
There are some crucial implications of this theoretical position. First, the
politics and sociology internal to firms is taken out of the theory: just like
buyers and sellers at the local fruit-market need have no relation with each
other beside the actual, impersonal transaction, neoclassical economics models
the labour process as a simple transaction between workers and bosses. It is as
if workers and their employers are not involved in any fluctuating power/social
relation with each other.
Second, along with the social relations within the firm, the neoclassical
model dismisses the actual process of production. Indeed the whole complex
process of producing a commodity is collapsed to that one instance during
which workers and firms agree to exchange labour for capital at a given
price. It is as if production is a procedural, automatic matter that occurs in
some unspecified manner after the exchange between workers and
employers. Third, the neoclassical theory of capitalist firms does not require
capital at all; e.g. employers could be exchanging units of land for units of
labour. Unlike classical economics which reserves a privileged position for
capital and its accumulation, the neoclassical model of production as
exchange is so abstract that the presence of capital is not obligatory for the
model to make sense.
What is the conclusion one should draw from these three implications? It
depends on one�fs point of view. One possible conclusion is that neoclassical
economics has succeeded in unifying the two strands of economics (the
theory of consumption and the theory of production) and to take the politics
and sociology within firms out of the analysis. According to this
(neoclassical) perspective, economics has ridden itself of its non-scientific
aspects and allows us to look at firms and production through an objective
lens. The opposite conclusion is that, in its urge to turn production into a
species of consumption involving an exchange between different factors of
production, most of the interesting aspects of production under capitalism
(especially those discussed extensively by the founders of economics) have
dropped out of the scene.
In summary, the neoclassical portrayal of the firm, which incidentally
coincides with that of contemporary textbooks (see Chapter 5), is that of a
158 PRODUCTION AND MARKETS
small market in which owners of capital trade with owners of labour, land,
raw materials, etc. Once the trade is complete output springs from the
production line quite miraculously. Moreover the level of output bears a
one-to-one relation with the particular combination of the various factors
of production (that is, 3 units of labour and 5 units of capital combined
with 2 units of land produce a given amount of corn; and all this regardless
of the particular relationship between workers and employer, or the social
and economic conditions outside the factory gates). And since the firm
does not own its inputs but instead only hires them, the entrepreneur is a
mere coordinator of factors of production the output of which she claims
on the basis of her initial ownership of the funds necessary to hire the
factors.
6.2 Markets and competition
6.2.1 Classical theories of the market: their origin in Natural Law
philosophy
As the product of the same intellectual movement which gave rise to modern
physics and biology, the founders of economics were excited by the possibility
of discovering the ways of the world without the need to rely on explanations
afforded by some higher authority (e.g. the Church, the king or even the
philosophers). Their contemporary natural scientists, children of Isaac Newton
and Charles Darwin, were already writing down the laws of the cosmos and
of the species. One of things that early economics had in common with other
elements of this wave of scientific endeavour was a background in Natural
Law philosophy. According to this philosophy �egood�f meant that toward which
each thing tends by its own intrinsic principle of orientation. Anything which
forces some thing or person to go against its �enatural�f predisposition was
deemed �ebad�f. As you can imagine, Natural Law tradition can be traced back
to theology.
For instance the Italian theologian St Thomas Aquinas (1225.74) states in
his text Summa Theologiae: �eGood is what each thing tends toward�cGood is to
be done and pursued, and evil is to be avoided�f. So, when Newton
discovered the mathematical laws of the pendulum, or the solar system, he
discovered the state towards objects or even planets were tending; a state that
was natural, safe and good. And when Adam Smith alerted the world to the
tendency of prices to reflect costs provided the market was competitive, his
enthusiasm reflected St Thomas�f identification of the state towards which
things tend with the �egood�f. Therefore competitive markets produced �egood�f
outcomes.
The following box reveals how Adam Smith, influenced by the Natural
Law tradition, saw in market forces an invisible hand capable of guiding
INTELLECTUAL ROAD TO PERFECT COMPETITION 159
human beings in a way that no individual could. Thus if any individual (or
group, e.g. a government) were to try to assume the role of the market forces,
they would be forcing the system out of its �enatural�f state. Such an interference
with Natural Law not only would lead to inferior economic outcomes but also
is described by Smith (see box) with words such as �edangerous�f, �efolly�f and
�epresumption�f.
Adam Smith on market regulation as an interference with
Natural Law
The statesman, who should attempt to direct private people in what
manner they ought to employ their capitals, would not only load
himself with a most unnecessary attention, but assume an authority
which could safely be trusted, not only to no single person, but to
no council or senate whatever, and which would nowhere be so
dangerous as in the hands of a man who had folly and
presumption enough to fancy himself fit to exercise it.
Adam Smith, Wealth of Nations, 1776
The classical economists who followed Adam Smith shared his belief that
society ought to be allowed to tend towards its natural, harmonious, state
(such was the optimism of those born and bred during the European
Enlightenment). Even those who opposed untrammelled capitalist markets
based their opposition on something akin to the Natural Law tradition. They
may have criticised parts of Smith�fs analysis but did not stray significantly
from the belief that �egood�f things spring from a tendency toward balance and
equilibrium. They just disagreed on what is a natural state for an economic
system.
To illustrate this point further, let us return for one last time to the other
two classical economists referred to in this book. David Ricardo�fs problem
with rentiers (that is, with those who acquire wealth by amassing economic
rent) was that they were weakening the invisible hand; that they got in the
way of market forces and slowed down, or even made impossible, the
establishment of Smith�fs happy equilibrium. It is not much of an
exaggeration to say that even Karl Marx�fs contribution, although admittedly
more radical than Ricardo, falls within the same sphere: for Marx the
problem with capitalism was its ferocious contradictions and incurable
instability. An economic and social system based on the asymmetrical
ownership of factories, farms, machines, etc. could not generate a stable
equilibrium. Thus Marx�fs critique of capitalism can be interpreted as the
view that free markets lead to unstable social conditions at odds with
Natural Law. To put it differently, chronic unemployment, economic crises
160 PRODUCTION AND MARKETS
and inflation were the symptoms of a system unable to procure balance,
harmony and equilibrium because of the fact that a certain class (the owners
of factories, farms, etc.) stubbornly held on to a monopoly on the means of
production for their own enrichment.
6.2.2 Classical theories of the market: rivalry and profit equalisation
If one had to summarise the classical view on markets in one word, one
would have to settle for process. Just like Newtonian physics set out to
discover the equations determining the motion of planets in the solar
system, classical economists attempted a similar description of the market
process. To give an example of their approach, take the objectives of a
firm. Modern textbooks simply assume that firms maximise profit. Period.
Given this assumption, it is then claimed that the pursuit of profit brings
firms into conflict. By comparison, classical economists did not take the
firm�fs objectives as given and static but as the product of constant
evolution.
To illustrate this dynamic perspective on what firms are about, suppose
that some new firms come into an existing market. The resulting
competition forces the older firms to pursue profit more ruthlessly than
before in order to compete successfully. In that way, the pursuit of profit and
competition feed and reinforce each other. On the other hand though, when
competition leads to a profit crisis, firms start thinking of ways to reduce
antagonism and collude with each other. Then they realise that in order to
do so they must avoid the temptation of reaping short-term profit by pricecutting;
learning to be abstemious (i.e. to settle for less than maximum
profit) underpins the spirit of cooperation amongst them and, ironically,
boosts their profit. The upshot is a cyclical, dynamic picture in which the
firm�fs anxiousness for profit fluctuates in relation to the competitiveness of
their environment.
From the above we glean a fundamental aspect of the classical
economists�f view of the market: the contradiction between profit-seeking
and competition. Firms are forced into a state of rivalry because of their
interest in extracting as high a profit as possible. However, collusion
between firms can bring higher profit than competition. Having said that,
collusion is also unstable because if all of a firm�fs competitors refrain from
aggressive tactics, then that firm may succumb to the temptation to corner
the market. But if it does so others will follow and a cut-throat price war
will ensue. (See box on the next page for an example of how profit may
accrue more readily when it is not the sole objective.) Thus rivalry at the
market-place causes firms to oscillate between conflict and cooperation. It
is the depiction of such a dynamic process which characterises the classical
economists�f view of the market.
INTELLECTUAL ROAD TO PERFECT COMPETITION 161
The next most important aspect of classical views of markets is that the
pursuit of profit leads firms to migrate from one industrial sector to another
usually abandoning the ones which have become too �ecrowded�f and cut-throat.
This movement would tend to reduce the profitability in the areas into which
they have moved but would only end when profit rates become almost the
same in different sectors of the economy. Capital flows from one area to
another like water between communicating bottles. The flow ends the
moment the level of profit is equalised across sectors (just like the water flow
ends when its level is the same in each bottle). This became known as the
principle of profit equalisation.
How is the flow of capital realised? As capital equipment wears out in
the areas of low profitability, it is not replaced. Instead new capital is
brought into use in the more profitable sectors of the economy. The result
is that profit per firm is reduced in the profitable areas (as more firms
compete for that market) and increased in the less profitable ones (as
rivalry is reduced there) until profit rates are about the same in both types
of area. However this equilibrium, this state of balance in which profit
rates are the same economy-wide, is rarely reached. Before the tendency
for the equalisation of the rate of profit has been exhausted, the economy
may have changed.
For example, technological innovations or changes in consumer preferences
may have boosted profitability in a hitherto unprofitable sector thus instantly
reversing the flow of capital away from it. Consequently classical economists
recognised that the position of equal profit towards which the market is
tending changes constantly with the result that it is never reached. It is in the
context of this dynamic view, of this process, that the principle of profit
equalisation is compatible with an observation that profit is unequally
distributed in the economy.
Profiting from a healthy disregard of profit
Suppose that if you promised sincerely to drink a glass of pig urine
tomorrow morning, I would hand over to you $1 million immediately
and regardless of whether you actually drink the hideous liquid in the
morning. Assuming I could tell whether your promise is honest (e.g. I
have plugged you into a super-efficient lie-detector), what are your
prospects of collecting the $1 million? The answer is that you would
not collect a penny if the only thing you cared about was the money.
The reason is this: to get the money, you must convince my lie-detector
that you will drink the urine. And the only way of doing so is to
convince yourself that this is what you intend to do. But then again,
how can you believe this when you know damn well that once you
162 PRODUCTION AND MARKETS
have collected the money you will have no reason to drink the urine
tomorrow?
However, things may be different if you care about something
more than money: wanting to keep your word for the sake of keeping
your word. For if you develop a commitment to not lying then you
may convince yourself that a pledge is a pledge and that, if you
promise to drink the urine then this is exactly what you intend to do.
In that case you will pass the lie-detector test and collect the money.
But you will fail if your honesty is due to an exclusive interest in the
$1 million rather than to a genuine commitment to being honest.
Honesty may very well reward you handsomely but it cannot be
acquired by you (at least not genuinely) when your reason for doing
so is that it pays to acquire it.
The moral of this story for firms is that profit will be boosted when
rivalry gives its place to collusion but that collusion cannot rely only on
the urge of firms to profit. Firms also need to develop an interest in
collusion for reasons that are unrelated to money making (just like you
would have to develop a genuine interest in truth-telling in order to
collect the $1 million). For example, managers of different firms may
develop a moral code in their dealings which allows them to collude;
an ethical code which they want to follow regardless of profit.
Although it is difficult for such codes to emerge and survive, it should
not be assumed impossible. After all even thieves (and Mafia bosses)
take �ehonour�f seriously!
To give a further example of the classical economists�f analysis of the
market as a process consider this: the invention of a new product gives its
inventor a monopoly position and high profit. Inevitably other firms
develop similar products with the effect of reducing the inventor�fs high
profit rate. Since this process characterises most markets, the rate of profit
fluctuates constantly. It declines in the sectors of the economy relying on
ageing products and rises in the other sectors which are spawning new
products. Unsurprisingly profit rates may never become equalised even
though a proper description of what is happening requires us to recognise
the tendency towards profit equalisation.
6.2.3 Neoclassical theories of the market: perfect competition as the
ideal market
As witnessed in Chapter 5, the neoclassical approach to the market differs
from the classical perspective. Where classical economists speak of chaotic
INTELLECTUAL ROAD TO PERFECT COMPETITION 163
market processes (which oscillate between collusion and cut-throat
competition), the neoclassical approach of contemporary textbooks focuses at
stable market conditions. To coin a metaphor, the classical view of the market
process resembles a roaring mountain river whose water flows unpredictably
towards the tranquillity of the ocean. By contrast, the neoclassical economists�f
models bring to mind a serene snapshot of a calm lake representing
equilibrium, i.e. a state of balance from which the water has no tendency to
depart.
The difference lies in the emphasis. The classicists focused on the flow
itself and only thought of the equilibrium as something towards the market
tended but never reached. The neoclassicists, by contrast, focused on the
equilibrium itself without much concern about the path the market would
have to follow in order to reach it. This difference in emphasis meant that
the classicists (in view of their interest in processes) created stories about the
emergence of competitive pressures or, vice versa, about the birth of
monopoly conditions in sectors where some firms acquired market power
either by driving other firms into the ground or even by taking them over. In
comparison, the neoclassicists (in view of their interest in a state of market
equilibrium or stasis) created descriptions of what stable markets would look
like (recall Chapter 5).
To understand the perspective brought to economics by neoclassicism, let
us examine the notion of competition. Which is the highest form of
competition in a typical economics textbook? Perfect competition: the ideal
form of market in which the powerlessness of firms is such that none have the
capacity to alter prices or make profit and where the (large) number of firms
stabilises precisely at the moment profit collapses to minuscule levels. The
moment profit starts rising, new firms come into the market and it falls again.
Why is this thought of as ideal? Because prices fall to the level of cost and
output is maximised; with consumers reaping all the benefits.
Of course there are many similarities between classical and neoclassical
views. In both cases it is the movement of firms from one industry to another
in search of higher profit which regulates the rate of profit and the distribution
of resources. Nevertheless the differences are real. Whereas the classical
narrative on what one ought to expect of intense competition is inextricably
bound with a tumultuous and multifaceted rivalry between firms (price
conflict, technological innovation, temporary alliances, mergers and takeovers),
in the textbook model of perfect competition there is no actual
competition.in the real meaning of the word. For if no firm can influence the
market, and each knows this, they accept their lot and keep functioning
passively, without attempting to out-manoeuvre their competitors. In this sense
perfect competition is an imaginary market in which there is no actual
competition whatsoever!
Of course this does not mean that the neoclassical economists believed such
a placid market could ever exist. As the box reveals, they are acutely aware
164 PRODUCTION AND MARKETS
that perfect competition is an extreme hypothetical, and unrealistic, model to
be used for pedagogical and analytical purposes only. How is the idea of
perfect competition used then? The aim is to work out a theoretical case in
which prices are as low as possible, output as high as it can be and the
resources used in production are the minimum required. Neoclassical
economists thought that if they could study this theoretical case (i.e. perfect
competition), they would then gain insights into what an ideal market would
look like so as to assess the merits or demerits of observed markets. Notice the
difference in method between classical and neoclassical economists. The
former attempt to understand real markets by describing them (and the chaos
inherent in them) as well as they can. The latter do it in a more round-about
way: they create an extreme model of a market which cannot possibly exist in
order to use it as a yardstick for real markets which they hope to understand
better by means of this comparison.
Why this difference? Recall Chapter 1 and the way neoclassical economics
came to the fore. In contrast to the non-professional enthusiasts known as the
classical economists (who were driven by an urge to produce theories of the
momentous events around them), the neoclassical economists had an interest
in emulating classical mechanics (the number one science at that time). They
set out to create models of ideal economies in the same way an engineer would
build a model of the ideal bridge in the process of thinking about what bridge
to construct. And just like bridges are static, immovable (one hopes) things,
the economists�f model shared a static outlook.
We can see the effect of the different outlooks by examining, for the last
time, the way the two strands of economics analyse competition. Classicists
see it as an ever fluctuating process hinging on technical innovation and
changes in demand but also on the norms and conventions (as well as the
politics and sociology) governing the relation between entrepreneurs
(conventions which make collusion between them more or less feasible and
sustainable). A look at a modern (neoclassical) textbook tells a different story.
Perfect competition as an imaginary, impossible market
Perfect competition
is not intended to be a description of any real economy or even a
description of any realistically attainable end. Its role is to enable
one to derive a set of theorems that define the conditions under
which the productive resources of the economy are optimally
allocated in creating the various goods and services that are
desired.
Scott Gordon, The History and Philosophy of Social Science, 1991
INTELLECTUAL ROAD TO PERFECT COMPETITION 165
Two extreme snapshots are first discussed: monopoly (i.e. a single firm) and
perfect competition (a large number of tiny firms producing a homogeneous
product with no restrictions on the entry or exit of firms from the industry).
Then the extent of competition in an actual industry is determined by trying
to locate it on this continuum between the two extremes of monopoly and
perfect competition. The actual location (and thus the degree of competition)
eventually boils down to the number of firms in the industry.
6.3 Summary
Modern economics textbooks define production as the generation of anything
capable of creating utility. In other words production equals the creation of
utility. This definition allows neoclassical theory to unify its analysis of
production (the creation of utility) and consumption (the hunger for utility).
As for production itself, firms undertake to coordinate the three factors of
production (land, labour and capital); to act as islands of non-market
coordination of economic activity in the oceans of a market society; to let
owners of capital, labour power and land, under the shrewd supervision of the
entrepreneur, engage in exchange. The outcome of this exchange is
commodities to be sold in the market at large. Finally the ideal market (that is,
one characterised by perfect competition) is a stable one where no one can set
prices, profit is kept to zero (after opportunity costs are covered) and output is
maximised.
Before this (neoclassical) approach became dominant, there was the
classical view: firms as �eblocks of capital�f and production as the physical
transformation of intermediary into final products within these �eblocks of
capital�f. The market mechanism was portrayed as a ceaseless cauldron where
nothing ever stood still, a jungle which forced capital not only to accumulate
but also to spread around the economy in search of profit. The sign of a wellfunctioning
market mechanism was more machines (i.e. capital) well
distributed around the economy with the distribution pattern reflecting a
permanently unfulfilled tendency towards profit equalisation.
What are the fundamental differences between the textbook analysis and
the classical one? Could they be saying the same things using different
narration techniques? Three things are certain: whereas classicists turned the
spotlight on change, flow, process and dynamics, the neoclassicists spent their
time analysing states of rest, balance, equilibrium. While classicists saw
production as a social process involving simultaneously power games,
exchange, cajoling, threats, even exploitation, neoclassicists pictured
production as a type of pure exchange. And where the classicists tried to
understand markets by painting an accurate and wholistic picture of the
markets they observed, the neoclassicists tried to do the same by painting a
model of ideal markets one at a time.
Chapter 7
Critique: is the
textbook�fs theory
of production good
economics, good
politics, both or
neither?
7.1 Work and production
7.1.1 Difficulties in distinguishing between production and
consumption
If production is to be defined as the costly generation of utility (which is how
economics texts define it), professional comedians are producers. But what
about the friend who makes us laugh around the dinner table? The textbook
rules her out of the set of producers because her jokes do not cost her
anything, unlike the professional comedian who had to give up other moneymaking
ventures in order to stand up in front of the audience. So, it turns out
that, according to (neoclassical) economics, for a comedian to be recognised as
a production worker, she must produce laughter at personal cost. Interesting. But
what of the mother who tries to make her sick child laugh? Is this work? Or is
it a form of consumption (e.g. the enjoyment of motherhood)?
On the one hand, this is a clear case of production. In order to create
utility for the whole family, she stayed at home looking after her sick child
THE TEXTBOOK�fS THEORY OF PRODUCTION 167
(thus forgoing income) and now has to come up with funny jokes (when she
is not necessarily in a humorous mood). On the other hand, she may not be
able to imagine that she would be wanting to do anything else. In this case
her work is akin to the friend who entertains you over dinner. Both generate
utility (for themselves as well as for others) without a significant opportunity
cost.
Nevertheless it seems strange to define a mother�fs child-care as production
only if she considers the time spent nurturing her child as something she had
to forgo. To extend this point further, the neoclassical definition of production
(as the costly generation of utility) opens the way to the criticism that people
who love their work, and who would still do it for free if they had to, are not
considered to be producers (because work in their case is indistinguishable to
leisure).
The counter-argument is that everything has its opportunity cost (that is,
one always has to give up something in order to do something else). So the
loving mother who feels that she is not giving anything up in order to stay at
home, or even the workaholic architect who would rather die than go on
holiday, are both giving things up in order to do what they love. Everything
comes with an opportunity cost. Fair enough. But then every utility generating
activity, normally associated with consumption, would constitute production:
from listening to music to building a bridge.
7.1.2 Difficulties in distinguishing between work and leisure
Anthropologists who studied aboriginal cultures have often commented on
how little members of hunting and gathering societies used to work. Only a
few hours a day were spent seeking food and building shelter. The rest was
time spent on discussions, tribal dancing and other communal pursuits. Notice
what the anthropologists had done: they distinguished between work-related
and non-work-related activities. How did they do this? By defining a number
of tasks as essential (e.g. hunting) and others (e.g. rain-dancing) as inessential.
But who are we to say what is essential for these people? Or to put it
differently, what if they were to send their own researchers to our cities and
classify pursuits such as Parliament sittings, advertising, banking and the
bravura in the stock exchange as inessential pursuits?
Textbooks (reflecting the method of neoclassical economics) try hard to
define consumption and production in terms of the same idea: utility.
Consumers eat utility up (so to speak) while producers generate it for others
and at a cost. However as we just saw (in Section 7.1.1) economics ends up
without a convincing definition of how consumption and production differ.
This failure echoes the same theory�fs earlier difficulty in separating utility
from dis-utility (recall Chapter 4). Just as it is impossible to segregate the
satisfaction from reading a sad, yet brilliant, novel from the real pain and
168 PRODUCTION AND MARKETS
sadness it caused, it is absurd to draw a dividing line between the fatigue
incurred when doing a job from the job satisfaction one may derive from it.
And yet the textbook must pretend there is no problem (if it wants to
convince readers that the choice model at its heart is unproblematic)! Recall a
whole theory of work was erected (turn back to Section 2.2.3) on the grounds
of a trade-off between income (or equivalently consumption) and leisure. The
idea was that people want both money (because of the commodities it
provides) and something called leisure which, apparently, is the opposite of
work. The individual worker�fs problem then is how to select the best
combination of the two things she likes: income and leisure. In the end,
having taken into account the offered wage and how much she dislikes
working, she decides to give up X amounts of leisure in return for a sum of
money $Y Therefore the textbook (or neoclassical) theory of work begins with
the assumption that, for a given amount of income, people want to minimise
work (or, equivalently, maximise leisure).
Work and leisure
�eIf you don�ft have work you have no leisure.�f
Anonymous unemployed person
But what is leisure? The opposite of work, we are told. OK. Let�fs say we agree on
this. Now consider an unemployed person who has given up looking for a job
simply because there do not seem to be any in her region. According to the
textbook, she is enjoying maximum leisure at the cost of not having much money
(excepting social security or savings). Therefore if only someone gave her the
money that she would be earning normally (as an employed person) she would
have been much happier than if she had been given her job back. Yet sociological
studies show, time after time, that people get a sense of self-worth from working
without which their lives end up in ruins. The social bonds created at the
workplace are, in many cases, irreplaceable. Yet this does not mean that workers
rise happily every morning looking forward to crossing the factory gates. The
human condition is too complex for such black and white analyses.
In summary, economic textbook definitions of work and production are
problematic. (1) Work is defined as the opposite of leisure (non-work) and
individuals are assumed to prefer leisure (non-work) to work other things (e.g.
income) being equal. This is too simplistic and misrepresents the true nature
of work as well as the true nature of leisure. (2) Production is defined as the
costly generation of utility. However, this is too broad a definition: watching a
horror movie (to the extent that the fear involved in watching it constitutes a
cost) qualifies as production. Bluntly speaking, the economics textbook seems
to be rather hazy about both work and production.
THE TEXTBOOK�fS THEORY OF PRODUCTION 169
7.1.3 The modern invention of work and production
For the aboriginal cultures examined by western anthropologists, a
raindance was as essential for �eproduction�f as gathering food. Even the
rituals that, to western eyes, looked like a bit of communal fun, were
instrumental in preserving the social division of labour. In those societies,
therefore, the western distinctions between work and leisure made little
sense. Indeed this remained the case world-wide until fairly recently; until,
that is, the creation of market societies in which the majority of the
population had no option but to sell their labour in order to make a living (recall
the discussion in Chapter 1). Before the emergence of industrialised market
societies, goods were mostly being produced and consumed within the
household, the community or the feudal estate by the same people. Work
and leisure occurred in the same space and, often, it was impossible to
distinguish one from the other. While consumption and production were
confined within the same community, it made no sense to define them as
strictly separable activities.
Is sport work or play?
Until recently sport was deemed to be a non-work activity; hard and
tiring perhaps, but not the equivalent of working down a mine or for a
bank. While it remained so, it was possible to invoke the ancient
Olympic spirit of virtuous amateurism (e.g. it is participation that
counts, not victory). When commercial television coverage made it
possible for audiences to be captured by sporting achievements and
�esold�f to advertisers for specific sums of money, things changed. A full
monetary valuation of sporting endeavours became possible for the
first time, sport became a commodity and sports-people entrepreneurs.
The abandonment of amateurism by the International Olympic
Committee was then only a matter of time.
In order to reach the stage at which we can speak sensibly about work and
production as the opposites of leisure and consumption, humanity had to
experience the industrial revolution and the consequent creation of factories
in which strictly work-activities were performed (by contrast to the
household and the estate). In this sense, the economics textbook has
difficulties understanding work and production in all places and at all times
because it tries to define them independently from the prevailing social conditions. It is as
if the models in the textbook can be applied with equal force to aboriginal
Australia prior to the European invasion, ancient Greece and contemporary
Japan. They cannot. Work and leisure are meaningful concepts only in an
170 PRODUCTION AND MARKETS
industrialised society were people make a living by selling their time to
employers who use it in order to fashion commodities which are to be sold
at the market. The act of selling one�fs labour time gives rise to some
conception of alternative uses of time which make notions of leisure and,
even, productive work meaningful. In this sense, only when the
development of industrial production takes shape does the notion of work
(as separate from activity) materialise.
Have you noticed the common historical theme running through this
book? In Chapter 1 I argued that before the industrial revolution there
existed no factors of production (as we know them today; that is, as
commodities) and, therefore, there was no great �edemand�f for pure economic
thinking. It was the unleashing of the industrial revolution which created
labour, land and capital as marketable inputs in the production process. To
this I am now adding the argument that the industrial revolution created the
idea of work as different from other tiring activities (e.g. hobbies, rituals,
nurturing the young and the old). By extension, production became
associated with the term �eindustry�f, that is with the process that occurred
inside those ugly factories whose creation signalled the distinction between
work and non-work activities.
Unfortunately the economics textbook (also an indirect product of the
industrial revolution) does not recognise these subtleties. Instead it defines,
rather crudely, work as the opposite of non-work and production as the
opposite of consumption. Why does it do this? In my (biased) opinion, it does
so because of the urge to abstract from history; to create �escientific�f definitions
independent of historical change. In the process, it produces (I think) bad
definitions. However, one may argue that these disingenuous definitions may
be necessary for a good theory of markets. Are they? Read on.
7.2 Production as exchange
7.2.1 Labour as more than a commodity
Economics textbooks treat labour like any other commodity. They use the
Equi-marginal Principle to model the determination of its price (i.e. of the
wage) and of its sold quantity (i.e. of the level of employment measured in
working hours or days). Having internalised the modern conversion of work
into a commodity (again you may want to turn to Chapter 1 to revisit the story
of this conversion), it assumes that labour can be purchased in a manner
similar to the way bananas change hands in some fruit market. This is the
first serious assumption: labour can be quantified and purchased just like any
other commodity. �eI will have 5.6 units of labour,�f the employer is supposed
to be able to announce when entering the labour market. The second crucial
assumption is that units of labour, once purchased, combine with other
THE TEXTBOOK�fS THEORY OF PRODUCTION 171
factors of production to produce specific quantities of output. It is as if the
matter of how much output a certain combination of labour and other
factors can produce is of a singularly technical nature; a little bit like a
recipe: take a cup of milk, add three teaspoons of flour, etc. and you will be
able to serve six people. (This is effectively what the isoquant curves of
Chapter 5 assume.)
Of course neither of these two assumptions have much connection with
the reality of workplaces. First, workers cannot sell their labour at the time
when the employment contract is signed. All they can do is sell a promise to
report to work at particular times and work �ediligently�f. What does
�ediligently�f mean however? Who is to interpret its meaning? How hard is
hard enough?
Compared to the fruit market in which it is easy to quantify how much
a seller sells before the transaction, the labour market is characterised by an
impossibility of explicit contracts between employers and employees. The
1979 general election slogan of the British Conservative Party captures the
difference between labour and other commodities nicely (even though this
The discovery of women�fs unpaid work in the home
For centuries housework was considered a woman�fs duty. In recent
times, however, we have been made aware that women actually work
in the household as hard, if not harder, as anyone else. Feminists put it
bluntly when claiming that women were called housewives so as to
hide the fact that they were unpaid housekeepers. Why is it however
that we have only �ediscovered�f this now? Sue Himmelweit (1995), a
feminist economist, answers this question:
My argument is that the willingness to talk about domestic work,
using tools designed for the analysis of paid work, and even to
debate whether household labour should be included in national
accounts statistics, stems from tendencies within the economy itself,
which have put paid and unpaid work into much closer and
obvious comparison with each other�cSubstitutes for the results of
nearly all the activities that go on in the home are available for
purchase on the market, providing an immediate way in which
they can be valued.
Thus the emergence of a market for domestic services (e.g. laundry,
ironing, house-cleaning, baby-minding, etc.) allowed us to recognise
women�fs domestic efforts as work!
172 PRODUCTION AND MARKETS
was never its intention). In the case of all other commodities, the signing
of the contract between buyers and sellers ends the negotiations and the
contest between the two sides. In the case of labour, however, the opposite
is true.
But if the first assumption (that labour can be quantified at the moment of
purchase) is threatened, the second assumption (that given employment
translates to given output) collapses. For how then can we speak of a
combination of X units of labour and Y units of capital producing Z units of
output? What are these units of labour? Are they measured in the number of
hours workers have been contracted to work? If so, how do we know how
hard they will be working, with how much enthusiasm, or with what
intensity? Surely the intensity and enthusiasm during the working day are not
Labour isn�ft working�c
British Conservative Party election campaign poster, 1979
Monitoring work, labour effort and the wage contract
Neoclassical economics has begun to acknowledge that imperfect
monitoring of workers causes problems for its analysis. For example it is
easy to show that if the employer cannot know how hard workers labour
(because the nature of work is such that they cannot be watched and
because output may fluctuate for reasons unrelated to workers�f effort.
e.g. fluctuations in the weather or in demand) the best solution is to
charge workers a flat fee for the right to work and let them collect any
profit. In this case (which is known by economists as the Principal-Agent
Problem), the workers pay the employers for the right to work and collect
the proceeds minus the employers�f fee. Indeed this is usually the case
with taxi owners and taxi drivers: the latter pay a fixed sum to the former
and in return collect the day�fs takings. (Notice how this scheme transfers
all the risk due to variations in demand to the worker.)
Of course this does not explain the enforcement mechanism when
monitoring is possible. How do employers enforce a certain work-pace
when there can be no prior contract which specifies the agreed pace
in advance? The answer is: by the threat of dismissal and other
psychological methods. It is these important determinants of the profit/
wage link that the textbook theory does not account for.
THE TEXTBOOK�fS THEORY OF PRODUCTION 173
constants that the employer has purchased together with the workers�f time.
They are, instead, variables which depend on a host of circumstances only
one of which is the wage.
Indeed they depend crucially on the precise relationship between employers
and employees, between employees themselves, on the threat of dismissal etc.
And since human relations, relations between rich(er) employers and poor(er)
workers, not to mention the culture of the workplace, are complex and
unquantifiable variables, how intelligent is it of economists to assume that the
level of output is a mathematical function of how many units of labour have
been purchased by the employer independently of these unquantifiable variables?
Work effort in a firm and the economic links with the rest
of the economy
The employer can prevent workers from slouching only if they are
monitored and threatened with dismissal.see previous box. However,
the �evalue�f of this threat depends on how easily workers can get jobs
elsewhere; that is, on the level of unemployment. Thus labour
productivity depends on economic variables pertaining to the whole
economy (macro-economic variables, as they are called). But if this is
so, it is impossible to draw a firm�fs isoquant curves (as we did in
Chapter 5) without a complete model of how the whole economy
works.
Only if this host of social variables is included in the production function (i.e.
the mathematical rule which converts inputs into outputs) will the isoquant
analysis in Chapter 5 reflect reality. But since these variables are by their very
nature impossible to quantify, it may not be at all possible to do so. Then it
may be inevitable that any theory of production along the lines of the analysis
in Chapter 5 is unconvincing. To see this point from a different angle, consider
the centrepiece of the neoclassical theory of the firm: the Equi-marginal Principle.
It breaks down the moment the social nature of production is taken into
consideration.
To see why this is so, let us recount how it produced a theory of the firm.
In Figure 5.3 the optimal utilisation of capital for the firm was given by point
X. How was this derived analytically? Simple. By altering the combination of
labour and capital while maintaining the same output level (i.e. while remaining on
the same isoquant curve) until the marginal rate of technical substitution (that
is, the slope of the isoquant) equals the ratio of the wage and the price of
capital.
Given that the marginal rate of technical transformation is defined as the
ratio of the marginal product of labour and the marginal product of capital
174 PRODUCTION AND MARKETS
(i.e. the extra output that will be produced by employing one more worker or
one more piece of capital respectively), to know the slope of the isoquant (or
the marginal rate of technical transformation) requires that we know the
marginal products of labour and capital. But if the argument in this section is
correct and labour input (or its effect on output) cannot be quantified
straightforwardly (by measuring hours of work alone), then it is not possible
to know the marginal product of labour or how different combinations of
labour and capital can maintain the same output level. In summary, the firm�fs
isoquants cannot be defined.
For example, travelling along an isoquant curve means reducing labour
input while simultaneously boosting capital use. In general this will involve
firing workers. This development, however, may affect the productivity of the
remaining workers directly. Labour productivity might increase if those who
keep their jobs become more fearful and, in response, accelerate their workpace.
However, it may decrease if the remaining workers are so incensed by
the dismissal of their colleagues that they reduce their effort (or even strike) as
a protest.
Notice the theoretical headache that this complication causes for
neoclassical economics. Geometrically speaking, it makes it hard, even
impossible, to draw legitimate isoquant areas. The reason is that, all of a
sudden, the relationship between labour inputs, non-labour inputs and
outputs is no longer self-contained: it depends on non-quantifiable (e.g.
sociological, psychological, political, etc.) factors characterising the
employerworker relation. Even though the effect of trading off 100 workers
for 1 extra industrial robot might be measurable after the event, its
magnitude depends on factors which are neither exclusively �eeconomic�f nor
specific to this particular firm (e.g. it may depend on the rate of
unemployement economy-wide). Returning to the geometry, the above
means that it may be hard to explain isoquants such as those in Figure 5.4 if
sliding down one of them (e.g. a firm trading workers off with machines)
may lead to many different directions in a manner that is difficult (perhaps
impossible) to explain by means of this theory. And if it turns out that
isoquants, are ill-defined functions then the same applies to the firm�fs
expansion path and, by extension, to its cost curves (see Figures 5.5 and
5.6).
If this is so (and I believe it to be), why is it that (neoclassical) economics
insists on production functions, isoquants, cost curves, and so on? Why does
it continue to treat labour and bananas as if they were analytically equivalent
(i.e. mere commodities)? The answer is that, unless labour is treated this way,
production cannot be analysed using exactly the same tools (e.g. the Equimarginal
Principle) as those used in the theory of choice and consumption.
�eSo what?�f you might ask. Well, recall Chapter 1 in which the proposition
was put that neoclassical economics was characterised (from its conception
during the later part of the nineteenth century to date) by an urge to create
THE TEXTBOOK�fS THEORY OF PRODUCTION 175
one large mathematical model capable of explaining all economic behaviour in
a manner which shuts out of economics all sociological, historical and political
arguments; the perennial attempt to turn economics into a kind of social
physics.
Now, consider what would happen if economists had to accept that
production cannot be examined properly without a theory about the social
relations between bosses and workers, between workers themselves or about
the social environment in which firms operate. It would be like admitting
that history, sociology, politics, etc. ought to have a say in the theory of the
firm. If economists know one thing it is that monopoly pays. And after
having spent a hundred years creating one in the sphere of economic
theorising by shutting the door on other social scientists, it would be
madness to let them in again!
7.2.2 Keeping politics out of the picture: the covert role of isoquants
Another reason for the single-mindedness with which textbook economics
insists on treating labour like a mere commodity is political. Before
neoclassical economics, economists did not hide their politics behind
equations: their analyses were replete with their political views.
Positive economics
In a bid to proclaim economics as a pure science, neoclassical
theorists divide their economics into two types: positive and
normative. Positive economics is meant to be the analysis of how the
economy is, objectively. Normative economics comes in as an afterthought
and studies how we would like things to be; a subjective,
value-laden view. Following this distinction, the vast majority of
neoclassical economists claim that their work is positive economics
(that is, objective science).
However, whenever we encounter a social theorist, or politician for
that matter, who tells us that their views of society or their
recommendations about policy are beyond politics, we should beware.
The best way of pushing one�fs political agenda is to convince others
that one does not have one!
Adam Smith made it quite clear were he stood on most political issues of his
time; David Ricardo took an active role in Parliament (by buying a seat in
it!), haunting the landlords, whom he had depicted in his economic theory as
the main threat to growth, and championing the cause of the industrial
176 PRODUCTION AND MARKETS
capitalists; Karl Marx devoted his life to working-class politics. It was not
until the emergence of neoclassical economics that economists began to
pose as scientists above politics and invented the myth of �epositive
economies�f .see previous box.
How does this determination to keep politics out of the theory explain
the economic textbook�fs devotion to the idea of labour as a mere,
quantifiable, commodity and of production as a simple market exchange of
labour units for money? Let me answer with another question: when two
consenting adults do mutually beneficial things without harming anyone else,
is there any justification for the rest of us to intervene? Of course not, is the
liberal answer. Politics is what happens in the public arena but not within
such a relationship. Thus if economists could convince us that the
employer-employee relationship is of that nature (i.e. mutually beneficial
and consensual), then it should be accepted on face value and not as
something that needs to be questioned or analysed. The only thing that
would then matter, from an economic point of view, is the price and
quantity of the labour traded between employers and employees.
Notice how the analysis of Chapter 5 guarantees precisely such a view of
production which renders political, social and ethical aspects irrelevant: by
insisting that, because workers voluntarily sell their labour for a price
labour is like any other commodity on the market, it implies that what
applies to the fruit market must also apply to the labour market. Under this
scenario, no exploitation or exercise of power by employers is remotely
possible and, by deduction, there is no politics at the shop-floor. The
economics textbook�fs monopoly on wisdom regarding production is thus
assured!
When arguments like those of Section 7.2.1 make an appearance (e.g.
that labour is more than a commodity; that it cannot be quantified happily;
that because it cannot be quantified, and because the worker cannot promise
a specific quantity of �elabour units�f at the outset, the employer-employee
relationship is one characterised by power-plays as the employer tries to
extract as many �elabour units�f as possible after the contract has been signed
�c), they threaten the project of keeping economics free of politics. It is no
great wonder that economics textbooks do not pay much attention to these
ideas. We must never forget that textbooks were written by people with
vested interests which often clash with the pure pursuit of truth (and this
must include the present author!). Of course there is no question of a
conspiracy of silence. All that is necessary is a definite disincentive towards
questioning the textbook�fs authority which ultimately takes the form of a
financial incentive to write textbooks which one�fs colleagues will
recommend to their students. Textbooks that challenge the profession�fs
authority are unlikely to make money and therefore, following the rule of
the market, unlikely to be published!
THE TEXTBOOK�fS THEORY OF PRODUCTION 177
7.2.3 The covert politics of isoquants
Isoquants (see Chapter 5) are simple curves depicting how every different
combination of labour and non-labour inputs automatically translates into
certain amounts of output. Can they have politics? Not as such. However, the
argument that firms purchase at the market particular quantities of labour
which are then put in the production process and, hey presto, out comes a prespecified
amount of output, is a political claim. To illustrate this, contrast this
model of production with the following ghastly image: pregnant women and
small children working in a tin mine for hours on end, abused by
unscrupulous supervisors so that they keep working at an inhuman pace.
Sounds extreme? Well, maybe. But these scenes did occur during and after the
industrial revolution in Britain and do occur (as you are reading this) in the
Third World.
Carpet factories in the Indian sub-continent are notorious for working
young children in conditions of quasi-slavery for 14 hours a day and in
return for pitiful amounts of money. But even if these practices no longer
existed, they still act as a poignant reminder of the isoquants�f political
implications. The point is simple: from the textbook�fs point of view, there is nothing
really that helps us distinguish between the horrors just described and the more civilised
working conditions experienced by western workers. For example, the owners of the
The personal IS political
At the beginning of Section 7.2.2 you came across the liberal
position that what consenting adults do behind closed doors is not
political but private or personal. Granted that this is an appealing
principle worth defending (who after all wants others to meddle with
their private affairs?), women came to notice something strange
about it: their second-rate status in and out of their homes, their
exploitation in the hands of often violent husbands, the
undervaluation of their work�c all these beastly aspects of women�fs
lives were mostly consented to by women. Indeed the worst kind of
enslavement is one accepted by the slave as natural; as something
that could not be otherwise. Thus the feminist movement�fs rallying
call in the 1970s, in an attempt to eradicate exploitation by
consent, was �eThe personal is political�f. From our point of view, this
acts as a reminder that the mere fact that individuals may have
agreed to some exchange does not by itself render that exchange
apolitical, free or acceptable. The nastiest dictatorship is one to
which all consent.
178 PRODUCTION AND MARKETS
carpet factory above could justify themselves by arguing that they did not
force these children to work for them; that these children and their families
consented to working under such conditions and for low pay. �eTo have
consented they surely benefit from the employment we give them,�f they are
liable to claim.
Any theory that does not have the tools to look at this carpet factory and
see the rampant exploitation which goes on in there, is a blind theory. And
when this blindness is designed into the theory so as to keep politics at bay, it is
not only bad economics that results but also barbaric politics. In this context,
some critics of neoclassical economics see the textbook�fs attempt to keep
politics out of economics not as just a theoretical mistake but, instead, a
conscious attempt to impose a particular type of politics: to be precise, the
political view that anything employers can get away with is OK! If this is true,
isoquants represent a specific political position; one that makes exploitation
and coercion at the workplace invisible.
7.2.4 Consenting to exploitation
If workers sell labour units to employers, in the same way that the newsagent
sold you a paper this morning, can they be exploited? Did you exploit your
newsagent? Surely, just like the newsagent, they would not agree to the sale if
it is against their better judgment. This is the political excuse the economics
textbook implicitly uses in order to justify its treatment of production as an
uncontroversial, technical process. The answer, of course, is that they may
have had no other alternative. Granted that no one forced them to take the
offered job and that their employer did not chain them to the work-bench, this
does not rule out exploitation. Let us not forget that desperate people will
agree to do desperate things. If you were dying of thirst in the desert you
might have consented to paying $10,000 for a glass of water. Similarly if your
children were dying of malnutrition you might have consented to working 18
hours a day for some bread and water. In that case the employer would not
need to chain you to the work-bench.
The point here is that the extent to which a market exchange is truly
consensual depends on the seller�fs opportunity to turn down a customer; to
say �esorry, I don�ft want to sell�f. In the case of the fruit-market or the
newsagent, the fact that the seller has ample opportunity to reject your offer
protects her from being coerced into a disadvantageous trade.
She is protected by the presence of many buyers other than your good self
willing to purchase fruit or newspapers. Equally you, the prospective buyer,
are immune from exploitation because you can turn your back to her and buy
your bananas or magazines elsewhere (if she tries to charge you an exorbitant
price). The next box contains two definitions of a fair trade. The first is that
implied by economics textbooks: exchanges are free, or pure, if they are
THE TEXTBOOK�fS THEORY OF PRODUCTION 179
voluntary. The second definition goes further by demanding that those who
agree do so from a position of some equality. That no party can exploit the
other�fs lack of an option to turn down an offer.
But is this what happens in the firm? Is the capacity of the sellers of labour
to turn down job offers (or quit) evenly balanced with that of the buyers of
labour to fire workers and replace them with others? Perhaps such balance can
exist during periods of exceptional growth when demand for commodities is
so buoyant that there is a shortage of labour. However, it is far-fetched to
assume that this is always (or even usually) so.
For as long as there is unemployment, finding another job is always going
to be more difficult than finding another worker. This imbalance in the optout
opportunities of workers and employers means that their relationship is
not as consensual as that witnessed in your local fruit-market. An
asymmetrical distribution of options between firms on the one hand, and
workers on the other, translates into an asymmetry in the relative power of the
two sides. The greater the level of unemployment the greater the capacity of
bosses to coerce workers at the workplace regardless of the fact that workers
have the right to walk out if they so wish. In our harsh world, rights translate
into capacities rather infrequently.
Is this different from any other market? Can we not also say that in the
fruit market the seller can be �eexploited�f by the buyer if, say, there is a glut of
fruit in the market and few people want to buy it? Then you could approach a
hapless seller who will consent to handing over the fruit at a price even below
cost. Is this not exploitation? Perhaps it is. However, once the fruit has
changed hands the exploitation is over. It is a one-off incident.
By contrast, labour units cannot be passed on from seller to buyer in the
way bananas can. Once the price of labour has been agreed, workers have to
bring themselves into the workplace day-in-day-out in order to impart their
labour units. Furthermore they cannot even have the fruit-seller�fs privilege of
knowing exactly how many units they agreed to sell. Recall that the employer
can always demand that the employee coughs up more labour units (i.e. works
harder) during the contracted office or factory hours. More menacingly, there
is no limit to how hard is hard enough (that is, how many labour units will
satisfy the firm�fs appetite).
Free trade: two conflicting definitions
1 A transaction (or contract) is free and fair provided it was
agreed to by all parties.
2 A transaction (or contract) is free and fair provided all parties
had viable alternatives to it and yet decided to go ahead with
it.
180 PRODUCTION AND MARKETS
Power struggles and productivity
�ccapitalists may often implement methods of production which
enhance their power over workers rather than those which raise
productive efficiency. For this reason, the technologies in use in a
capitalist economy�ccannot be said to be an efficient solution to
the problem of scarcity, but rather, at least in part, an expression of
class interest.
Samuel Bowles, American Economic Review, 1985
In conclusion we see that labour is a strange commodity. It cannot be
measured at the point of sale and comes attached to human beings who are
paid by other human beings (the employers) whose purpose it is to separate
them from as many labour units as possible. To pretend that this process is a
technical matter that can be adequately described by means of isoquants is to
use mathematical tools in order to hide the true nature of the production
process; to obfuscate rather than to illuminate.
7.3 The source of profit in competitive markets
7.3.1 The political dimension of profit
Often the most difficult questions to answer are the seemingly easy ones.
�eWhat is profit and where does it come from?�f is a good example. Textbooks
(see Chapter 5) define profit as the difference between revenue and economic
cost (which differs from accounting cost in that it takes into account all the
opportunity costs of production). The problem with this definition is that it does
not tie in profit tightly to some productive activity. For example, a successful
Mafia protection racket (that is, charging shopkeepers a weekly fee in return
for not destroying their shops) is usually highly profitable. But surely such
�eprofit�f is plain theft of other people�fs wealth and has nothing to do with the
generation of wealth.
If you talk to a Mafia boss he will undoubtedly defend his profit as a
legitimate payment for the risks and work he put into his �ebusiness�f. Indeed
most Mafiosi work hard and do take great risks. However, this does not
change the fact that their �eprofit�f is wealth produced by others and �eclaimed�f by
the Mafia. Ruling out Mafia gains as a form of economic profit is a first taste
of how our perception of profit is determined (perhaps unwittingly) by our
politics, ideology, ethics, etc. This may be an extreme example yet not a
misleading one of how economists, depending on their ideology, adapt their
view of what constitutes legitimate profit and what does not. Economists have
done this from time immemorial!
THE TEXTBOOK�fS THEORY OF PRODUCTION 181
As an example, recall David Ricardo�fs disapproval of the economic role of
landlords (see Chapters 1 and 3). To his mind, receiving increasingly large
sums of money solely because one happened to have inherited desirable real
estate, dilutes the incentive mechanism of capitalism and undermines its
energy. Moreover the received money is the result of other people�fs (i.e.
capitalists�f and workers�f) efforts; a form of theft. Clearly if this political bias in
favour of entrepreneurs and against landowners was to be maintained,
Ricardo needed to show that profit (i.e. the entrepreneurs�f reward) can be
distinguished decisively from the landowners�f loot. Subsequently Ricardo
formulated his theory of rent so as to distinguish the worthy return to
capitalist endeavours from the unworthy rent collection of profits and thus
maintain his anti-landlord agenda.
Another political economist who made no bones about his political agenda
was Karl Marx. Just as Ricardo wanted to castigate landlords for extracting, in
the form of rent, the wealth generated by others (that is, the capitalists), Marx
endeavoured to prove that capitalists extracted, in the form of profit, the
wealth produced by workers. So profit for Marx, just like rent for Ricardo,
was seen as the byproduct of exploitation of a productive class by an
unproductive one.
Quite naturally, economists with political sympathies for landlords tried to
rebuff Ricardo�fs theory of rent. And those who sympathised with capitalism,
felt an urgent need to show that Marx was wrong and that profit was a
legitimate payment to capital for its productive contribution.
7.3.2 Profit as a just payment
The standard (neoclassical) defence of the ethics of profit-making in the face
of Marx�fs critique is that capitalists, like all owners of commodities or of
other factors of production (e.g. land, labour, etc.), need to make a return in
order to keep �esupplying�f the market economy. Put bluntly, every
commodity has its price. For example, unless apartments command the right
amount of rent, they will remain untended and will crumble down. Without
wages reflecting workers�f productivity, workers will choose unemployment
and thus labour will not be supplied. In exactly the same way, argue
neoclassical economists, if capital does not return a profit to those who have
accumulated it, then it will wither. Each factor receives its price and,
provided the market for each of those factors is competitive, there is no
exploitation and no extraction by one group of the products of someone
else�fs labour or application.
The most ingenious defence of capitalist profit along the lines of the
previous paragraph was that founded on the ubiquitous Equi-marginal Principle
at the heart of the neoclassical analysis. Let me rehearse the argument once
again. Question: what determines the value of X for person Y? Answer: the
182 PRODUCTION AND MARKETS
amount of money Y is prepared to pay for the next (or the last) piece of X.
Thus, according to neoclassical theory, the best measure of labour�fs value is
the amount one additional worker will add to a firm�fs revenue if employed.
That is, employ an extra worker and see how much more output will be
produced. Then value that output, depending on the price you can get for it,
at the market. That value, generated by hiring an extra worker, is called the
marginal revenue product (MRP) of labour.
As long as this MRP exceeds the wage of the additional worker, the firm
will employ an extra worker (since doing so will bring in more revenue than
the additional labour cost it will create). On the other hand, if the MRP of the
last worker to have been employed is less than the wage, then that worker will
be fired. Consequently the firm will employ a number of workers such that
the wage is exactly equal to labour�fs MRP. In this sense, workers will receive
the full value of their labour; not a penny more or less .see the box for an
example.
The value of labour according to neoclassical theory
Consider a company making beds and suppose that if it were to hire
an extra worker the firm�fs output would increase by one bed per
week without any extra costs (i.e. the extra bed will not require
additional raw materials, electricity, etc. in order to be produced). If
the firm can sell an extra bed each week for $300 then it follows that
the firm will be happy to hire an extra worker and pay up to a
maximum of $300 per week. Now suppose that prices drop and the
firm cannot sell that extra bed for more than $280. Then the newly
hired worker will be fired or the wage will be reduced to a maximum
of $280. In conclusion, the theory claims that, in competitive labour
markets, wages reflect the value of labour measured by labour�fs
marginal revenue product; that is, by the arithmetical product of (1)
the last worker�fs output, and (2) the price that output can fetch at the
market.
The same analysis is used in order to explain profit as the price of, or the
return to, capital. Hire an extra unit of machinery and see how much the
firm�fs revenue changes by. This change is the marginal revenue product (MRP)
of capital (which is calculated by multiplying the change in output, following
the employment of one extra unit of capital, with the price that output
commands at the market). As long as the price of capital is less than its
MRP, more capital will be employed. The firm will stop employing more
capital when capital�fs MRP equals the price of each capital unit. Thus, if we
THE TEXTBOOK�fS THEORY OF PRODUCTION 183
think of profit as the price of capital, profit is determined by capital�fs
marginal productivity.
The above analysis of profit adds a fascinating angle to the discussion in
Section 7.2 in which a number of criticisms were made of the textbook
assumption that labour is just another commodity. Given that the weight of
argument in Section 7.2 tilted so heavily in favour of the conclusion that
labour is more than a mere commodity, why are economics textbooks so keen
to carry on describing the labour market as if it were no different to the
market for bananas? The previous paragraphs may contain the answer.
For if it were accepted that labour is a commodity like all others, then all
would agree that its value corresponds to the marginal utility it offers its buyer
(like all other commodities). And if capital were also thought of as a
commodity, then all would agree that its value can be explained with regard to
the marginal utility it offers its buyer. Then, by default, everyone would agree
that in a (competitive) market economy labour and capital, just like all other
commodities, receive payments consistent with their marginal productivity. It
takes a tiny step to travel from this conclusion to the belief that, under
capitalism, labour and capital receive their just rewards.
Is this not a grand defence of capitalism from the attacks of subversives,
like Marx, who claim that profit is the result of the exploitation of workers by
capitalists? Construed as a commodity which receives its full value in direct
proportion to its productive contribution, the proposition that labour is
exploited sounds nonsensical. Furthermore, by showing that profit is a natural
reward for the productive contribution of the services of capital�fs suppliers,
profit is cleared of any association with theft, exploitation, coercion and the
like.
In summary, neoclassical theory portrays profit as just payment; a fair
reward to those who invest in capital goods instead of spending on luxuries,
holidays, etc. To bolster this claim, the theory explains the size of profit (i.e.
the rate of profit) by yet another application of the Equi-marginal Principle: the
profit rate equals the value produced by the last (or marginal) unit of capital
employed. In other words employers receive a reward in proportion to the
marginal productivity of the capital they invested in.
However, this neat definition raises a thorny question: how can the
quantity of capital be measured so that profit rates can be explained by
quantities of capital (as the neoclassical theory demands)? This question
attracted a great debate which became known as the Cambridge Controversy
(as it involved heated exchanges between economists in Cambridge, England,
and Cambridge, Massachusetts). The outcome of this debate was that the
quantities of different bits of machinery (i.e. of capital) could not be measured
unless the rate of profit was known. Put differently, it is impossible
theoretically to determine the rate of profit by first measuring the quantities of
capital and then measuring the value that each of those quantities could
produce.
184 PRODUCTION AND MARKETS
But this is a devastating blow to the neoclassical defence of profit as a fair
payment reflecting the marginal productivity of capital. For if we need to
know the rate of profit before measuring the quantity of capital, what is the
determinant of profit? Where does it come from? Even more ominously for
defenders of capitalism, this theoretical twist opens the door to Karl Marx and
his followers who answer: �eProfit results from the exploitation of workers.�f Is it
therefore terribly surprising that neoclassical economists are in no mood to be
reminded of the Cambridge Controversies?
7.3.3 Capital as a social relation
Suppose one abandons the notion that labour is a commodity like all others
and accepts the arguments in Section 7.2. What happens then? First, the idea
that labour units can be purchased at given prices (or wages) disappears. With
a given wage and given working hours, how much effort the worker will put
into the production line depends on a host of factors, not only the incentive
mechanism, the degree of surveillance, the probability of being fired, the fear
of unemployment, but also the social norms prevailing in the firm and in
society at large (for instance note the difference in the work ethic between
Japan and a Mediterranean country like Greece). Second, isoquant curves
disappear since there is no longer any strict correspondence between the
amount of labour time purchased by firms and output. Third, capital and
profit take on a whole new meaning.
To explain the last sentence, consider the hypothetical case where a firm
manages to work its labour harder for no extra pay (e.g. recent increases in
unemployment cause greater insecurity and heighten the threat of being fired).
Naturally its output and profit will increase. Is this increase in profit due to a
rise in the marginal productivity of capital (recall that according to economic
textbooks profit is a reward for capital�fs productivity)? Of course not. Profit
increased because workers were �econvinced�f to generate more labour units for
no more pay. At least part of the firm�fs profit is due to the exercise of social
power by employers over their employees. Thus the moment we recognise that
labour is not a traded commodity (as bananas are), we recognise implicitly
that profit is not just a reward for the productivity of capital. At least partly, it
is also due to the exercise of social power!
Slowly yet steadily, the admission that labour is a human activity
irreducible to the status of commodity leads us to the subversive thought that
capital may not be a plain commodity either. Let us think about this. If profit
is invested by firms in order to accumulate capital so as to increase
productivity further (since this is the only way of keeping the firm�fs
competitors at bay), then capital is the realisation of previous profit. But if
profit is the product (at least partly) of the firm�fs social power over workers,
then capital is a manifestation of that power too. In this sense, capital
THE TEXTBOOK�fS THEORY OF PRODUCTION 185
encapsulates value that was extracted from workers as opposed to value that
was traded between equals. Capital suddenly emerges as a social relationship
(or at least the manifestation of the social relation between employers and
employees).
�eFair enough,�f you might say. �eIf we agree that the transfer of labour is a
contested transfer, rather than a pure exchange, profit will begin to smell of
exploitation and capital will emerge as the product of a social, as opposed to a
purely economic, relation. So what? Would this make any real difference in
how we understand the value of bread, the price of personal stereos, the
productivity of Jack or Jill?�f It does. Let me illustrate how in two steps. The
first step elaborates the nature of the relationship between worker and
employer. The second step shows how the value of bread or personal stereos
reflects the whole web of social relations in society.
Step 1: If workers do not sell labour units to employers, what do they sell?
One possible answer was given by Karl Marx: they sell their time (e.g. 40
hours per week) for a price (the wage). The buyer of that time then uses it in
order to extract as much actual labour (or effort) from the workers during
the purchased time. The worker effectively transfers her �eenergy�f from her
person to the commodity in hand and thus bestows economic value to it.
But she does not get paid for that �eenergy�f; she gets paid for her time. Profit
then results from the fact that her �eenergy�f is worth more than her time. It is
this difference that the employer retains and from this difference springs
profit.
But why does the worker agree to part with her �eenergy�f for a price which
reflects only the market value of her time spent at work (but not the value of
the work itself)? Because she has no other alternative, is the answer. The
employers, given their monopoly on means of production, are holding all the
cards. If you own no tools, land, capital, etc. and you decline to work for the
price of your time (which is less than the worth of your efforts), then too bad:
you starve. As mentioned earlier, according to this left-wing view it is the
asymmetry in the options of employers and employees that makes profit
possible.
Step 2: Consider the statement �eThe value of bread depends on the
�genergy�h expended by those who baked it.�f The idea here is that competition
amongst bakeries forces the price of bread to a basement reflecting the cost of
making it. Other things being equal, this basement value is proportional to the
amount of effort, or human energy, necessary to bake it.
Suppose now that Jack and Jill are two workers, one working for the Sliced
Bread Co., the other for the Wholesome Bread Co. Imagine that the Sliced
Bread Co. is antiquated and uses old coal-fired ovens whereas the Wholesome
Bread Co. uses modern electric ones. There is only one way Sliced Bread Co.
can survive: by having Jack work harder than Jill in order to compensate for
the slower, more expensive, ovens. At the end of the day one of them works
harder than the other yet the products of their labour have the same value at
186 PRODUCTION AND MARKETS
the market. At this stage, effort of the same magnitude has different economic
value because of differences in the machines used. Thus it is clear that the
value of a loaf of bread cannot be determined just by labour�fs contribution; it
depends also on the technology used.
Of course in the long run the Sliced Bread Co. will have to upgrade its
ovens (or close down). When it does upgrade, then Jack and Jill will be
working as hard as each other in order to bake bread of similar market value.
As technology improves, the amount of labour needed in order to produce a
loaf of bread falls. Thus the value of a loaf of bread depends on society�fs
overall technological advances. Moreover how much labour effort, or �eenergy�f,
will be put into bread production by workers depends on how successful the
managers of Sliced Bread and Wholesome Bread are in making workers
labour harder as well as in employing the latest technology. And since they are
likely to be more successful the greater the overall rate of unemployment, it
also transpires that the value of bread will also depend on the level of
unemployment. If this were not enough, it will also depend on the distribution
of unemployment; for if there is a lot of unemployment in the mining industry
and very little in the bread industry, then (given that those working in bakeries
will be less worried about losing their jobs than miners) the bread
manufacturers will not be able to increase labour productivity as much as
mining firms.
The moral of the story for the philosophical reader is simple: if one accepts
the proposition that labour and capital are not simple commodities but,
instead, they represent social relations then it turns out that it is impossible to
talk about the value of bread (or of any other commodity) without a
theoretical analysis of the technological and social structure or even the history
of the entire society.
The political implication of this is even more controversial: if we cannot
understand the value of simple commodities like bread without first
examining the whole web of social relations (e.g. the relation between classes,
sexes, races, etc.), it cannot be true that the only thing that matters from the
economic point of view is that we understand the movements of demand and
supply in individual markets. Furthermore if profit and capital accumulation
depend on how successfully extra (and unpaid) labour units can be squeezed
out of workers, then it transpires that unemployment (and its related ills) are
not mere accidents or failures of capitalism. Since it is the fear of
unemployment that enhances the gap between (1) the economic value of the
effort workers put into production and (2) the value of their time (their
wages), unemployment is central in generating profit and thus capital.
You can now see in full colour the repercussions of espousing this analysis:
1 wasteful unemployment is an essential aspect of a successful capitalist
economy (rather than a problem which can and should be addressed
within such an economy)
THE TEXTBOOK�fS THEORY OF PRODUCTION 187
2 profit is not a payment for some productive activity but more like a rent
charged by those who monopolise the factories and the land for no other
reason than the fact that they have the social power to do so
3 demand and supply are powerless to explain the value of bread which can
only be explained by looking at the totality of social and economic relations.
What is the natural implication of this explosive brew? That capitalism is
inefficient in its use of human and non-human resources and it must be
replaced by a more rational system where economic activities are coordinated
centrally and growth/profit for the few is not sustained by the immiseration of
the unemployed and the exploitation of the many.
For the economists who wanted to derail such socialist ideas, reliance on
neoclassical theory came naturally. Their argument was that all the social facts
relevant to economic analysis of production could be encapsulated within
isoquant curves and, thus, production functions. Thus, even though the
weaknesses of these neoclassical theories were widely acknowledged by many
economists who used them, they received very little attention outside the small
circle of radical or left-wing economists. In summary, the domination of the
textbooks�f analysis of firms and markets by neoclassical models is best
interpreted (in my biased opinion) as a political phenomenon, rather than a
scientific one. Neoclassical economics served admirably as a set of models
defending the free market economy.
7.3.4 Saving capitalism from its neoclassical defence
At times the defenders of a political ideology inadvertedly end up doing more
damage to it than its enemies. Witness for instance the damage inflicted on
Christianity by the fanaticism of the Inquisitors, or the plight of the socialist
ideal in the hands of socialist zealots. Some economists, totally supportive of
free market economies, suggest that the ideal of capitalism is under threat from
neoclassical attempts to defend it. Best known amongst them is the twentiethcentury
Austrian economist Friedrich von Hayek (1899.1992). He took a
look at neoclassical theory, and decided that it contained neither a good
description nor an intelligent defence of free markets.
Economists, of all political persuasions, cannot count!
All economic theories, whichever their political orientation, have
problems with arithmetic! It is not, of course, that economists are
innumerate. Rather, the problem lies with a difficulty in identifying, and
therefore measuring, variables which are crucial to the integrity of their
theories.
188 PRODUCTION AND MARKETS
Neoclassical theory
We have already seen how neoclassical theory would find it hard to
measure labour input (as opposed to the number of working hours
purchased by the firm). An even greater problem for this type of
analysis (which dominates economic textbooks) concerns the
measurement of capital. In Chapter 5 we drew diagrams in which
one of the axis represented the number of capital units. Yet how can
we measure capital? If capital is machines, there are all sorts of
different machines, some big some small, some brand new some
ageing. How can we add them together and come up with a number
as to how many capital units a firm employs? And what about the
price of capital? How is it to be determined unless we can add all
capital together and say: The supply for capital in the market as a
whole equals X units.�f Thus neoclassical theory has a problem
measuring the most significant inputs into the production process: the
amounts of actual labour and of capital that are fed into production.
In that case, it becomes impossible to use the Equi-marginal Principle
(since it relies on measuring the effect of an extra unit of labour or
capital on revenue) in order to determine the economic values of
labour and capital.
Marxist economics
The left-wing approach initiated by Karl Marx, and featured in the
previous section, faces its own measurement difficulties. When we
talked of the value of bread, the value of labour�fs efforts, the value
of labour time, this �evalue�f notion was not the same as price. By
referring to values rather than prices, this approach tries to dig
deeply into the causes of price changes; to look beneath the surface
of ephemeral prices and unearth the under-currents which influence
prices in the long run. Thus this whole analysis is carried out in
terms of values with the hope that actual prices will, in the long run,
come to reflect these values. The problem with this idea is that,
whereas prices can be measured, values cannot. Moreover it has
been shown that, theoretically, prices are unlikely ever to reflect
these values. Thus one cannot even claim that the movement of
prices gives us a rough indication of the changes in the value of
commodities, labour, etc.
In conclusion, it seems that economic theorists cannot measure the
variables closest to their hearts (e.g. marginal productivity for the
neoclassical, value for Marxists). Yet another reason on why they
cannot prove each other wrong.
THE TEXTBOOK�fS THEORY OF PRODUCTION 189
Hayek seems to ask: why do we teach newcomers to economics that the
model of perfect competition (recall Section 5.2.5) is the ideal description of
the free market? (Unlike this book, most economics texts begin with perfect
competition as the main instrument for introducing students to the theory of
markets and firms.) Do we do so because we think that they will be inspired
by it? That they will recognise in it the splendid qualities of capitalism? What
are these qualities anyway? Hayek�fs answer is that markets are remarkable
institutions because they are so anarchic and so irrepressibly fluid. No one can
really tell what will happen next in a real market. No one is sufficiently
informed about what consumers want (not even consumers themselves), or
what is the cheapest way of producing things. The resulting uncertainty causes
everyone to be on their toes and to try to insure against the multitude of
lurking dangers. How can they do this? Through perpetual innovation, is
Hayek�fs answer.
The impossibility of knowing what is about to happen in the market feeds
into itself as people respond to uncertainty by creating new products and new
production methods. Compare this jungle-like scene with the textbook�fs model
of perfect competition: a tranquil world in which everyone knows everything
there is to know and therefore no one can outwit anyone. Since each knows
this too, they all realise how futile it would be to do anything other than
accept passively their unimportance. More tranquillity results. In Hayek�fs
mind, this is not a model of a dynamic capitalist economy: it is rather a hellish
picture of stagnation.
It is not only that textbook models misrepresent the true nature of
capitalism which angered Hayek. He was worried primarily for political
reasons. At the time he was formulating his most important critique of
neoclassical theory (the 1930s and 1940s), the greatest of debates centred on
the question of whether it is best to rely on free markets or to plan an
economy centrally (as was the case then in the Soviet Union). Hayek felt that
neoclassical arguments in favour of the market were a gift for the supporters
of central planning.
Briefly, his position was this: textbook economics presents perfect
competition as the ideal to which capitalist markets must aspire. In that
model it is accepted that every bit of economic information can be known
(e.g. the firms�f marginal costs, the demand curve for each commodity, etc.).
But if this is so, Hayek exclaimed, is it not true that we can plan an
economy? Rather than leaving it to the market, we can decide that the
Ministry of Economic Planning will determine prices for each commodity
depending on demand and cost conditions for each industry. Additionally
such a planned economy would be immune from the dilution of competition
which often occurs in capitalism through the emergence of large
corporations with significant monopoly power.
Hayek is adamant that the neoclassical models which appear in such glossy
diagrams in today�fs textbooks offer excellent ammunition to those who want
190 PRODUCTION AND MARKETS
to wreck the free market. His suggestion is this: if you want to claim that
markets are irreplaceable, focus on the impossibility of double-guessing the
economy. People change their minds all the time about what they want,
fashions come and go, technology is an ever-accelerating roller-coaster: there is
just too much economic information around us and no planner or economic
model, however clever or well meaning, can digest it and respond intelligently
to all these wants and capabilities.
The anarchic market is the only institution that can create some order
out of this chaos. Nevertheless order which is thus created is created
spontaneously or, otherwise phrased, unpredictably. Unsurprisingly no
economic model (that is, a human being�fs design) can capture this process.
For if it could, then the market would not have been spontaneous (and, by
deduction, irreplaceable).
Another great Austrian defender of unregulated capitalism was Joseph
Schumpeter (1883.1950). He also turned on the model of perfect competition,
just like Hayek did, for idealising perfect competition and for demonising
monopolies. His simple point was that innovation cannot be pursued by
companies making next to nothing. Only large corporations with significant
market (i.e. monopoly) power can afford to indulge into research and
development. So, what is all this rubbish about perfect competition being the
ideal market in which profit tends to zero? If capitalism is to be celebrated, we
should be playing up (rather than down) its tendency to spawn monopolies.
As for any fears that monopolies will be too powerful and will exploit
consumers, he dismissed them by claiming that monopoly power is like
fashion: here one moment gone the next. As new products are developed by
small firms, today�fs dinosaurs will die off and new firms will rise to take their
place. He called this process creative destruction.
In summary, the perspective of Hayek and Schumpeter is very appealing
to those who have a high regard for the genuinely free market. It is not
however as popular amongst theoretical economists because it results into an
admission that no economic model can capture that which makes markets
indispensable. Although diametrically opposed politically, this criticism of
textbook (or, more generally, of neoclassical) models of firms and markets
shares many common features with the criticism waged by socialists.
Socialists criticise what they see as indefensible neoclassical assumptions (e.g.
labour and capital being commodities like all bread and butter, the firm has
no power, competition is static) whose role is to portray capitalism as natural
and just. Free marketeers like Hayek and Schumpeter criticise the same
assumptions but for the opposite reason; namely, that the end result is a
poor defence of capitalism.
THE TEXTBOOK�fS THEORY OF PRODUCTION 191
7.4 An alternative approach to production
Criticising theories is always easier than improving upon them. In this
section the criticism gives way to a constructive suggestion. Suppose that we
were to reject the isoquant approach to the firm�fs behaviour as well as the
neoclassical model of markets (i.e. the contents of Chapter 5) and individual
choice (i.e. Chapter 2). What could we then say about how prices and profit
are generated? What would a non-neoclassical theory of production look
like?
For a start, it ought not treat labour as another commodity, or assume
that profit is a mere price (of capital), or insist that capital is homogeneous
(i.e. that it can be measured in the same way pounds of sugar or kilowatts of
electricity can). Moreover it would have to avoid the modelling practices for
which neoclassical theory has been criticised. For example, the practice of
habitually assuming that firms maximise profit incessantly when it is clear
that managers often pursue a blend of objectives (including maximising
market share, profit, control of the organisation or the market, even political
objectives). Or the practice of specifying the way the market is structured
before analysing it (that is, how many firms there are, how they choose to
compete, whether they try to undermine each other or collude). A model
faithful to these criticisms would have to avoid some assumptions central to
the neoclassical models. The question then is: is it possible to tell a story
about how prices, wages and profit are determined without any such
assumptions?
7.4.1 A pure production model (proposed by Piero Sraffa)
Imagine a totally hypothetical economy comprising only two industries: the
grain and the cattle industry. It is quite clear that the two industries are
interrelated: cattle farms need to buy grain to feed their animals and grain
farms need cattle to plough the land. This is not unlike our modern world in
which one industry uses the products of other industries in its production
process (e.g. computers being used by steel and concrete factories while
computer companies are housed in buildings made of steel and concrete). Let
us now suppose that in order to grow 10 tons of grain, farmers require 2 cows
to pull the plough, 4 tons of grain as seed and as feed for cows, and 1 person
working full time for a certain period (e.g. 6 months). Turning to the cattle
farmers, in order to �eproduce�f 10 healthy cows during the same period, they
require 3 tons of grain, another 4 cows (to act as parents to the calves) and 2
persons working full time.
Let us summarise this information in Table 7.1.
Suppose that the price of each ton of grain and each cow are pg and p
c respectively. Producing 10 tons of grain can be viable only if their market
192 PRODUCTION AND MARKETS
value is greater (or at least not less) than the cost of producing them. Now, the
market value of 10 tons of grain is 10 times p
g
(i.e. 10p
g
). What is the cost of
producing 10 tons of grain? From Table 7.1, the farmers will need 4 tons of
grain (cost=4p
g
), 2 cows (cost=2p
c
) and 1 worker. Letting the worker�fs wage
be denoted by w, the total cost of production is:
Cost of producing 10 tons of grain=4pg+2pc+w (1)
Similarly,
Cost of producing 10 cattle=3pg+4pc+2w (2)
For these two industries to be financially viable, the value of the 10 tons of
grain (i.e. 10pg) and of the 10 cows (i.e. 10pc) must, at the very least, cover the
production cost of these quantities (see expressions (1) and (2)). In other
words,
10pg must be greater than or equal to 4pg+2pc+w (3)
10pc must be greater than or equal to 3pg+4pc+2w (4)
If profit is to be made, the revenue on the left hand side must be greater than
the cost on the right-hand side in (3) and (4). However, the economy can
generate profit only if it is producing a surplus. Let us see whether it does. In
each period if the two industries are to produce the 10 tons of grain and the 10
cows, they must �econsume�f together 7 tons of grain (4 to be used in the grain
and 3 in the cattle industry). Thus this economy uses 7 tons of grain to
produce 10 tons; a surplus of 3 tons of grain per period. Looking at the cattle
industry, the two industries �econsume�f 6 cows per period: 2 cows are used in
the grain industry and 4 in the cattle industry itself. The output of the latter
being 10 cows (or calves), there is a surplus of 4 cows per period.
Consequently this economy manages to create, during every productive cycle,
a surplus of 3 tons of grain and 4 cows. So, if there is a surplus someone can
appropriate it. Who? It will either be the employers or the workers. Who gets
which part of this surplus will depend, as we shall shortly see, on the wage.
Since, as we have just established, there is room for profit in each of the two
industries, (3) and (4) can be rewritten as equalities:
Table 7.1 Joint production
THE TEXTBOOK�fS THEORY OF PRODUCTION 193
10pg=4pg+2pc+w+Grain-industry-profit (5)
10pc=3pg+4pc+2w+Cattle-industry-profit (6)
Rearranging we get
[Grain-industry-profit]/(4pg+2pc)
=[10pg.(4pg+2pc).w]/(4pg+2pc) (7)
[Cattle-industry-profit]/(3pg+4pc)
=[10pc.(3pg+4pc).2w]/(3pg+4pc) (8)
On the left-hand side of equations (7) and (8) we find the ratio between an
industry�fs profit from producing 10 units of output (tons of grain or cows) and
the amount it spends in order to do so on these two commodities. If we think
of each industry�fs expenditure on cattle and grain as an investment essential to
the production process of each commodity, then the ratios on the left-hand
side of (7) and (8) are best thought of as the profit rate in each of the two
industries. Therefore equation (7) captures the amount of profit grain growers
should expect for each $1 they spend on cattle and grain. Similarly equation
(8) relates the profit cattle producers should expect for each $1 they spend on
cattle and grain.
Let these profit rates be denoted by PRg=Grain-industry-profit/(4pg +2pc)
for the grain and PRc=Cattle-profit/(3pg+4pc) for the cattle industry. So far
nothing has been said about the behaviour of individual producers. For
instance no assumption has been made about how much they choose to
produce, or whether they maximise profit. In order to push the analysis
further, some behavioural assumption needs to be made. However, nothing
as drastic is required as in the neoclassical model which has to specify the
firm�fs objectives fully. Here we need only suggest that when individuals or
firms decide where to invest (that is, invest money either in businesses
producing grain or cattle), they select the industry with a higher profit rate.
The industry which attracts more investment money will experience an
increase in its output brought about either by the establishment of new firms
or the expansion of old ones. This rise in supply will mean more competition
amongst suppliers and an eventual decline of the price and, consequently, of
the industry�fs profit rate. By contrast the other industry, the one with a lower
profit rate, will suffer a decline. However, and this is the irony, as investment
money departs for greener pastures the industry from which it fled will
produce less, competition amongst the remaining firms will decrease and thus
they will be able to charge a higher price. Thus the industry with the lower
profit rate will experience a rise in profit. The end result of both these
tendencies (that is, the tendency of the profit rate in the more profitable
industry to rise and that in the less profitable to fall) will be an equalisation of
the profit rates across the two industries.
194 PRODUCTION AND MARKETS
When, and of course if, the two profit rates PRg and PRc equal each other,
the two equations (7) and (8) can be combined into one:
[10pg.(4pg+2pc).w]/(4pg+2pc)
=[10pc.(3pg+4pc).2w]/(3pg+4pc) (9)
Equation (9) is impossible to solve because it contains three unknowns: the
two prices and the wage. However, suppose we set one of the two prices
equal to 1. For example, let us set the price of each ton of grain equal to 1.
Furthermore, let us set the wage also equal to 1. Equation (9) then
becomes:
[10.(4+2pc).1]/(4+2pc)
=[10pc.(3+4pc).2]/(3+4pc) (10)
Equation (10) contains only one unknown (the price of each cow) which can
now be given a numerical value. Solving for pc we get the value 1.323. But
what does this mean? Why did we set the other prices (the price of grain and
the wage) equal to 1? The reason we set these prices equal to 1 is that it was
the only way we could find a solution to our �eeconomic system�f, albeit only a
partial one. But what does this solution mean? Since we set pg=1 arbitrarily,
the derived value of pc=1.323 can mean only one thing: that for the amount
of money which buys you 1 ton of grain, you cannot afford to buy a cow!
Indeed each cow is 1.323 times more expensive than a ton of grain; or, to put
it differently, 1 cow is worth the same as 1323 kg of grain. Although we are
not much wiser about how much either grain or cattle will cost in actual
money, we do know the relative worth of the two commodities. So, although
we cannot derive actual prices from this simple model, we can still deduce
what economists refer to as relative prices (that is, the price of grain relative to
the price of a cow).
Similarly with the wage: we set it, without knowing anything about it,
equal to 1. Doing so was an admission that we cannot work out the level of
the wage. However, setting w=1, pc=1 and pc=1.323, and substituting these
values in equations (7) and/or (8) gives us a value for the profit rate:
PRg=PRc=0.354
(Check that the profit rate above is the same value whether we substitute the
values w=1, pg=1 and pc=1.323 in equation (7) or (8). This is, of course, not
surprising since we have assumed.see equation (9) .that the profit rate in the
grain industry is the same as that in the cattle industry.)
What does this profit rate mean? Nothing much by itself, in the same way
that finding out that the price of a ton of grain equals 1.323 did not mean
much by itself. Just like pc=1.323 was only meaningful relatively to the price of
THE TEXTBOOK�fS THEORY OF PRODUCTION 195
cattle, a profit rate of 0.354 makes sense only in relation to the set value for
the wage (w=1). It states that, if a worker collected $1000 for a period�fs (e.g. 6
months) work, the owners of the firm made a profit of $354 for each $1000
they invested in their firms.
7.4.2 Wages, prices and profit
To get a whiff of the implications of this model, suppose that some recent
improvement in the way cattle are raised halves the amount of direct labour
required in order to produce 10 cattle. Arithmetically speaking this means that
equation (8) becomes
[Cattle-industry-profit]/(3pg+4pc)
=[10pc.(3pg+4pc).w]/(3pg+4pc) (8')
The only difference between (8) and (8') is that in the latter the cost of labour
for producing the 10 cattle is only w (i.e. one worker times the wage) whereas
in equation (8) it equalled 2w (since two workers were needed prior to the
introduction of the new method of raising cattle). Reworking our numerical
example on the basis of (8') generates the following results: setting w=1, pg=1,
we end up with pc=1.196 and a profit rate of 0.408.
Observe how this simple model has thrown light on the effect of
technological change in the cattle industry on the relative price of grain and
cattle as well as on the profit rate: As a result of a reduction by 50 per cent in
the amount of labour required in the cattle industry, cattle is now relatively
cheaper (its price relative to that of grain has diminished from 1.323 to 1.196,
that is a cow is worth about 127 kg of grain less than before) and the profit
rate has risen from 0.354 to 0.408 (that is, for every $1000 invested in
production of either grain or cattle, firms earn $408 in profit). Happily this
makes perfect sense. Since the same surplus is generated with less labour, and
given that the wage has not changed, employers reap the benefits in the form
of increased profit.
Let us now turn to the effect of changes in the amount of money
workers are rewarded with (that is, the wage). Starting from the original
situation (equations (7), (8) and (9)) we found that when the wage is 1
(and setting the price of a ton of grain equal to 1 as well), the rate of profit
equalled 0.354 (or 35.4 per cent of expenditure on raw materials). Suppose
the wage were to be doubled. Setting w=2 in equation (10) the price of
cattle increases from 1.323 to 1.414. Why? The answer is that cattle
production is more labour intensive than grain production (recall that
while it took 1 worker to produce 10 tons of grain, 2 workers are needed
to �eproduce�f 10 cows) and therefore when the price of labour increases,
cows cost relatively more than grain.
196 PRODUCTION AND MARKETS
Substituting p
c
=1 and p
c
=1.414 in either (7) or (8), the new profit rate
emerges as 0.172. The meaning of this is that the doubling of the wage has
led to a reduction of the profit rate from 35.4 per cent to 17.2 per cent of
expenditure on raw materials. This result reflects the basic idea that, when
the economy produces a surplus, the wage rate determines the proportion of
that surplus to be appropriated by workers. The higher the wage the greater
the workers�f share of that pie and, conversely, the lower the wage, the
greater the employers�f profit. This relationship between wages and profit can
be worked out explicitly (see Figure 7.1a) by setting the price of grain equal
to 1 (as before) in expression (9) and then trying out a sequence of wage
rates in order to observe the profit rates and relative prices which will
emerge.
In this example we have allowed the wage to take the values 1, 1.5, 2 and
2.5. Figures 7.1a and 7.1b present the effect of these wage rates on profits and
on the relative price of cows (relative to grain).
As Figures 7.1a and 7.1b suggest wage rises force the rate of profit to fall
and the good whose production is more labour intensive to appreciate in
value. In summary, the surplus generated at the end of each period can be
distributed in any which way between workers and employers in the form of
wages and profit. Who will get what depends on the relative social and
institutional power of the two sides. Whether this inherent antagonism will
spill over in industrial conflict (e.g. strikes, lock-outs, go-slows) will depend on
the political environment, the legal framework for mediation, the nature of the
State and so on.
7.4.3 The strengths, weaknesses and politics of the pure production
model
Strengths
Starting with its strengths, this model offers simple yet powerful insights. It
explains readily how prices, wages and profit are interlinked; of how
changes in the production process of one good filter through to changes in
the prices of other commodities as well as in the profit rate across the
economy. For instance we saw how an improvement in the method of
producing cattle (a reduction by half in the amount of labour required to
produce 10 cattle) caused the relative price of cattle to drop and the profit
rate to rise throughout the economy. Moreover these insights can be
extended in uncomplicated ways to reflect a more realistic economy. If we
wish to add other industries all we need to do is include more equations
like (7) and (8) one for each additional industry. The resulting system of
equations will return prices for each commodity in relation to the price of
a ton of grain (which, as in the above, will have to be set equal to 1) and
THE TEXTBOOK�fS THEORY OF PRODUCTION 197
will resemble a model of a complex, interdependent, multi-industry
economy.
Perhaps the greatest strength of this model is due not to its ingredients but
to those things that it can live without. For instance the lack of the assumption
that firms maximise profit, or the fact that it does not need to specify the
degree and type of competition between firms, or that labour is a commodity
whose price and quantity are determined like any other commodity. This way,
and unlike the theory in Chapter 5, the analysis does not incur criticism from
those who argue that the objectives of firms can never be neatly expressed by
Figure 7.1a Wage-profit trade-off
Figure 7.1b Wage effects on prices
198 PRODUCTION AND MARKETS
simple mathematics; or that markets experience waves of acute competition
followed by waves of collusion as new firms enter industries and struggle for
market share before being �eaccommodated�f by existing companies. The only
behavioural assumption made here was that investment gravitates to the
industry with the higher profit rate and thus there is a tendency for that rate to
be the same across different industries.
Weaknesses
Take another look at the model presented above. Can you see that
something rather important is missing? Yes, consumers are nowhere to
be seen. This is of course why it is known as a pure production model: it
analyses only the process of production without paying any attention to
the demand side. So, what kinds of prices are we talking about if there
are no consumers to pay them or indeed to influence them through
their purchases? The answer given by economists who wish to defend
this approach is this: they are longterm prices towards which actual
prices must tend if the profit rate is to remain roughly equal across
industries and the economy is to remain balanced. The point here is
that the derived prices reflect the costs of production and unless the
prices paid by consumers at the market match them, then the costs of
production will not be covered. So, for the economy to remain viable
and capable of producing the surplus sustaining the wages and prices
depicted in Figures 7.1a and 7.1b, equation (10) must hold in the long
run.
There are two main reasons why actual prices may differ substantially from
those computed by the pure production model. First, because investment may
not be migrating fast enough from the less profitable to the more profitable
industries, in which case the profit rates may vary between industries. (For
example this would occur if some industries are more heavily monopolised
and therefore perpetually more profitable than others.) If this happens
equation (10) will not be realised. And since the computed prices spring from
that equation (10), there is no reason to expect real relative prices to tend
towards the computed ones.
The second reason why prices may differ from those of our model is that
consumers may alter their purchasing pattern consistently favouring one
commodity over another. If this happens, and unless the change in consumer
preferences is reflected in the costs of production (e.g. how many units of good
X is necessary in the production of good Y), the favoured commodity�fs price
will exceed the price computed by the model since the latter takes cost but not
demand into account. This failing of the theory points to a larger weakness:
the model�fs static nature. Think of the Sony Walkman for a moment. Until it
arrived there was no industrial sector producing it. Then suddenly the
THE TEXTBOOK�fS THEORY OF PRODUCTION 199
Walkman made its appearance and, because of a massive build-up of demand
for the product, a new industry for personal stereos was created. A theory that
does not include a demand side can never account for a phenomenon of this
sort. Having said that, and in defence of the pure production model, no
economic theory (neoclassical or not) can claim to be in a position to
accommodate dynamic change convincingly.
The last weakness that cries out for discussion is that there is no room in
this economy for non-produced commodities (with the exception of labour
which is discussed under �epolitics�f below). For instance, neither land nor
antiques can be thought of as output of the productive system. Technically
speaking we cannot add an equation for each of them to equations (7) and
(8) since, in reality, no one produces land or antiques. They just happen to
be there either as a gift of nature or as products of past societies. But if we
do not include them in our system of equations we cannot derive a price for
them. Of course this is not at all surprising since we have already realised
(see the previous paragraph) that this theory only attempts to model
production; and since land is not produced how could we expect the poor
model to say anything about its price? If land or antiques have economic
value, it is only because there is demand for them (i.e. there is no cost
involved in their production) and they cannot be produced. The lack of a
demand side to this theory make it impossible for it to assign prices to such
resources or goods.
Politics
From a political viewpoint the most interesting aspect of this model is the one
which appeals to those who emphasise the distinct nature of labour (recall
Section 7.3.3). Notice the difference between labour on the one hand and grain
or cattle on the other. All three are inputs into the production process; this
much they have in common. However labour, unlike grain or cattle, is only an
input, not an output; it enters the production process but is not produced by it.
To put it another way, there is no industry producing labour. Labour is a
human resource, an inextricable part of human beings which enters the
process of production and is paid for it. But a mere commodity it is not.
Evidence of this is that its price, i.e. the wage, is not determined in the same
way the price of grain is.
Instead, the amount of money workers receive in return for their
contribution to production is inversely related to the profit retained by
employers. Put differently, the magnitude of the wage is determined by a tug
of war between employers and employees. The wage is fixed by a social, political
and institutional process which decides the distribution of income between owners of firms
and workers. Compare this to the neoclassical analysis of Chapter 5 which
claims that workers and employers are renumerated depending on how much
200 PRODUCTION AND MARKETS
they contribute to the firm�fs output. The only conclusion from this is that
whatever employers or workers make in a competitive capitalist economy they
must have earned every penny (the flip-side being that they deserve not one
penny more).
Judging the two types of models in terms of their political message, it is
clear which one suits which political agenda. If you want your economics to
leave no room for arguments that profit is the result of exploitation of workers
by powerful bosses, the neoclassical model fits the bill to perfection. If on the
other hand you embark from a conviction that the ratio of profit and wages
reflects social power and class conflict, the pure production model is your
theory. The fact that the two models are so different in complexion, and that it
is virtually impossible to prove which is correct and which not, ensures that
one�fs choice of economic theory is probably more of a political than a
�escientific�f dilemma.
7.5 Conclusion
This chapter orchestrated a feisty critique of the model of firms, production
and markets purveyed by economics textbooks. By questioning even the
very definition of what constitutes production or leisure, this chapter set off
to show that nothing is uncontested in economics (see Section 7.1).
Everything from the least convincing assumption of the textbook to the
seemingly uncontroversial can be (and should be) the source of fascinating
debate.
While examining the process of production (see Section 7.2), we
encountered the argument that textbooks enter a slippery slope the moment
they describe the goings-on in workplaces as a pure market exchange
between owners of different factors of production. The reason is that selling
one�fs labour is profoundly different from selling one�fs car. If this is so, the
manner in which this difference is (or is not) taken into account determines
one�fs economic interpretation not only of labour but also of the wage and,
by association, of profit. But then our understanding of capital (whose price
is profit) must also be affected by an acknowledgment of labour�fs special
nature.
Next I claimed that competing models of the production process appeal
differently depending on one�fs politics. Indeed the dominance of the textbook
approach is not unrelated to the fact that it lends the free-market system rather
flattering theoretical coverage. Treat labour and capital as commodities
conceptually indistinguishable from bananas and you end up with the
conclusion that in competitive economies employers exploit employees just as
much (but never more) as employees exploit employers. Pretty attractive as a
theory if you are an employer paying staff $1 an hour! And rather debilitating
a theory if you are the trade unionist trying to organise these workers in the
union.
THE TEXTBOOK�fS THEORY OF PRODUCTION 201
Unsurprisingly the political influence works both ways: Just as sympathy
with textbook models is not down to pure logic, antipathy towards them also
springs, not purely from logic, but from political opposition to capitalism (see
Section 7.3). Sometimes it even springs from defenders of capitalism who think
that the neoclassical celebration of the free market found in textbooks is a
botched job (see Section 7.3.4).
Last, Section 7.4 gave a hearing to an alternative analysis of markets; one
not often found in textbooks. The purpose was to derive relative prices and
the profit rate without taking any of the steps which reduce labour and capital
to the status of mere commodities. The result was a theory with a great deal of
emphasis on the links between (1) the distribution of society�fs surplus between
employers and workers and (2) the relative prices of commodities. However,
the fact that this model had its own drawbacks reveals clearly the impossibility
of settling the dispute between economists of different views by recourse to
pure logic.
Non-neoclassical economists of a left-wing bent will continue to criticise the
mainstream for failing to capture the essence of production as well as the
model of Section 7.4 does. The mainstream, on the other hand, will accuse its
critics that they espouse a type of model which contains no consumers; that
they spend too much time modelling the intricacies of production and the
special nature of labour while totally ignoring the importance of consumer
preferences and capitalists�f entrepreneurship.
The fact of the matter is that they are both right. Neither economic model
has a monopoly on truth. Yet there is no way one can agree with both because
doing so will mean that one must accept, simultaneously, two (or more)
utterly contradictory interpretations of capitalism. A recipe for fudging and
confusion. Things are not made easier by the fact that, more often than not,
when economists argue about technical problems (e.g. the problem of
measuring capital), they are too coy about the political dimension of their
disagreement.
Instead of coming out and bravely admitting that their position is largely
influenced by a clear political agenda (e.g. a wish to reduce taxation of the
rich, to expand the State�fs role, to promote privatisation, or even to disparage
capitalism), they dress up their arguments as purely scientific claims. Thus
economic debates are modelled on the Royal Society meetings of yesteryear in
which learned, politically disinterested, physicists debated the nature of
electro-magnetic fields. In reality, economic debates echo a titanic (often leftversus-
right) political battle raging in the shadows.
So, what are you left with? A wonderfully exciting detective project, is the
answer. Study the various competing economic theories and see whether you
can unmask them by bringing their hidden politics into the light of day. Your
task will become even more electrifying when we move on from a discussion
of firms and markets to one about the constituent elements of a good society.
Part 3 shows the way to this mesmerising playground.
Part three
Markets, the
State and the
Good Society
Chapter 8
Review: textbooks
on markets and
social well-being
8.1 Welfare economics and its three theorems
8.1.1 The icing on the cake
The rational person maximises utility. What should the rational society do?
Neoclassical economics seizes on Adam Smith�fs most famous claim: that the
merchant �eby pursuing his own interest he frequently promotes that of the
society more effectually than when he really intends to promote it�f (see the
box on �eTrade and virtue�f on p. 17). Since, according to neoclassical
economics, everyone is a merchant (even manual workers or comedians), if
Adam Smith is right then utility maximisation by each may lead not only to
maximum personal utility but also to maximum benefits for society as a
whole. Intriguingly Smith adds that this is most likely to happen when
merchants do not really care about the common good. To put it slightly
differently, no one needs to care or even know what is in the public interest.
All they need do is pursue their own and, hey presto, the public interest may
be served.
Of course Smith made a mere allegation which he qualified by using the
word frequently. One presumes that he had some doubt about whether selfish
pursuits will necessarily produce public virtues. Neoclassical economics, by
contrast, set itself the task of reaching precise conclusions. Under exactly what
conditions will Smith�fs miracle come about? Already we saw how neoclassical
theorists went beyond Smith�fs wordy description of the self-interested
economic agent. In Chapter 2 they gave us a complete mathematical model of
such a person. In Chapter 5 the agent was modelled as entrepreneur, again
206 MARKETS, THE STATE AND THE GOOD SOCIETY
mathematically, and the conditions under which a market would qualify as
maximally competitive and socially efficient were spelled out (i.e. the model of
perfect competition). Imagine now that the same mathematics could prove that,
given similar conditions, consumers and producers who maximise utility or
profit in a free market environment unconsciously engender a social reality which
is the best society could hope for (given its resources and private preferences).
Such a feat of logic would constitute the ultimate vindication of Adam Smith.
It would be the icing on the neoclassical cake.
To produce this proof however, the public interest (or common good, or
general will) must be defined. Otherwise there is no way of showing that it is
served (or maximised) by one rather than another socio-economic system.
Here lies a central difference between Smith and the neoclassical. They both
feel that a free market in which self-interested agents pursue their objectives
will produce the most successful society. But unlike Smith who is content to
state this point without trying to prove it, neoclassical economics seeks proof.
However, as the box below suggests, trying to prove the brilliance of the
market may involve steps which detract from such brilliance (e.g. the need to
�emeasure�f the common good). If this sounds too convoluted, set it aside and
enjoy instead the three basic steps neoclassical thought has taken in order to
deliver its proof. Which proof? That the free, perfectly competitive market is
the social mechanism which can satisfy social wants most effectively.
Knowing what is in the public interest
Adam Smith exalts the market for having the capacity to serve the
public interest even though no one cares or knows about what this is.
Actually he may be telling us that it is impossible to know what is in the
public interest; that since the common good can only be brought about
by decentralised, uncoordinated acts, no one person can conceive of
what is in the interest of all. If this is so, perhaps the market�fs capacity
to serve the common good cannot be proved since none of us know
what it is.
8.1.2 The first theorem: the Equi-marginal Principle and economic
efficiency
The fast theorem says that an economy in which every industry is perfectly
competitive and in long run equilibrium (i.e. price equals marginal cost) will
be efficient (see Sections 5.2.5 and 6.2.3 in Chapters 5 and 6 for a reminder of
what perfect competition means). Before exploring this claim, it is worthwhile
recalling the economists�f definition of efficiency.
TEXTBOOKS ON MARKETS AND SOCIAL WELL-BEING 207
The first fundamental theorem of welfare economics
Competitive markets in long-run equilibrium are efficient.
In Section 5.1.2 of Chapter 5 a chosen combination of inputs into a firm�fs
production line was defined as inefficient if it were possible to alter it at no
extra cost and, in so doing, boost output. At the level of society, a distribution
of resources or commodities is, again, inefficient if an alteration of it could
potentially make some member of society better off without making anyone
worse off.
Pareto* efficient distributions
A distribution of commodities or resources is efficient provided there is
no possibility of altering it and in so doing make someone better off
without making somebody else worse off.
(* Named after Vilfredo Pareto who defined economic efficiency in this
manner.)
To give an extreme example, suppose all the cinema tickets in the world are
given to people who love the theatre (but dislike the cinema) and all the
theatre tickets are handed over to those who hate the theatre (but would
happily go to the movies). Clearly this is a silly distribution. Simply by taking
some of the cinema tickets from the first group and swapping them with some
of the theatre tickets of the second group, we would make some people better
off (at no extra cost) without leaving anyone with the feeling that they were
cheated. In this sense, the possibility that such an improvement could be made
(without making anyone worse off ) proves that the original distribution of
tickets was inefficient.
Notice that this definition of efficiency (see previous box) offers a neat
explanation of why people meet at markets in order to trade. For if we start off
with an inefficient distribution of commodities, attributes (e.g. skills, assets,
etc.), this distribution can be improved upon (by the definition, since it is
inefficient). In other words, there is room for making some people better off
(without making anyone worse off) through swapping theatre for cinema
tickets (or, equivalently, apples for oranges, money for labour units, etc.). This
is indeed the origin of trade.
Trade occurs when there are benefits for both buyers and sellers and its
result is a redistribution of commodities, attributes or assets such that the
208 MARKETS, THE STATE AND THE GOOD SOCIETY
traders all become better off; for if they did not, why did they agree to trade?
The moment they stop trading (e.g. there is no offer of trade anyone will
accept) one presumes is the moment when there is no longer room for making
some better off without jeopardising the well-being of anyone. And if there is
no such room, it must be the case that the resulting distribution is efficient
(again see the previous box).
The conclusion is inescapable. Provided efficiency is defined in the
manner above, market exchanges are a response of utility maximising
persons to inefficient distributions of commodities, attributes and assets.
When exchange stops of the buyer�fs and seller�fs own volition, this must
mean that an efficient distribution has been achieved (since they will not
stop trading until no one can be made better off without someone sees no
further benefit from trade). It is therefore not a great surprise that the fast
theorem of Welfare Economics turned out as it did: as long as markets are
competitive and have reached long-run equilibrium, they must generate
efficient distributions of commodities. Let us think about this for a moment.
What does it mean to say that a market is perfectly competitive? It means
that no producer is powerful enough to prevent the production/sale of a
commodity for which some consumer would pay a price that covers its cost.
And what does long-run equilibrium mean? It means that the size of each
industry has adjusted to the level of demand so that prices are neither higher
nor lower than marginal cost. In that case, the consumer who buys the last
unit of some commodity is only just prepared to pay the price for it; equally
the producer of that last unit is almost reluctant to produce and sell it. Under
perfect competition in each and every market no productive capacity will be
wasted as no consumer who is prepared to pay a price for a good that covers
the cost of being produced will remain unsatisfied.
To highlight the above discussion, consider the following three examples of
markets which fail the test of efficiency:
1 External impediments to competition: suppose that the government imposes a
minimum price on commodity X of $ 10, at which price a maximum of
100 buyers wish to buy X. Suppose further that some sellers would be
prepared to sell a further 20 units of X at $9 each while there are buyers
who would happily purchase these 20 units at $9 (but not at $10).With
an imposed minimum price of $10, these sellers will not be able to sell
the extra 20 units (since maximum demand at $10 is 100). Thus the
government�fs intervention means that there will be some sellers who
could be made better off (if they were allowed to sell 20 units at $9
each) and some buyers who would also be made better off (if they were
allowed to buy these 20 units at $9 each). Thus controlling price in this
way stops these people from engaging in mutually beneficial trade and
therefore prevents the elimination of some inefficiency (the inefficiency
which is due to the government�fs regulation which prevents the
TEXTBOOKS ON MARKETS AND SOCIAL WELL-BEING 209
prospective buyers and sellers of the extra 20 units from trading). (Note
that sellers who sell the 100 units at the regulated price of $10 are
extremely happy with the government�fs intervention. Efficiency is not in
everyone�fs interest!)
2 Monopoly: if a market is monopolised, the monopolist will stop producing
before price equals marginal cost (i.e. the cost of producing the next unit
of output) .see Section 5.2.5. But this is wasteful. By cutting production
off before marginal cost equals price, the firm is refusing to produce units
whose cost would be less than the price buyers are willing to pay. Put
differently, it is refusing to exploit the potential of profiting from these
extra units of output (since they would cost less than the price it could
have raised at the market) while simultaneously denying customers units
which they would be happy to buy. (Exactly why the monopolistic firm
does not exploit this opportunity to eliminate such inefficiency is
discussed below.see also Section 5.2.3.) Therefore this is the reason why
our first theorem of welfare economics insists that markets must be
competitive (as opposed to monopolistic or oligopolistic) in order to be
efficient.
3 Disequilibrium: but why should competitive markets be �ein long-run
equilibrium�f before they can be shown to generate efficiency? Suppose a
competitive market is not in long run equilibrium. For example, imagine
that demand has increased suddenly and each firm is making positive
profit. In the long run (economics textbooks tell us) more firms will enter
the industry attracted by its high profitability. As they do so they will
push price down to the level of average cost and no firm will profit (over
and above their opportunity cost of producing). But what if this influx of
new firms does not happen? Then we have disequilibrium since a shift in
consumer demand in favour of commodity X will not be met by a surge
in the number of production lines making X. Disequilibrium thus means
that the market is not responding to consumer demand as well as it ought
to. Again, as in the case of monopoly above, consumers will be willing to
pay more for extra units of output than they would cost to producers and
yet the latter refuse to supply these extra commodities; another case of
inefficiency since buyers and sellers fail to exploit all the possibilities of
mutual benefit.
This is the moment to point out the connection between our fast theorem
and our trusted friend, the Equi-marginal Principle. Take example (1) above.
A government intervention like this one means that the price is not
allowed to adjust until the Equi-marginal Principle is properly satisfied. Let
me explain. What did the Equi-marginal Principle teach us? That
instrumentally rational agents will stop acting when the marginal benefits
equal the marginal cost of an action. Thus, trade would stop naturally at
the moment when the benefit from buying (or selling) one unit of X equals
210 MARKETS, THE STATE AND THE GOOD SOCIETY
the cost of doing so. Now, if some sellers were prepared to sell a unit of X
for $9, it must mean that their benefits from this sale would exceed their
cost. If the government stopped them from selling at $9, effectively it has
stopped them from following the edicts of the Equi-marginal Principle: they
will have been forced to stop transacting before the benefit from buying (or
selling) one unit of X became equal to the cost of doing so. In summary,
the government would have prevented an efficient outcome through an
intervention (price control) which hinders the workings of the Equi-marginal
Principle!
A similar link can be drawn between the inefficiency of monopoly (example
(2) above) and the Equi-marginal Principle. Monopolistic firms produce less than
under perfect competition because this is their way of generating profit: choke
off supply and thus push your customers up and to the left of the market
demand curve until your profit is maximised.this is the bible of the
monopolist. However, in so doing, the monopolist forgoes potentially
profitable sales (which consumers would welcome) if it could have told new
consumers this:
OK, here is the deal. So far I have been charging $10 per unit, a price
that I know you will not pay. However my marginal cost at the moment
is $6. Thus I am happy to charge you, say, $8 for some extra units.
However you must promise not to re-sell these extra units to my existing
customers (who are paying $10 per unit). What do you say?
This occurs often. It is called price discrimination (firms with monopoly or
oligopoly power) charging different prices for identical commodities solely
because some customers are keener than others to pay high prices. However,
firms cannot do that in every case. For instance booksellers cannot be certain
that the new customers will keep their promise not to resell books to existing
customers. When it is impossible to keep new customers apart from older
ones, monopolistic companies will not charge different prices and will not
produce the extra units of output. In this sense, they and their customers will
have failed to exploit all the possible gains from trade.
To recap, if firms with monopoly or oligopoly power can negotiate over the
price with each customer separately, all agents (firm and consumers) would
stop transacting at the point suggested by the Equi-marginal Principle, all
inefficiencies would be eliminated and every mutually beneficial trade would
take place. If this happened, there would be no reason to call monopoly
inefficient. However, in practice monopolists cannot know how much each
client is prepared to pay. Even if they do know, it is hard to separate their
clients from each other and charge them different prices (e.g. Jill could ask
Jack to buy her a few units of X if Jack were to be charged a lower price). As a
result monopoly tends to be identified with inefficient outcomes. In analytical
terms, monopolists conspire to obstruct customers (as well as themselves) from
TEXTBOOKS ON MARKETS AND SOCIAL WELL-BEING 211
following the Equi-marginal Principle to the full because this is the only way of
making profit in the absence of means for separating customers and charging
them the maximum price each would be willing to pay. (Another case where
efficiency is not in everyone�fs interest.)
Turning to example (3) the fact that, following an increase in the demand
for X, the rise in the price of X failed to attract new firms in the industry
means that opportunities to profit by firms outside the X-industry will have
been wasted. If the X-industry has become so profitable, then firms from other
industries in which the profit rate is lower ought to realise this and move into
the market for commodity X. Indeed this is what the Equi-marginal Principle
suggests: keep moving from industry to industry until the cost of the next
move is the same as the extra profit. If firms�f movements fail to respect the
Equi-marginal Principle (e.g. because they are too slow, they did not notice how
lucrative the X-market is, existing producers ganged up on them collectively in
order to prevent entry into their market, etc.) not only will they have lost an
opportunity to increase their profit but also they will be preventing the
consumers of X from improving their utility level. Why?
Because by not entering the market for X, the supply of X will have
failed to rise following a surge in demand and the price would remain
artificially high and output artificially low. This is why, in analytical terms,
disequilibrium in competitive markets is considered a source of inefficiency:
it translates into a situation where, because entrepreneurs stop their
migration from industry to industry before the cost of moving into the next market
(i.e. market X) equals the benefit from such a move, consumers continue to suffer a
higher price.
But why is this a case of inefficiency? After all we defined a situation as
inefficient if it could be improved without making anyone worse off. However,
in this situation the existing producers would be made worse off if new firms
entered the industry; their profit would fall. Although this is true, it can be
shown that the benefits from the entry of new firms will outweigh the losses
(i.e. that consumers will benefit from the influx of the new firms more than
the existing firms will lose out). Let me offer a simple numerical example to
demonstrate this: suppose that there is an industry producing personal stereo
headsets (and assume that no consumer will want more than one). Initially,
total output equals 1000 units per period, price is $10 per unit and cost per
unit is fixed at $8; thus consumers are forking out, in total, $10,000 per period
and producers make a total amount of profit equal to $2000.
Under the assumption that profit attracts entrants, new firms ought to
come into the market and boost the total supply beyond 1000 units, thus
pushing the price below $10. Suppose however this does not happen and no
new firms appear. Has anything been lost? Yes, is the answer. For if the new
firms had materialised, not only would the existing customers enjoy a saving
(following the price drop) but also new buyers who will not buy new headsets
now (because $10 is too steep for them) would have gained. For example,
212 MARKETS, THE STATE AND THE GOOD SOCIETY
suppose that the new firms would have produced an extra 100 units thus
bringing the price down from $10 to $8. Existing buyers would save a total of
$2000 (1000 units times the saving of $2 per unit) and new buyers would be
happily spending their $8 on the extra 100 units (which reveals to us that they
receive utility which is worth to them at least $800 altogether). In total
consumers would have benefited to the tune of at least $2800 had new firms
entered.
Naturally the existing producers would be very unhappy to see the new
firms enter the industry (since such entry would reduce their profit from
$2000 to nothing). However, it is interesting to notice that the loss to the
producers from the entry of new firms ($2000) is less than the gain of the
consumers ($2800 at least). In this sense, society as a whole loses out if new
firms are not attracted into a profitable industry. And what of the existing
firms? Does the fact that they are happier without the extra competition
count? No it does not, say the economists. But, one may insist, does the
economic definition of efficiency state clearly that for a change to be efficient
no one must be made worse off? Why is the entry of the new firms thought of
as a move towards greater efficiency even though the poor firms, who have
been happily producing headsets at a profit, will see their profit wither?
The economist�fs answer is simple: imagine that consumers could band
together, collect a bit more than $2000 amongst them, and hand that sum over
to the existing firms in exchange of their consent to the new firms coming in.
Will a deal be struck? Definitely, is the answer (since that �egift�f is worth more
to the existing firms than the profit they would lose through enhanced
competition). But why would consumers do this? Why collect more than
$2000 and pay it to these firms for no return? Well, because there is a return
which, as calculated earlier, is at least worth $2800: the benefits to consumers
from the extra 100 units and the lower price brought about by the extra firms.
In conclusion, when entry does not occur into a profitable competitive
industry, it is as if significant potential gains from trade have been wasted.
For this reason, the first theorem maintains that efficiency requires that
competitive markets are in a state of long-run competitive equilibrium. (Once
more notice that, because in reality consumers are unlikely to band together in
order to bribe existing firms into accepting the new firms happily in their
midst, the firms already in the industry would be very happy with a
disequilibrium (inefficient) situation in which new firms, for some reason, have
failed to flock in. This is the third example of how efficiency can be unpopular
amongst many.)
This last example offers us a helpful overview of snowball welfare effects
resulting from violations of the Equi-marginal Principle. Some firms failed to
follow our Principle by staying out of an increasingly profitable market and, as
a result, society missed out on a great opportunity to experience lower prices
(and thus, via the Equi-marginal Principle lower marginal utility, more output
and inevitably more total utility).
TEXTBOOKS ON MARKETS AND SOCIAL WELL-BEING 213
Summary of the first theorem
What it says It can be proved that an economy comprising only perfectly
competitive markets each in long-term equilibrium (i.e. price equals marginal
cost in each market), generates an efficient distribution of productive effort
and output in each of its various industries and markets. This state is also
referred to as a general equilibrium.
What it does not say That competitive markets will necessarily reach a
long-run, general equilibrium. Simply put, there is no proof that they will.
At best the mathematics can prove that (under restrictive conditions) such
an equilibrium can exist; that if a perfectly competitive economy finds itself
in a long-run equilibrium it will then be efficient. However, it is one thing
to prove that something is possible and quite another to show that it is
likely, let alone certain (for example, though it is possible that England will
win the next World Cup it would take a leap of faith to assume that it
will).
Its logic If all agents maximise utility, and the cost of making a small change
to what each is doing equals the benefit from such a change, then as long as
there are no impediments to acting and trading, each person�fs utility will be as
high as possible given the utility of everyone else. But this is simultaneously the
definition of economic efficiency and the definition of a general competitive
equilibrium in which price equals marginal cost and demand equals supply in
all markets.
8.1.3 The Equi-marginal Principle and society�fs budget constraint: the
Production Possibility Frontier (PPF)
The Equi-marginal Principle was designed as a rule determining whether some
individual action (e.g. consumption of bananas) should take place and when it
ought to stop (i.e. when the marginal benefits or utility equal the marginal
losses or cost). In Section 8.1.2 we saw that it is central to the examination of
the efficiency of markets (as opposed to the efficiency of individual actions).
Figure 8.1 offers a clearer perspective on how the Equi-marginal Principle must
be elevated from the private to the social level if it is to help neoclassical
economics present a model of what rational societies (again as opposed to
rational individuals) do.
Imagine that our economy produces two goods only (the multi-good case is
a simple extension of the two-good case). The concave line (commonly
referred to as the Production Possibility Frontier.PPF) is meant to represent
all the efficient combinations of goods X and Y society can produce. In terms
of our first theorem this means that to be on the PPF an economy must be in a
perfectly competitive long run equilibrium.
214 MARKETS, THE STATE AND THE GOOD SOCIETY
To see why, consider point A at which the economy produces x
0
units of
commodity X and y
0
units of Y Now imagine that the market for X is perfectly
competitive. Why would this economy ever be on point A when it could be on
point B? Something must stop it from generating the maximum output of Y
possible given its X output. What? We have already discussed a few examples.
For instance, it could be that the government has intervened by setting a minimum
price for commodity Y in which case Y-producers do not produce as much as they
would otherwise. Alternatively, the market for Y could be monopolised by some
firm (or oligopolised by a small number of firms.see Section 5.2.1). In this case,
the supplier(s) will be using their market power (emanating from the fact that
competition is limited) to boost their profit by restricting the output of commodity
Y. It is clear from Figure 8.1 that the effect of such uncompetitive interventions
(either by government or by firms) will push the economy below its PPF, that is it
will force it into an inefficient situation.
Why inefficient? Because any point below the economy�fs PPF can be
improved upon. Moving the economy from point A to point B increases the
output of Y without jeopardising the production of X. In principle, since at
least one person values additional Y units, there is room for improving the
utility of one person without jeopardising that of others (i.e. by making the
change from point A to B). For example, the government (presumably
representing the public interest) could negotiate with the monopolist producer
of Y as follows: keep your existing monopoly profit, produce an extra y
1
.y
0
Figure 8.1 Society�fs production possibility frontier
TEXTBOOKS ON MARKETS AND SOCIAL WELL-BEING 215
units of commodity Y and share the value of this extra output with the
consumers. (Alternatively of course the government could step in and abolish
monopoly either by encouraging more competition or by setting the price of Y
equal to what it would have been under competition, thus forcing the
monopolist to produce y
1
.see the box on p. 147).
In summary, an economy comprising only perfectly competitive markets
will lie on some point on its PPF (Figure 8.1). To understand why, recall that
in Chapter 5 perfect competition was described as the market format which
maximises output and minimises price. No wonder if all markets in an
economy are in perfect competition, the level of output of each commodity
will be at a maximum given the level of output of other commodities. Notice
that this translates into a point on the PPF: points B and C (unlike A) are such
that the output of Y is maximum given the level of output of X.and vice
versa. Once at B (or C) the only way of producing more Y is to produce less
X. By contrast, starting with an inefficient situation (e.g. point A) it is possible
to produce more X and more Y.e.g. by moving to some point on the BC
segment of the PPF.
Another interpretation of the PPF resulting from the previous paragraph is
that it acts as society�fs budget constraint. Provided the economy is efficient, it
can choose any point on the PPF but none beyond it. Once on the PPF, say
point B, it can consume x
1
.x
0
extra units of X only at the expense of y
1
.y
0 units of Y (i.e. travel from B to C). This is the rate at which the economy as a
whole can trade units of Y for units of X. It is called the society�fs marginal rate of
transformation (the rate at which it can transform 1 unit of Y into more units of
X) and its geometrical equivalent is the slope of the PPF. Analytically it is not
at all different to the slope of the individual�fs budget constraint in Chapter 2.
8.1.4 The second theorem: the Equi-marginal Principle and
redistribution
The difference in people�fs preferences means that a society�fs location on the
PPF (see Figure 8.1) will favour some people at others�f expense. For example,
consumers who love X and hate Y will prefer point C to point B and vice
versa. Similarly, producers of Y will prefer that society settles on B rather than
on C. In view of the fact that all points on the PPF are all equally efficient
from an economic standpoint, is there any way of finding out where the
�epublic�f wants to be?
To rephrase the problem, instrumentally rational individuals choose the point
on their budget constraint which maximises their utility; that is, the point of
tangency between one of their indifference curves and the budget constraint (see
Figure 2.5c on p. 61). How do instrumentally rational societies choose?
Looking at Figure 8.1, if the PPF is thought of as society�fs constraint, it is
natural to think that a set of indifference curves capturing society�fs collective
216 MARKETS, THE STATE AND THE GOOD SOCIETY
preferences would complete the model.see Figure 8.2. If such social
indifference curves were available, then the Equi-marginal Principle would solve
the problem. The optimal social choice would be the combination which sets
the marginal rate of transformation (i.e. the PPF�fs slope) equal to the social marginal
rate of substitution (i.e. the slope of the social indifference curve) .see Figure 8.2
in which society�fs preferences have been presumed to be such that point C is
society�fs optimal choice.
The second theorem of welfare economics
Any Pareto efficient economic can be attained by a suitable
redistribution of resources.
* See below for a discussion of what constitutes a �esuitable�f
redistribution of resources.
The second theorem of welfare economics says that society can select any Pareto
efficient outcome via a careful redistribution of resources. For instance, in the
context of Figures 8.1 and 8.2, society can steer itself from B to C by diverting
more productive resources from the firms which produce commodity Y to
those producing commodity X. However, this redistribution must be executed
Figure 8.2 Society�fs optimal choice
TEXTBOOKS ON MARKETS AND SOCIAL WELL-BEING 217
carefully. Recalling that efficiency was achieved in the context of the first
theorem by perfectly competitive firms in long-term equilibrium, any
redistribution should respect the competitive market mechanism if the points
on the PPF are to remain feasible.
Two examples of legitimate redistributions of resources:
1 The public increases its demand for X and reduces its interest in Y. As a
result, firms abandon the Y-market and enter the X-market with the
immediate result of pushing the economy down along its PPF.
2 The government confiscates land (or some other resource, e.g. energy)
used to produce Y and gives it to producers of X on the understanding
that they will use it to produce more X. This has, again, the effect of
shifting resources from one industry to another. But why is this a
legitimate transfer of resources?
The answer is that the word �elegitimate�f is not used here in a moral or
juridical fashion. A redistribution is deemed legitimate (or suitable according
to the phraseology of the second theorem) provided it is a direct redistribution
of resources. In example (2) above the government redistributed land from
one industry to another. This was a direct redistribution of resources which
did not involve any tampering with the market mechanism. The following
example of an illegitimate (or unsuitable) redistribution clarifies matters
further.
An example of an illegitimate redistribution of resources: the
government subsidises the price of commodity X. That is, for every unit of
X produced, the government hands over to its producers a certain amount
of money. Why is this illegitimate (by contrast to example (2) above which
was legitimate)? Because in this case the government tampers with the
price mechanism rather than with the distribution of resources. When the
government takes a plot of land or some unit of energy, or some
machinery, and transfers it from one industry to another, it is not
meddling directly with the price or output decisions of any firm. In
contradistinction, when it subsidises the price of the X industry�fs product
it intervenes directly in the price mechanism and, in so doing, drives a
wedge between cost and price. This wedge attracts new firms to industry
X because of an artificially high price and results in a situation where units
of X are produced at a cost exceeding what consumers are prepared to pay.
At the same time, these firms have abandoned industry Y where, as a
result, supply will have fallen and the price of Y will exceed marginal cost
(that is, some consumers of Y who want to pay prices that cover the cost
will find that no one wants to sell them such units). Thus such
intervention undermines the capacity of competitive markets for an
efficient matching of demand and supply and, not surprisingly, the
economy fails to reach the PPF in Figures 8.1 and 8.2.
218 MARKETS, THE STATE AND THE GOOD SOCIETY
Summarising, the first theorem of welfare economics says that an economy
comprising competitive markets in which price equals marginal and average
cost (i.e. in long-term equilibrium) are efficient. The second theorem takes
neoclassical economics further: it suggests that if as a society we want to
produce a different, yet still efficient, bundle of commodities to the current
one, there is nothing stopping us. All we need do is redistribute resources
between industries in a manner that does not jeopardise efficiency. And since
efficiency was associated (recall the first theorem) with a system in which prices
and output are determined by competitive market forces, the redistribution
which is deemed safe (i.e. the redistribution which will not lead to inefficiency)
is that which only shifts resources from one industry to another without
tampering with the firms�f price or output decisions.
For instance if society wants more water-melons and fewer bananas, it
ought to take some land from banana-growers and pass it on to farmers
producing water-melons. It should not, however, try to generate this shift in
production by subsidising water-melons or taxing the consumption of
bananas. The latter is tantamount to an intervention with the market
mechanism which is essential for an efficient economy whereas the former is a
mere (yet direct) shifting of resources from one industry to another.
Finally perhaps the easiest way of relating the meaning of the two theorems so
far is in terms of a metaphor. The first theorem identifies the competitive (and in
long-term equilibrium) market mechanism as a machine which transforms
brilliantly certain inputs into maximum output; where the inputs are a society�fs
factors of production (or resources) and the output is some bundle of
commodities on its economy�fs PPF. Enter the second theorem which says that if we
wish for an output containing a different mix of commodities (i.e. a different
location on the economy�fs PPF) then we can have it by means of a suitable
alteration of the inputs which go into the machine (i.e. the distribution of
resources between different industries). However, we must not tamper with the
internal workings of the machine; we are just not clever enough to open the
machine up and alter its inner mechanisms. If we try this we shall break it and
end up with lower output whatever the input (i.e. on a point in Figure 8.1 below
the PPF.such as A). In conclusion, society is free to choose the final distribution
of output on the PPF. However, the way of bringing it about is by a suitable
choice of the initial distribution of the inputs which will enter into the process of
production. Once the initial distribution is selected, we ought to let the market
turn inputs efficiently into outputs without any further intervention.
8.1.5 The first two theorems and the distribution of utility amongst
society�fs members
In Section 8.1.4 society�fs dilemma was portrayed in terms of which
combination of commodities it should produce. There is however another
TEXTBOOKS ON MARKETS AND SOCIAL WELL-BEING 219
crucial angle to this question: how is the produced bundle of commodities to
be distributed among individuals? The obvious answer is that, when market
transactions end, each will be left with what they happen to own. However,
the market can be very cruel. If you enter it with nothing to sell, you are
unlikely to leave it with very much at all.
This is where the second theorem makes an interesting contribution. It tells us
that if we think the distribution of commodities (and the resulting utilities) is
unfair, we can alter it without compromising the efficiency of the market
mechanism. As long as the redistribution does not tamper with the market
mechanism (i.e. prices) and simply takes some assets from person A and gives
it to person B before the market opens for trade, the outcome will still be
efficient but B will end up with more utility.
As in Section 8.1.4, where redistributing resources from one industry to
another was OK as long as it was a direct reshuffling of initial resources and
not an intervention in the workings of the market, here too a redistribution of
wealth is fine provided the terms of trade between buyers and sellers is
unaffected. To illustrate briefly, a tax on inherited wealth or on assets to be
used in order to increase the wealth of poorer members of society meets these
criteria. On the other hand, taxing the consumption of luxury goods for the
same purpose constitutes an illegitimate intervention with the price mechanism
(since it will affect the relative price of commodities).
The second theorem offers us a glimpse of an opportunity to alter the current
distribution between the �ehaves�f and the �ehave-nots�f without damaging the
efficiency of our economy. Yet this proposition may harbour more problems
than it solves. To see this, imagine that society has selected a point on its PPF
yielding 3 units of X and 3 units of Y. Suppose also that this society consists of
three people: Tom, Dick and Harriet. Table 8.1 presents nine potential
distributions of the produced goods along with the utility that each
distribution gives our three friends.
The nine distributions in Table 8.1 leave our three individuals with
different levels of utility. For instance distribution (i) leaves Tom and Harriet
with the greatest utility while Dick enjoys only his fourth best distribution.
At this point it is worth reminding ourselves of the concessions neoclassical
economics had to make regarding the meaning of utility (return to Chapters
3 and 4): the utility numbers in our table cannot be compared between
persons (remember that interpersonal comparisons of utility were disallowed
.see Section 3.2.1). In other words, these utilities are of the ordinal type
relating order of preference for an individual but totally empty of meaning
across persons. To give a telling example, the fact that Tom�fs and Harriet�fs
utility index is 1 (i.e. their first preference) when distribution (i) is awarded
does not mean that they are equally happy. Indeed one may be happy while
the other suicidal. All it means is that, from the available menu of
distributions in Table 8.1, Tom and Harriet prefer distribution (i) to all
others.
220 MARKETS, THE STATE AND THE GOOD SOCIETY
Which of the available distributions is best? Recall our definition of efficiency
(see the box on p. 207: a distribution of commodities or resources is efficient provided there
is no possibility of altering it and in so doing make someone better off without making somebody
else worse off. Are there any inefficient distributions in Table 8.1 ? The answer is
affirmative. Distributions (iii), (iv), (v) and (ix) are inefficient; that is, there are
other distributions which are better than these in the sense that they make at
least one person better off without making anyone worse off.
To see this, compare (ii) and (iii): moving from (iii) to (ii) makes Tom and
Harriet better off without affecting Dick�fs utility index. Thus (iii) is inefficient.
Next compare (iii) and (iv). Again moving from (iv) to (iii) makes Tom and
Harriet better off without any ill-effects on Dick. Distribution (iv) must
therefore be inefficient. Now let us compare (i) and (v). Once more Tom and
Harriet would benefit from a move to (i) starting at (v) without Dick minding.
Distribution (v) is thus ruled out as inefficient. Finally distribution (ix) is
disqualified as inefficient since a move to (viii) would make Harriet better off
without altering Tom�fs or Dick�fs situation.
Fair enough. Some distributions are inefficient while others efficient. But
who will weed out the inefficient ones? The answer is: the market mechanism!
This is why economists are so excited by the market: it has a capacity to weed
out economic inefficiency without any need for government (or other types of
heavy-handed) intervention. To illustrate, suppose that at the beginning there
was distribution (iv). Harriet could then approach Tom and put this
proposition to him:
�eTom, I can see that with distribution (iv) your utility level is quite low;
indeed you are at your fifth most preferred distribution. I am not doing
Table 8.1 Tom, Dick and Harriet�fs well-being
Note * The utility numbers indicate order of preference; e.g. 1 stands for the
distribution a person prefers most, 2 for his/her second preference, etc. From these we
observe that Tom has a preference for X over Y, unlike Harriet who gets more utility
from Y.Dick�fs utility, on the other hand, seems proportional to the sum of X and Y
units at his disposal (that is, he values X and Y more or less equally). Highlighted
distributions are inefficient (for an explanation see below).
TEXTBOOKS ON MARKETS AND SOCIAL WELL-BEING 221
much better; distribution (iv) is my seventh best. Now, here is my
suggestion: I will trade one of my units of X for one of your units of Y
This will take us from distribution (iv) to (iii) which is your third best
and my fifth best.�f
Tom thinks about it and replies:
�eYou are absolutely right; why should we accept distribution (iv) when
we can trade ourselves into one which is better for both? Come to think
of it, let us go further: I shall hand over to you both of my units of Y in
exchange of your two Xs. That way we will be moving to distribution
(ii) which is your third best and my second best�f.
Harriet has no reason to disagree while Dick is totally uninterested since his
utility is left unaffected by a move from distribution (iv) to (ii).
Efficiency (as defined by neoclassical economics) can be
pretty awful
Consider a distribution in which one person owns everything on earth
whereas everybody else is wretched, starving and hopeless. Given the
economic definition of efficiency, this is an efficient distribution of
resources (since moving away from it would make one person.the
Gargantuan owner of the whole world.worse off).
Thus the market mechanism can take an inefficient distribution and, provided
individuals like Harriet and Tom strive to achieve higher utility, generate an
efficient one. However, it is crucial to note that the resulting efficient
distribution will depend on the starting position. For instance we just saw that
were these people to start with distribution (iv), trade would steer them to
efficient distribution (ii). By contrast, were they to start at distribution (ix),
trade would take them to distribution (viii). Whereas in the first case Dick and
Harriet will enjoy their third best distributions, with Tom being on his second
best, in the second case poor Tom will be stuck on his seventh best with Dick
and Harriet enjoying their second best distributions.
This is exactly what the second theorem tells us: any efficient distribution can
be attained by means of an appropriate selection of the starting position; that is
the appropriate initial allocation of resources, commodities, wealth, and so on.
In this example, if we want to favour Dick and Harriet while damning Tom,
we should start them at distribution (ix). The result of trade would then be
distribution (viii) which is pretty good for Dick and Harriet and abysmal for
Tom. If we wish to favour Tom and Harriet, we can start them at distribution
222 MARKETS, THE STATE AND THE GOOD SOCIETY
(v); then they will trade themselves to their favourite distribution (i) at the
expense of Dick who will get the worst possible deal. Finally, if we wish to
favour Tom only a trifle more than Dick and Harriet, we shall start them at
(iv) since trading would subsequently take them to (ii) at which distribution
Dick and Harriet attain their third best and Tom his second best.
OK, granted that society (courtesy of the second theorem of welfare
economics) can achieve any efficient distribution it wishes for, which one
should it select? Were we to ask Tom or Harriet, they would have a vested
interest in promoting (i). Dick on the other hand has a strong incentive to
avoid (i) like the plague and to lobby for (vii) instead. Of course there is also
distribution (iii) which society may select on the grounds of equity (since (iii)
gives one unit of X and one of Y to each person) but which will result into
distribution (ii) as Tom and Harriet trade a unit of Y for a unit of X). One
thing is certain: notions of economic efficiency cannot help here since there are
many equally efficient distributions. So, how do we decide?
Economists used to think that such decisions can be made by society in the
same way that individuals make choices: by maximising social utility or social
welfare. Indeed if we could show that there exists a social welfare or social
utility function that can be maximised like an individual�fs utility function was
in Chapter 2, then neoclassical economics would be able to claim that the
social choice problem is solvable by means of another extension of the Equimarginal
Principle. The diagrammatic representation of such a solution would be
none other than the tangency point C in Table 8.2. I started this paragraph
with �eEconomists used to think that�c�f Why �eused to think�f? Because since
then Kenneth Arrow (b. 1921) proved a monumental theorem in 1953 (part of
the reason why he was awarded a Nobel Prize in economics) which shows that
such a social utility or social welfare function cannot exist in a liberal
democratic society. This theorem has come to be known as the third theorem of
welfare economics.
8.1.6 The third theorem: the impossibility of aggregate preferences
The third theorem (Kenneth Arrow�fs Impossibility
Theorem)
It is impossible to sum up the preferences of individuals in order to
come up with an idea of society�fs preferences while simultaneously (1)
no one person�fs opinion overshadows the opinions of the rest on what
they all want, and (2) the resulting social preferences are useful in
deciding what society should do.
TEXTBOOKS ON MARKETS AND SOCIAL WELL-BEING 223
Kenneth Arrow�fs theorem is a wonderful piece of logic. He lays down four
properties that a �eproper�f social utility or social welfare function ought to have
(see below). Then he shows that no such function can exist. End of story!
But what does this mean? It means that there is no such thing as a social
utility function whose maximisation would be evidence that the public interest
(common good, general will, etc.) is served. Put differently, it means that
drawing indifference curves as in Figure 8.2 is illegitimate; that unlike the
individual whose preferences can be depicted by means of indifference curves,
the public�fs preferences cannot. Indeed Arrow proved that we cannot talk
about a social utility or social welfare function; that social preferences cannot
be constructed using individual preferences as raw materials.
This was a major blow to welfare economics. The second theorem told the
world that society can have any efficient mix of commodities (or individual
utility levels) it wants; all it needs is to decide which one it wants. That
question would be answered if we could find a rule (or a mathematical
function) for aggregating individual utility functions into a social utility (or
welfare) function. Then finding out what society wants would be a simple
matter of discovering which distribution of commodities and utilities maximise
that social utility (or welfare) function. At that moment of optimism, seconds
before the cornerstone was put into place, Kenneth Arrow walks in with the
third theorem, stunning the economics profession into morbid silence: �eNo such
social utility (or welfare) function is possible�f.
Arrow�fs proof is beyond the scope of this book. However, it is possible to
relate its logic sufficiently for the purpose of grasping its meaning and
implication. Recall Arrow�fs objective: to show that we cannot synthesise
individuals�f ordinal utility functions into a social utility (or welfare) function.
Arrow begins thus: suppose it were possible to devise a rule which aggregates
Tom�fs and Dick�fs and Harriet�fs ordinal utilities (or utility functions) into some
overall (or social) ranking of preferences. Let us call this rule (or social welfare/
utility function) R. Do you agree that we would like R to respect the following
five conditions?
1 Universality: that is, R must work equally well whatever the individuals�f
preferences. Effectively this is like saying that a country�fs constitution
should be designed to work well irrespectively of which political parties
stand in the general election, of their policies and their electoral strength.
Similarly Arrow suggests that R must be in a position to synthesise
successfully all sorts of private preferences.
2 Efficiency: that is if painting all pavements pink would improve the utility of
some people without affecting adversely the utility of the rest, R should
report that it is in the public interest to paint the pavements pink and not
some other colour. If this condition is not met by R then R does not really
aggregate people�fs preferences but, rather, it violates them.
224 MARKETS, THE STATE AND THE GOOD SOCIETY
3 Transitivity: that is, if R reports that social utility would rise faster as a
result of building a new Opera House than a new football stadium and
it also reports that the football stadium will boost utility more than a
new prison then it must not report simultaneously that a new prison
would be preferable (from society�fs viewpoint) to a new Opera House.
Unless social preferences are transitive in this sense (i.e. if X is
preferred to Y and Y to Z then X must also be preferred to Z), they
are useless. For if they are intransitive there is no way of knowing
what society wants: a new Opera House or a new prison? Or indeed a
new football stadium?
4 Independence from irrelevant alternatives: that is, imagine that R reports society
to prefer pink rather than grey walls inside public lavatories and more
public money spent on swimming pools rather than on golf courses. Now
imagine that for some reason (e.g. a scare involving the health effects of
chlorine), public preferences change and society suddenly wants more
money spent on golf courses rather than swimming pools. Arrow suggests
that this change alone is no reason to suppose that the public�fs preference
for pink rather than grey lavatory walls will have changed. Thus the
public choice between options X and Y should not depend on the public
valuation between two other options Z and W which ought to be
irrelevant.
5 Non-dictatorship: that is, no individual�fs preferences should have more
gravity than everyone else�fs. Imagine that only one person in society
prefers pink pavements, pink lavatory walls, pink taxis and a plethora
of golf courses. Everyone else loathes this prospect. If R were to report
that pink pavements, golf courses, pink taxis, etc. were in the public
interest, R would be placing that one person�fs interests above everyone
else�fs. For instance if government policy was determined by R and R
was biased in this manner in favour of the one individual whose tastes
conflict with everyone else�fs then the end result would be a
dictatorship. Kenneth Arrow, very wisely, insisted that this ought not
to be the case.
Arrow�fs third theorem of welfare economics (also widely known as Arrow�fs
impossibility theorem) can be restated simply: There can exist no rule R which
respects all five of the above conditions simultaneously. Bluntly, there is a trade-off
between (3) and (5) above. Either the social preferences emerging from an aggregation
of individual utilities will be intransitive (and thus useless.see the next box) or one
person in society (i.e. an effective dictator) will be in a position to overrule everyone
else�fs preferences.
TEXTBOOKS ON MARKETS AND SOCIAL WELL-BEING 225
An example of intransitive social preferences
Imagine that Harriet, Tom and Dick wanted to go out together tonight.
They have three options: X=cinema, Y=theatre, Z=pub. Suppose that
their preference orderings are Harriet: (Y, Z, X), Tom: (Z, X, Y) and
Dick: (X, Y, Z). What should they do? Democracy demands that they
put the matter to the vote. Between X and Y, a two-to-one majority
would see X prevail (Tom and Dick against Harriet). Between Y and Z
again a two-to-one majority would back Y (Dick and Harriet against
Tom). Between X and Z another two-to-one majority would win it for Z
(Tom and Harriet against Dick). In other words, an intransitive social
preference! Notice how the result of the vote suggests that this group of
friends prefers the cinema to the theatre (first vote), the theatre to the
pub (second vote) and, extraordinarily, the pub to the cinema (third
vote). In other words, as a group these people cannot really make their
minds up.
8.1.7 A brief summary
At the end of Section 8.1.3 I summed up the first two theorems as follows:
the first theorem depicted competitive markets in long-term equilibrium as a
wonderful machine for transforming a society�fs resources into the most
plentiful basket of commodities. The second theorem suggested that any of
these baskets as well as any efficient distribution of these commodities
between individuals could be had. We can have more equality between
individuals, great differences between rich and poor, various degrees of
inequality�canything goes. Just select the initial distribution of resources
with which different industries and individuals will be endowed before
reaching the market and then let the market generate an efficient basket of
commodities as well as an efficient distribution between individuals. This is
the message from the first two theorems. The question then became: how do
we know which of all these efficient distributions society wants? The answer,
courtesy of the third theorem, was: we cannot know on the basis of individual
preferences!
Things are actually a bit worse than that. Not only do we have no way of
knowing which of all efficient market outcomes we desire as a community of
citizens but, actually, we cannot be sure that markets will produce efficient
outcomes. The reason is that the first theorem (which talks of the efficiency of
markets) is not sufficiently reassuring. It says that markets, if perfectly
competitive and in long-run equilibrium, will be efficient. Still no market can
be declared perfectly competitive and in long-run equilibrium. What about
226 MARKETS, THE STATE AND THE GOOD SOCIETY
imperfectly competitive markets? Will they also be efficient? Or will they fail
us on that count?
8.2 Market failures
8.2.1 Productivity linkages and over-production
This section offers an example of how perfect competition, even in long run
equilibrium, could be grossly inefficient. Recall how Chapter 5 assumed that a
firm�fs productivity (i.e. the relationship between its inputs and output) was a
private affair independent of anything its competitors did. Suppose however
that this is not the case; that one�fs productivity (not production) is affected by
the output of one�fs competitors. In terms of geometry this would mean that
the firm�fs isoquants move with every fluctuation in the output of some other
firm. But how could that be? Consider the following example: fishermen often
find that the size of their catch is not just a function of how many hours they
toil at sea, or how skilful or capital intensive their operation is, but also on
how much effort has been put into fishing by other fishing vessels. The reason
is, of course, that the greater the total volume of fishing the more exhausted
the stock becomes. Thus the greater the total volume of fishing the more time
and effort you have to expend in order to catch the same number of fish; that
is, the lower one�fs productivity.
The above example is one in which the productivity of one firm is
negatively related to the output of its competitors. Such linkages cause
competition to generate inefficiency or market failure. Let�fs see why: if the
fishing industry is competitive, this means that there will be no limit to the
number of operating firms (or boats). In turn this means that as long as some
profit is forthcoming from a little more fishing, some new firms/vessels will fill
the gap and enter the industry. But as they do, the productivity of the other
boats will fall (as the fish stock becomes depleted). To maintain their output,
they will fish more intensely and extensively. The result will be that the
productivity of the new boats will fall and, in response, they will also work
longer hours.
At some point the market will find an equilibrium. Then no one will be
making much profit (which is always the case with perfectly competitive
markets anyway) but the most important aspect of this market equilibrium is
its monumental waste of resources. For if they could reach an agreement to
limit their efforts (e.g. to fish 40 per cent fewer hours each), then the total
volume of the catch would probably rise as the fish stock would be
replenished. In this sense, untrammelled competition reduces the industry�fs
total output (to the horror of Adam Smith) and wastes valuable human effort
(not to mention the ecological damage it causes). Funnily enough, this is one
case where monopoly could be more sensible since it would limit fishing in
TEXTBOOKS ON MARKETS AND SOCIAL WELL-BEING 227
order to boost profit. Perhaps a sensible compromise would be for the
fishermen to get together and form a cooperative which would police the
fishing practices thus preventing over-fishing. Notice however that this is no
more than a type of State intervention in the free market explicitly designed to
limit competition. Moreover the State agency empowered to police the agreed
fishing quotas must be endowed with substantial resources and with the right
to apprehend fishing vessels exceeding their quotas since it is clear that the
incentive to over-fish remains; if anything the agreement strengthens it (the
reason being that a cheating fishing boat�fs catch would be greatest if every
other boat respected the agreed quotas).
How common is this problem? Currently the question of fishing quotas
and the manner in which they ought to be policed is taxing the minds of the
European Union and threatens to develop into a major clash between Britain
and its partners (especially Spain). Besides this example many more similar
cases involving productivity linkages which threaten exhaustible resources
could be mentioned. However, the recent proliferation of the �einformation�f
sector brings to mind examples that do not seem immediately related to the
fishing example. Consider one such example beginning with the assumption
that the mind of the consumer has limited storage and computational capacity.
Thus attempts by competing interests to �einform�f us (e.g. advertising,
marketing, etc.) suffer similar negative productivity linkages: the effectiveness
of an advertisement depends not only on how cleverly it was made, but also
on how many advertisements we, the audience, have had to suffer already.
The more advertisements we have seen the less attention we will pay to the
next one.
Thus the greater the output of an advertising company�fs competitors the
lower its own productivity and, therefore, the greater the volume of
advertisements it needs to bombard you with in order to pass the same
message. At the end of the day, advertisers and audience alike end up
exhausted. If only they had come to an agreement and limited their collective
assaults on our brains, we would all be better off. Alas, how can such an
agreement be reached?
The unintended consequences of competition as menace
rather than virtue
An agreement between the fishing companies may not be, by itself,
sufficient. This is so for the same reason why firms in competitive
markets fail to collude even though they prefer collusion to outright
competition: because even though they would like their competitors to
stick to the agreement, they have an incentive to break it. And since
this is the case for each firm, agreements are short-lived.
228 MARKETS, THE STATE AND THE GOOD SOCIETY
Generally speaking, this is a trap that economists like Adam Smith
want firms to fall into so that they reduce their prices, produce more
and thus serve the public (see the boxes on pp. 16 and 232). However
in this case, the trap means ecological damage and much wasted
social effort. For this reason it has been argued that the State is needed
to put legislation and police mechanisms into place which will force
agents to do what is good for them.
8.2.2 Exploitation of public and natural resources
Some resources do not belong to anyone in particular. They are public
property. The problem with the market mechanism is that it is designed to
assign to privately owned commodities prices which reflect their value.
However, when some resources are not privately owned, the market is
notorious for undervaluing them. The result is low prices for valuable public
resources. And since their price is much below their real value, they are
consumed, or indeed, destroyed much more quickly than they ought to. For
example, clean rivers have traditionally been used by industry as a cheap
repository of waste. If dumping waste in rivers is cheaper than buying the
machinery for proper disposal, then the rivers will become clogged with
waste. Even if society as a whole valued clean rivers, spotless beaches and
breathable air, the fact that these resources are not privately owned
commodities means that the market will consistently fail to value them
properly.
In Chapter 1 a brief history of the rise of industrial society was attempted.
The central facet of that story was that, for the first time in human history,
productive land, human labour and machinery (i.e. capital) were transformed
into commodities. It was not, of course, that land, labour and capital were not
valued prior to the industrial revolution. Of course they were. What marked
the end of the pre-industrial era was the creation of extensive markets for these
resources. Labour was no longer simply an activity of generations of peasants;
land stopped being exclusively the reward for conquerors and the object of
inheritance. Labour and land were commodified. However, not every resource
was commodified. The sea, the air we breathe, the great rivers were too
cumbersome to become objects of trade in some market-place. Thus they
remained as valuable non-commodities untouched by the market. The fact
that they were undervalued and exploited to destruction was a natural
repercussion of the limits to commodification.
�eWhat can be done to limit exploitation of public resources?�f asks the
neoclassical economics textbook? As we shall see in Section 8.3 there are two
main neoclassical answers:
TEXTBOOKS ON MARKETS AND SOCIAL WELL-BEING 229
1 Institute active State policies for protecting public resources.
2 Complete the commodification process which started with the industrial
revolution; namely, auction off property rights to individuals or
companies so that public resources are privatised in such a way as to
enable the market to value them properly.
8.2.3 Non-provision of public goods
In the previous section we discussed how markets fail if the inputs into a
firm�fs production or an individual�fs consumption are publicly, rather than
privately, owned. Markets fail too when the output of some production
process is freely accessible to the public (as opposed to being sold piece by
piece to paying customers). For example take the first radio broadcasts.
Audiences all over the country warmed to them; they saw them as a window
to the outside world. Nevertheless these broadcasts were a weird type of
commodity. Unlike a banana which will be eaten either by you, or by me or
by someone else, but not by all of us simultaneously, radio broadcasts can be
listened to by an audience of one or of one trillion. When I �econsume�f one
more unit of it (i.e. one more programme) this does not mean that, unless the
broadcaster increases output, someone else will have to consume one less unit.
This type of commodity is called a public good.
The problem with public goods is that producers cannot charge consumers
directly. How will the radio station know that I am listening and charge me
while I am running along the beach plugged into my personal stereo? But if
producers cannot charge consumers then they will not produce the
programme even if there is an audience out there which would (if it had to) pay
good money for it. This would be an instance of market failure because we
would have:
1 a group of consumers willing to pay money for a commodity
2 one or more producers who would be willing to produce this commodity
for the money the public could be convinced to pay
3 no production because there is no mechanism for making consumers pay
a sum reflecting their own valuation of what they are consuming.
Initially radio and television was provided, at least in Europe, by governments
which used tax-income in order to pay for them. However, soon afterwards,
private radio and television stations emerged, having found a way around the
problem of �eselling�f a public good. Instead of charging their audiences for the
programmes they are consuming (something they could not do), they used
their programmes to capture audiences�f attention in order to sell them to
advertisers peddling various commodities to the station�fs audience. Thus in
the end consumers are made to pay in two ways: by having to suffer
230 MARKETS, THE STATE AND THE GOOD SOCIETY
advertisements and through the higher prices they pay at the market for the
advertised commodities due to the extra advertising costs (which are typically
passed on to consumers). Although the market failure has been ameliorated
partly by the introduction of advertising, the outcome is still inefficient if it can
be shown that audiences and broadcasters would be better off if a mechanism
was found for transacting directly (rather than via advertisers). The
development of Pay-TV is a step in this direction; that is, in the privatisation
of a public good.
Indeed in many cases of public goods the market has managed to
overcome its failings by privatising them. Look at football stadiums. Football
used to be played on village greens and anyone who wanted to watch could;
football was a public good. Then walls were built around the playing field
and the spectacle was privatised. However, many other goods simply
disappeared because the market could not provide them and had no means
of privatising them either. Large national parks to be enjoyed by visitors and
indigenous people are an example. The cost of upkeep for them, or keeping
greedy developers out, was huge and so in many parts of the world
(especially the Third World) it was simply uneconomical to charge entrance
fees that would cover the cost. The sad result was that they were privatised
as resources for the production of other commodities (e.g. the tragedy of the
Amazon jungle in Latin America where tropical forests are expropriated to
produce beef and timber) or were left unkempt. In the end, the commodity
�enational forest�f, �eclean air�f or even �epublic library�f ended up either not being
provided or under-provided.
So, what can be done to address this market failure? As in Section 8.2.2
there are two answers:
1 The State ought to take over and provide the valuable public good
financing its production through a mixture of charges and taxes.
2 Privatise them.
8.2.4 Summing up: externalities, market failure and the free-rider
problem
All three cases of market failure discussed in Sections 8.2.1, 8.2.2 and 8.2.3 are
referred to in economics as examples of externalities. What do they have in
common? The following feature: in all three cases agents make decisions
without the luxury of knowing that the outcome will depend entirely on the
decision that they make. In Section 8.2.1 the decision of a fishing vessel on
how intensively to fish was not enough to determine how much fish it would
catch; it also depended on something else; something external to its decision.
What was that externality? The answer is: the decision of other fishermen as to
how intensely to fish.
TEXTBOOKS ON MARKETS AND SOCIAL WELL-BEING 231
In Section 8.2.2 we had another case of externality. The utility of people who
enjoy clean beaches, fresh air and unpolluted rivers was determined not by a
decision of their making but by the decision of a chemical factory manager to
dump toxins in the river and the atmosphere. Finally in Section 8.2.3 the
provision of a public good was prevented by yet another externality: the fact
that, even if you are prepared to make a contribution for the maintenance of
your local public library, you may choose not to fearing that few others would
make a similar contribution (in which case your contribution would be
wasted). Moreover if you thought that everyone else would contribute,
perhaps you could save some money by not contributing yourself (since the
rest would have already contributed enough). In the end, the fact that the
viability of the public library depends more on what others do than what you
do (i.e. it is a matter external to your decision) means that it is unlikely you or
anyone else will make a contribution even if you all want to see the public library
carry on and would be prepared to pay for it.
Neoclassical economists have thus concluded that whenever there are
externalities (i.e. one�fs well-being depending not only on one�fs decisions but also
on those of others) competitive markets fail to provide an efficient outcome.
Furthermore it is very hard for people to get together and find a collective
solution because of what is termed the free-rider problem. For example, in
Section 8.1.1 we saw that a fisherman would have an incentive to break any
agreement to limit fishing. Why? Because, although each would prefer a
situation in which all (including himself) would limit their fishing effort to a
situation without any rules, he would be best off if he over-fishes while
everyone else was sticking to the agreed limits. Of course if this is true for one
fisherman then it is also true for all and the agreement will be shortlived as
everyone will attempt to take a free-ride on the back of others (thus the freerider
problem).
The same free-rider problem impedes a simple solution to the externalityinduced
market failures of Section 8.2.2: in the case of pollution it could very
well be in the interest of each citizen that no one pollutes since the opposite
would bring about environmental catastrophe from which everyone would
suffer. However, it may be that limiting pollution costs money and effort (from
fitting expensive filters in factory chimneys to taking the effort to carry one�fs
empty can of soft drink to the nearest bin) and what you prefer above all else
is that others pay those costs and keep the environment clean while you carry
on polluting (if you are the only one who pollutes this is not much of a
problem since your rubbish will be very limited in quantity and you are
unlikely to come across it again once you have swept it, so to speak, under the
carpet). But if everyone tries to free-ride in this manner, then environmental
catastrophe beckons.
Finally, it is precisely the problem of free-riding which prevents the
provision of public goods in Section 8.2.3: although everyone prefers that they
are provided (even if they have to pay money for these goods/services), the
232 MARKETS, THE STATE AND THE GOOD SOCIETY
The free-rider problem: an experiment
Suppose your teacher comes into class one day and tells you that your
percentage grade for a full semester will be decided as follows: each
one of you will select an integer between 1 and 9 (including 1 and 9).
You will write your chosen integer on a piece of paper with your name.
Then the teacher will calculate the average of the chosen numbers and
your individual grade will be set equal to:
11 times the AVERAGE of all integers chosen in class
minus your OWN choice of integer
So, for instance, if there are 50 of you in class and everyone chooses
9, then the average is 9. Since you have chosen 9 also, your grade
(and everyone else�fs grade) will equal 11�~9.9=90 per cent.a pretty
good one. In this sense, it is in everyone�fs interest that all 50 of you
select integer 9.
However, imagine that you thought that all of your 49 classmates
would, indeed, write down 9. If you were to choose a smaller integer,
say, 1, then the average would diminish from 9 to 8.82 (49�~9+1
divided by 50) but your grade would rise to 11�~8.82.1=96.02 per
cent. By contrast all your other classmates (who we have presumed
chose 9) will receive 11�~8.82.9=89.02 per cent. You will be at the
top of the class! This is a typical case of free-riding.you would be
taking a �eride�f on your mates�f back. Notice further that this is so
whatever you expect your colleagues to have chosen: whatever you
expect the average choice of integer to be, your grade will be greater
if you choose 1. The tragedy here is that, if each thinks in this manner,
then each of you will select integer 1 yielding a grade of 10 per cent
for everyone in class!
From a theoretical point of view, there are three important features
of this experiment in free-riding: first, each one of you prefers that all
select 9 to everyone selecting 1. Second, each will have an incentive
to select 1. Third, a prior agreement to choose 9 will be violated unless
you and your classmates care about things other than this one grade
(e.g. your friendship, the fact that people may not speak to you again
if you select integer 1, etc.). In summary, the free-rider problem reveals
how groups of instrumentally rational people may act in a manner
which is detrimental to everyone�fs interests.
TEXTBOOKS ON MARKETS AND SOCIAL WELL-BEING 233
fact that they do not have to pay makes them think that the best outcome is
one in which someone else pays while they are free-riding. Of course if
everyone thinks that way, no public good will be provided (and ironically no
one will end up free-riding).
8.2.5 Market failures due to ignorance and uncertainty
Imagine that there is a commodity X which some seller wants to sell for price
P. At the same time there is a buyer who wants to buy X at price P. One
would expect that the two would get together and transact in a mutually
beneficial manner. However, imagine that commodity X is a one-year-old car
in excellent condition. Yet the buyer cannot be sure about this. She has heard
terrible tales of people who bought one-year-old cars which after a few months
developed all sort of problems (either because they were the �erotten apples�f of
the production line or because of the way they were abused by their first
owners).
Suppose that quite a few buyers harbour a similar fear. The result will be
that the price of one-year-old cars drops as the fears of prospective buyers
translate into lower demand for such cars. As this happens, some sellers who
offer pristine cars for sale may not be interested in selling at the new, lower,
price (e.g. they may decide to keep their good one-year-old cars rather than
sell them at a price below their valuation of their car). Thus the better
examples of one-year-old cars will be withdrawn from the market thus
increasing the proportion of the �erotten apples�f. As prospective buyers hear
more and more stories of trouble afflicting those who have bought
secondhand cars, they gradually abandon the market (e.g. by borrowing
money from the bank in order to purchase new vehicles). The result is that the
demand for second-hand cars will fall further and so will the price. The new
fall in price will further reduce the number of good second-hand cars for sale,
boosting once more the proportion of �erotten apples�f on sale. And so on until
the bad second-hand cars have driven most of the good ones out of the
market.
Why is this a market failure? Because in the end we shall have owners of
slightly used cars that would like to sell their cars and buyers who would like
to take them off their hands but there will be no sale because the buyers
cannot identify the sellers of the good quality vehicles. The reason for this
failure is ignorance coupled with the fear of deception. To put it differently,
information is asymmetrically distributed (sellers know their cars better than
the buyers do) and one group which are not easy to identify (the sellers of
�erotten apples�f) have an incentive to take advantage of that asymmetry and try
to deceive buyers. Unfortunately the sellers of good quality products as well as
the buyers are submerged in a dark cloud of deceit which prevents them from
recognising each other and trade profitably.
234 MARKETS, THE STATE AND THE GOOD SOCIETY
Price as a sign of quality
A few years ago my department offered high school teachers a twoweek
refresher course (during the summer holidays) on recent
theoretical developments in economics. Fully aware of the difficult
financial position of schools, we decided to offer this service for free.
Seven teachers expressed an interest and, as a result, we did not offer
the course. Next year we offered the same course for $1000 per head.
We had sixty-five applications. Why? The only explanation is that
when uncertain about the quality of an offered commodity or service,
price is used as an indicator. If it is too low, the buyer leaves the
market.
Looking back at the model of perfect competition in Chapter 5, the reason
why this type of failure was not envisaged back then was the assumption that
buyers care only about quantity; or equivalently that they can recognise
quality instantly. When buyers cannot do so, the result might be excess supply
which becomes permanent when reductions in price do not boost demand.
Why not? Because they are interpreted as a sign of deteriorating quality (as in
the second-hand car market.see also the box).
Market failures due to uncertainty have been a hot issue in economic
theory for some time now. One can think of a multitude of examples of
markets failing to coordinate the activities of agents sufficiently. Take the
labour market for instance; a market which seems to have been out of
equilibrium for ever. Why are there hordes of unemployed people (a clear case
of persistent excess supply)? Of course the answer depends on one�fs particular
point of view and this is not the place to have this debate. Nevertheless it is
interesting to investigate the capacity of the second-hand car example above to
offer a possible explanation.
Imagine that employers are uncertain about the skills, character or
productivity of prospective workers. Furthermore suppose that they cannot
know how good they are until months pass and they show their true
colours (by which time the firm will have spent significant time and money
training them). Notice how this situation resembles, analytically, the
second-hand car market. Buyers are uncertain about quality which they
cannot recognise until after they have made the costly purchase. The result
is that demand is lower because of this uncertainty and as a result price
falls.
But as price falls two things happen: (1) buyers, who are already uncertain,
see the diminishing price (i.e. wage) as a signal of deteriorating quality (�eFor
her to be offering to work for so little she can�ft be that good,�f thinks the wary
employer); (2) as price (i.e. the wage) falls the better workers migrate to other
TEXTBOOKS ON MARKETS AND SOCIAL WELL-BEING 235
industries (or even countries) and leave behind only the less skilled/committed
to apply for jobs. If employers catch on to (2), the effect described under (1)
strengthens. At the end of the day, employment is lower than it ought to and a
number of skilled/committed workers remain unemployed while,
simultaneously, there are employers who would love to employ them but do
not. A clear market failure!
Keynes and the power of prophesy
John Maynard Keynes (1883.1946), perhaps the most celebrated
twentieth-century economist, argued that the mere existence of
opportunities for efficiency gains is not enough to motivate markets to
work well. In an uncertain world something else is needed: trust. Thus
it is perfectly possible for producers not to invest and to cut
production for no other reason than an irrational fear that the
demand for their products will not be there. Consequently workers
will not be employed, investment will not take place and thus the level
of demand for commodities will indeed be low. In the end, the
producers�f fears, driven more by their psychological state than by
objective reality, will have been confirmed by the low level of
demand!
The previous paragraph captures, to some extent, the point that the British
economist John Maynard Keynes first made in the 1930s while trying to
explain the crises to which a capitalist free market is prone: uncertainty is
capable of throwing markets into downward spirals which may prove
irreversible (without some outside help). Blind faith in the market will lead
only to the perpetuation and perhaps deepening of market failure.
Uncertainty and the coordination problem: another
experiment
Suppose that the free-riding experiment in the box on p. 232 was
amended slightly. Your grade is determined by:
11 times the MINIMUM choice of integer in the class
minus your OWN choice
(Notice that the only difference is that AVERAGE has been
substituted with MINIMUM.)
236 MARKETS, THE STATE AND THE GOOD SOCIETY
In other words, everyone writes down an integer between 1 and
9, as before, the teacher makes a note of the lowest number
chosen (as opposed to the average in the earlier free-rider
experiment), multiplies it by 11 and then subtracts from that your
own choice of integer. The resulting number is your grade. Thus
if everyone chooses 9, again everyone in class will receive a 90
per cent grade. However, it takes only a single person to choose
a lower number to wreck that prospect. So if you think that the
minimum choice in class will be X (1 = X = 9), the integer that
will maximise your grade is X! Unlike the earlier case of the freerider
problem in which you had an incentive to select the lowest
integer possible, here you have no such incentive. You will be
best off if you select an integer equal to the lowest chosen in the
class.
This is what economists call a coordination problem. It is
called this because everyone wishes to coordinate; each wants
desperately everyone to choose 9, in which case they will also
choose 9. Moreover there is no deception or conflict involved
(unlike in the case of the free-rider problem) since no one has
any reason to cheat on others by choosing less than the class
minimum (whereas in the free-riding experiment, each had an
incentive to choose 1). In this situation economists have
traditionally expected rational people to choose 9. �eWhy
shouldn�ft they?�f they asked. �eIf they are rational, they must see
that this choice would make everyone better off and, in the
absence of any incentive to cheat (in contrast to the free-rider
case) they will make that choice.�f This prediction reflects the faith
that economists have in the combination of rationality, self-interest
and free choice to produce maximum benefits. However, it is not
supported by the facts.
In a class comprising 113 mature MBA students (most of them
highly accomplished professionals with years of managerial
experience), more than 80 selected integer 1 when I asked them
to play this game to determine part of their assessment mark.
Why did they fail to coordinate so spectacularly? The answer
is: lack of trust caused by uncertainty. If one believes that there
is a strong chance that someone in the group will pessimistically
expect that there is a person who will choose integer 1, then
one has every reason to select 1. If others anticipate this, they
will choose 1 too. In the end the group fails to coordinate on
the choice that would benefit all even though, unlike the freerider
experiment, no one had an incentive to cheat (i.e. choose
a small integer).This experiment captures nicely the spirit of
TEXTBOOKS ON MARKETS AND SOCIAL WELL-BEING 237
Keynes�f argument in the previous box: markets may fail because
of coordination problems; that is, due to uncertainty, people (like
my students in the above experiment) predict the worst and as a
result the worst happens. For example, firms may fear that future
demand for their commodities will be low and, as a result, cut
investment and fire workers. Consequently workers lose their
income and demand for the firms�f commodities declines, as
predicted.
8.2.6 Monopoly as social failure
Last but not least, firms with a capacity to affect price have a degree of market
power. The less the amount of competition they face, the greater that capacity.
Thus market power springs from one�fs relative monopoly position. As it
grows the firm can boost profit by cutting production and thus pushing its
customers up on their demand curve to the point at which profit is maximised.
This is great for the monopolist but a market failure nevertheless. We have
already explained why this is so in Section 8.1.2 (see also Chapter 5). In brief,
monopoly power is identified with market failure because of the lost units of
output. Output that would have benefited both firm and consumers had it
been produced never materialises; a clear case of inefficiency. The way to
undo this loss is either to force the monopolist to produce more (e.g. the State
could force a maximum price which would induce monopolies to produce
more.see the box on p. 147) or for consumers to form an association with
large buying power so that their representative can enter into direct
negotiations with the monopolist.
8.3 Correcting market failure
8.3.1 Correcting markets by extending them
One response to market failure was foreshadowed in Section 8.2.2. If the
market has failed because of public ownership of resources or public access to
output then one solution is to privatise them. In the case of public goods,
privatisation entails a system which enables producers to charge individual
consumers. Pay-TV has already been mentioned as a case in point. Through
the development of suitable technology, the television signal is coded so that
access to it is restricted only to those who pay a subscription fee. Turning to
the case of hitherto undervalued (and thus exploited) public resources,
privatisation means the transfer of enforceable property rights to individuals.
Here is an example: a factory pollutes a river by pumping waste into it.
238 MARKETS, THE STATE AND THE GOOD SOCIETY
The importance and fragility of collective action
Giving residents property rights will be an effective policy only if they
have a strong collective voice; e.g. a well-organised and funded
council. Otherwise even if it is in their interest to form an association in
order to negotiate with the polluting firm, they may never do so. a
classic free-rider problem. For example, if there are private costs
involved in participating in the running of an association (e.g. the long
hours of debate and deliberation in the local town hall, monetary
contributions, etc.), each resident may want an association to be
formed but may leave it to other residents to put it together. If all do the
same they will be no association. Moreover, there is an ever present
danger that the firm will be able to divide the residents, and in so
doing continue to pollute with impunity.
Local residents complain that their quality of life suffers and that they bear the
cost of pollution rather than the firm generating it. The government can pass
legislation prohibiting the disposal of untreated effluent into the river. This
would constitute a non-market intervention.
Alternatively the government could pass a law giving residents the right to
a clean river. If the firm continues to pollute, the residents�f association can sue.
Thus the firm will have an incentive to talk to the association or local
authority about the problem. The ensuing bargaining will, one hopes, lead to
an arrangement involving an acceptable level of pollution by the firm bought
at the expense of some monetary compensation. In summary, giving residents
property rights over �eclean water�f will, according to this scenario (see however
the box above), put a price on pollution which the firm must pay and
therefore limit it.
The problems with this solution extend beyond the real danger that
residents may not have the social power necessary to stand up to a rich
conglomerate whose top lawyers are capable of stealing the most stunning
victories out of the jaws of certain judicial defeat. Another important worry
is that if this solution (namely, giving residents a legal right to clean rivers) is
logically sound, so is doing nothing. Consider this: if the residents have no
legal case against a polluting firm, they may still band together in order to
approach the firm with a view to bribing it into stopping the pollution of
their backyard. The only difference here is that, instead of the firm bribing
them to accept some pollution, it will be the residents that will bribe the firm
in order to limit its pollution. What is the difference between the two
situations?
The main difference, of course, is that in the one case the polluter will be
paying the victims whereas in the second case the opposite will occur.
TEXTBOOKS ON MARKETS AND SOCIAL WELL-BEING 239
Nevertheless note that this is not of interest from a neoclassical economic
viewpoint since there is no notion of fairness or justice in our economics
textbooks (only instrumental rationality, efficiency and maximisation feature).
We cannot even say (because of the third theorem which denies the possibility of
aggregating private into social preferences.see Section 8.1.5) that it is not in
the public interest that the victims compensate the culprits. It is quite telling
that the argument more likely to sway economists against the solution of
letting victims of pollution bribe the polluting firm is a reminder that the freerider
problem which may stop residents from coordinating their actions is made
worse because they must reach deep into their pockets in order to amass
enough funds to bribe the firm into polluting less.
The same free-rider problem threatens to damage the chances of letting
the market address its own failures in the case of productivity linkages as in
Section 8.2.1. Rather than asking the State to intervene and impose fishing
quotas (or advertising quotas), adherents of market-based solutions would
suggest a self-regulatory, informal system. Of course this is perfectly possible
as producers realise that it is in their interest to curtail their efforts.
Nevertheless the free-rider problem remains because it is still in the interest of
each to break the agreement especially if everyone else is sticking to it.
Ironically the best guarantee that the agreement will not be broken is that
people keep their word, not because of the material benefit from keeping it,
but because they like to keep it anyway (see the box on p. 161). In this
sense, market failure will be avoided provided producers are not profit
maximisers!
What about informational asymmetries as in Section 8.2 ? Again there is
a suggestion, by those who wish to see market failures addressed by markets
rather than by extra-market intervention, that left to their own devices selfinterested
agents will find a way to sort out the inefficiencies caused by
uncertainty. In the case of second-hand cars, for example, extensive
warranties may be introduced making the purchase of such a car a safer
proposition. As for the labour market example (see the end of Section 8.2),
various schemes have been mentioned. For example, workers take
qualifications (e.g. economics degrees, MBAs, etc.) which are hard to obtain
not because they will learn things that employers value enormously but as a
signal to employers that they are capable of hard work. Indeed these courses
may be known by all to be utterly useless. It does not matter, though. As
long as it takes perseverance and commitment to plough through them,
employers may seek people with such qualifications during their recruitment
drives in order to reduce their uncertainty about candidates�f capacity for
commitment.
Turning to the last market failure discussed in Section 8.2.6, namely
monopoly, again followers of market solutions suggest an extension of markets
rather than direct government intervention. Instead of nationalising
monopolies or imposing price controls on them, they recommend breaking
240 MARKETS, THE STATE AND THE GOOD SOCIETY
monopolies up in order to create some competition. On the other hand, some
of the greatest minds to have defended the market mechanism have gone
further: they (recall Joseph Schumpeter and Friedrich von Hayek from Section
7.3.4) suggest with great intellectual vigour that we ought to stop worrying
about monopolies. If it were not for monopoly profit, there would be no
progress since the vast technological advances from which we all benefit today
were financed by monopoly profit. In any case, monopolistic firms do not last
long; they rise and fall like empires and their reign only continues as long as
they have something to contribute.
Less zealous free-marketeers admit that there is room for government
intervention to lessen the inefficiencies caused by too much market power in
the hands of few firms; especially those which, because of very high fixed
cost and decreasing average cost (e.g. electricity grid companies, railways,
etc.) are �enatural�f monopolies. Their argument is that competition can be
introduced even if it is artificial. For example, railway franchises can be
auctioned off periodically whereby the bidding companies offer the public
the lowest fare schemes at the time of the auction. This way competition
takes place, not at the customers�f end of the market, but between firms who
struggle against each other as to who will run the service for the lowest
possible monopoly profit.
In summary, whenever markets fail there is a pro-market answer as to
how society ought to respond. Distribute property rights, allow for
spontaneous agreement for limiting damaging activity, introduce more
competition through clever means, etc. Yet none of these solutions are
comprehensive. Giving property rights to residents may not work if
polluting firms learn to rule by dividing; self-regulation of the fishing or
advertising industry may fail because the incentives from cheating often
outweigh moral codes as well as the vision of the common interest; secondhand
warrantees are unsafe, costly and can be offered only by notoriously
untrustworthy second-hand dealers; MBAs and other degrees are costly on
the individual and on society and, once everyone has one, they cease to send
to employers useful signals; auctions over public utilities are open to corrupt
practices by colluding bidders. Thus there are doubts about the efficiency
with which extending the market (rather than pushing it aside when it fails)
is the answer to market failure.
8.3.2 The inadequacy of approximations of the public good: the
compensation principle
Extending the market to address its failures invariably raises questions about
the distribution of benefits and burdens resulting from such extensions. Indeed
different extensions of the market affect the distribution of utility (and income)
between individuals differently. We have already seen one example in the case
TEXTBOOKS ON MARKETS AND SOCIAL WELL-BEING 241
of pollution control in Section 8.3.1. If society gives residents the right to clean
rivers, the reduction in pollution will be accompanied by a transfer of income
in their direction as the firm will be prepared to bribe them so as to avoid
prosecution. If, on the other hand, the firm retains an implicit right to pollute,
it might receive a stream of income from the residents (or, more likely, from
the local council or central government financed by taxpayers�f money) as a
payment for limiting pollution. The two different �erights�f will thus result into
two different distributions: one benefiting residents the other the polluting
firm. Which one should society select?
Perhaps you, my kind and sensitive reader, have no doubt whatsoever
about who should pay whom. However, neoclassical economics is in a bind.
Recall the third theorem which states that we cannot compose a notion of
common preferences out of private desires. If this is so, and in the total
absence of any well-defined economic notion of fairness, who is to say what
society considers fair, proper and in the public interest? In the absence of a
working notion of the common good, how should we select the particular
extension to the market necessary to address market failure?
For instance, when a railway franchise is being auctioned off, should the
government accept the bid involving the lowest level of monopoly profit or
should it also pay attention to the bidders�f promises about unprofitable
services that are essential for some small and remote communities? In other
words, is it in the public interest to aim at the outcome that is best from the
viewpoint of consumers as a whole (by minimising monopoly profit at all
cost)? Or is it in the public interest to subsidise some groups at the expense of
the community at large? Without a notion of the public interest, these
questions cannot be answered.
Or can they? Some neoclassical economists refused to remain paralysed by
the third theorem. They claimed that it is still possible to approximate the �epublic
interest�f even though they concede that the third theorem makes it impossible to
talk of collective objectives. One idea that received much attention as a
possible escape from this dead-end is that of compensating the losers. It works
simply: suppose the government is considering a certain policy which will
benefit some and upset others; e.g. building a new runway at the main airport
with a view to developing tourism and business links further. As the local
residents who live under the proposed new flight-path will certainly lose from
such a policy, it cannot be recommended unequivocally on strictly economic
(Pareto efficiency) grounds (recall that any change is Pareto efficient only if it
benefits some without upsetting anyone).
Of course the problem is that if a government were to adopt only policies that
made no one worse off then it would hardly ever do anything. It would take
only one person to declare dissatisfaction with the proposed change to veto it: a
recipe for non-action even if every one other than that sole individual would
benefit enormously. One way around this problem is to compensate that one
individual in order to remove her veto. For example, those residing close to the
242 MARKETS, THE STATE AND THE GOOD SOCIETY
proposed airport could be paid damages sufficient to undo any loss of utility
from aircraft noise. If society at large is set to benefit so much from the airport,
surely it can afford to compensate those living nearby. Practically however there
is a problem. First, it is difficult to know how much compensation has to be paid
to each �eloser�f in order to make them as well off as before. Second, who will pay
this compensation? The average taxpayer or those more likely to benefit from
the new airport (e.g. business travellers, hotel owners)?
A third difficulty with the idea of compensating those who lose out as a
result of some State policy, is that there are many cases in which compensating
the loser clashes with the very purpose of that policy! For example, suppose
that a community comprises one multi-billionaire and lots of poor people. It
may be argued that taking a mere $1 million from the former, to use it in
order to buy food and medicine essential for the poor, is a good idea because
the benefit to the poor will outweigh the loss to the tycoon. However, the
latter cannot (and should not) be compensated by the poor.
To avoid these practical difficulties, and in order to untie government�fs
hands in the area of policy making, some economists suggested the compensation
principle stating that when considering the implementation of some policy X,
then we do not have to have a global social utility or welfare function, or a
general picture of what is in the public interest: if the beneficiaries from policy
X could compensate the losers, then that policy should be given the go-ahead.
Simple! Note that this principle does not involve any actual compensation and
therefore avoids the complications in determining exactly who needs to be
compensated, by how much and who should pay for it; instead it says that if
the losers�f losses are less than the gains of the winners, then the latter could, in
principle, compensate the former. In this case, policy X should be adopted
without asking the winners to compensate the losers.
You can see how this thought comes naturally to an economist�fs mind: if
the aggregate gains from some policy exceed the aggregate losses then it is a
good policy. Is this a brilliantly simple way to cut through the third theorem and
find a way of knowing which policies a government ought to implement? To
find out, we need to consider the problem more carefully. Imagine that some
clever economist measured the gains and losses (see Figure 8.3) of Ms Jill
Resident and Mr Jack Traveller, representatives respectively of those who live
under the proposed flight-path of the new runway and of the business
community who stand to gain from extra tourism. At present the combination
of Jack and Jill�fs utilities is given by point A on the current utility frontier in
Figure 8.3.
If the new runway is to be built, new possibilities open up.
Diagrammatically these new possibilities are given by the new (thick) utility
frontier. Moreover our economist predicts that B is the combination most
likely to materialise on the new frontier if the government does not intervene
following the building of the new runway. Should the new runway be built?
Should �esociety�f move from A to be? According to the compensation principle, it
TEXTBOOKS ON MARKETS AND SOCIAL WELL-BEING 243
should since Jack�fs gains are such that Jack could, at least in principle,
compensate Jill and still be better off after Jill�fs loss of utility has been
eliminated.
To see why this is so geometrical, notice that although B is much worse for
Jill than A, the new (thick) frontier contains points such as C which make
both Jack and Jill better off. So, in principle, Jack could offer Jill to move from
A to C provided she rejects her objections to the new runway; a proposition
Jill has not reason to turn down. How would this work? Well after the runway
is built and Jack makes more money and/or utility, he will pay Jill an amount
that will reduce his utility and increase hers (until they reach point C). In the
end, both Jack�fs and Jill�fs utility will have increased as a result of the new
runway. If this Pareto improvement is possible then the compensation principle
recommends that the runway be built without, of course, any actual
compensation for Jill (recall that determining who would pay Jill and how
much would have complicated things to such an extent that no one would
bother building the runway anyway).
In summary, as long as it is possible to show (or argue) that new policies or
projects (e.g. the new runway) would make points such as C feasible, the
compensation principle recommends that they are endorsed even though, in
reality, society would be moving from point A to point B. The beauty of this
solution to the problem of selecting between policies which will always be
opposed by some is its simplicity. However, there is a serious snag. Now that
the runway has been completed, the same compensation principle can be used
to recommend that it is demolished! How can this be?
Figure 8.3 The inadequacy of compensation principles
244 MARKETS, THE STATE AND THE GOOD SOCIETY
Return to Figure 8.3 and let us consider the suggestion that the new
runway should be scrapped now that we are at point B (to which society has
just moved through building the runway following the compensation principle�fs
recommendation). Surely it is absurd to think that the same principle that
recommended its construction will now recommend its demolition. And yet
this is what happens. For if the runway is closed down, and Jack and Jill move
from B back to A, Jill could now (in principle) compensate Jack for his loss of
utility and, in so doing, move to point D. At D they are both better off
(compared to point B) which means that, according to the compensation principle,
the new runway should be mothballed immediately!
One thing becomes clear through all this: policies cannot be intelligently
and impartially selected on the basis of a partial compensation principle which
ignores a general notion of the public interest and, instead, concentrates on
mechanical comparisons of gains and losses by those immediately affected.
The example of Figure 8.3 revealed how inadequate such a principle is in
practical terms since it is capable of recommending that a new project should
go ahead and that it should be abandoned immediately.
In conclusion, we are back were we started: in desperate need of some idea
of what is in the public interest, provided of course we want our governments
to �edo things�f. Unfortunately it seems increasingly likely that there is little
chance of legitimate collective decision-making which reflects the common
good.
8.3.3 Conclusion: neoclassical economics on rational societies
This chapter started with the question: according to neoclassical economics
rational people maximise utility. What do rational societies do? The (honest)
answer is that there is no answer. The first theorem seems to suggest that the
rational society which wants efficiently to convert resources into commodities
should set up competitive markets and, somehow, ensure that there are in
long-term equilibrium. However it is not that easy. Section 8.2 outlined a long
list of reasons as to why markets may fail.even when competitive. Moreover,
and even if all the institutional causes of market failure are removed (e.g.
public goods and resources are fully privatised), there is no guarantee that
markets will reach an equilibrium (efficient) state if left to their own devices.
For reasons similar to those expressed by Keynes and discussed in Section
8.2.5, markets may fail to reach an efficient balance of demand and supply
only because of the fear and recoiling caused by uncertainty. To put it
differently, markets may fail simply because a sufficient number of people fear
they will. Consequently it seems inevitable that some form of government
intervention will be necessary.
The problem with State intervention is that it always benefits individuals or
groups differently. Who should benefit more? The second theorem confirmed
TEXTBOOKS ON MARKETS AND SOCIAL WELL-BEING 245
that it is up to society. Any distribution of utility is possible provided the State
redistributes resources. This means that there are two major reasons for State
intervention. One is that the market requires a helping hand when its invisible
one falters. The second reason is that the distribution of resources, income,
utility and opportunities in society is to a large degree arbitrary and could be
different. �eWhy should some people be condemned to be poor just because
their parents were poor?�f ask some. The second theorem offers society a means
for altering this distribution.
So far we find that there is a significant role for State intervention either for
the purpose of helping markets get along or in order to alter the social division
of the pie. The problem for neoclassical economics is the stubbornness of the
third theorem which, in no uncertain terms, tells us that, if individuals are utility
maximisers as in Chapter 2, there is no possibility of deriving a working
notion of a common interest. So, how is society to decide which of the many
interventions at the market-place it ought to pursue? Which income
distribution should it select (recalling that choosing not to do anything in this
regard is to make the highly political decision that the current situation is
OK)? The third theorem denies the possibility of an answer to that question. But
if there is no well-defined public interest, what on earth is the State doing? On
whose behalf does it act?
Economics textbooks took years to acknowledge the third theorem. It seems
that the better ones have now bitten the bullet and admitted to students the
inevitable: economics cannot tell you what policies serve the common good.
This is why political democracy is irreplaceable. The political process, with all
its idiosyncrasies and imperfections, has the task of fashioning some political
equilibrium (see box) which determines what is to be done at the level of
Political equilibria: neoclassical economics�f view of
democracy
Voters have different interests and they vote in favour of the party
whose policies reflect them best. Parties adopt policies which maximise
votes given the policies of their competitors. A political equilibrium
emerges not when parties agree with each other but when none of
them has an incentive to change their policies. As economic and social
reality changes, the equilibria shift yielding different government
coalitions. Meanwhile voters form lobby groups to influence the
government of the day. Thus a complete political equilibrium is one at
which no agent has an incentive to change what they are doing; e.g.
lobbyists continue to lobby at a given pace, party manifestos remain
unchanged, etc. To put it in a familiar way, everyone follows the edicts
of the Equi-marginal Principle only this time their choice is between
combinations of various political programmes.
246 MARKETS, THE STATE AND THE GOOD SOCIETY
society. Of course you cannot teach an old dog new tricks. Thus many
textbooks indulge themselves with an analysis of these political equilibria
which are reminiscent of those in Chapters 2 and 5: political parties are
portrayed as vote-maximising firms, citizens as self-interested agents who select
amongst different parties with a view to maximising their utility, and the
democratic process as a market in which parties try to �esell�f their policies in
competition to each other.
This market of votes-for-policies produces an equilibrium set of policies
which, according to neoclassical theory, characterise the current type of State
intervention in society. Neoclassical economics may have failed at providing a
blueprint as to what the rational State ought to do but it has still exacted its
revenge by providing its own explanation as to what States do in the absence
of such a blueprint.
Chapter 9
History of textbook
models
The concept of a legitimate
State in economics: origins, the
dead-end and two escape routes
9.1 Chronicle of a failure foretold
The failure of neoclassical economics to provide a blueprint for the rational
society was foretold in Chapter 3. It was there that the origins of neoclassical
models were traced to the nineteenth-century utilitarian philosophy of Jeremy
Bentham (see Section 3.1.2). Bentham, you might recall, made one simplistic
assumption about human beings (that they seek pleasure) in order to present
his major ethical and political claim: each person ought to aim for the greatest
happiness for the greatest number (i.e. maximum average utility). Of course
he could not prove that utility maximisation by each would lead each to want
maximum average utility. This failure was no doubt a precursor to the
problems neoclassical economics encountered (see Chapter 8) when it tried to
construct a social utility or welfare function.
Bentham�fs political philosophy had an unmistakable practical edge: he
wanted to use it in order to justify a progressive redistribution of wealth from
the rich to the poor. In effect he was arguing that spreading resources more
evenly would raise average utility which would, in turn, indicate a movement
towards a better society. As you may imagine this blueprint for taxing the rich
proved controversial; especially amongst those who would lose out as a result
of such a redistribution.
248 MARKETS, THE STATE AND THE GOOD SOCIETY
In its haste to qualify as a scientific (and thus apolitical) discipline,
neoclassical economics had to steer clear of these controversies. It did so by
banning interpersonal utility comparisons (see Section 3.2). The moment it
accepted that Jack�fs utility from an apple cannot be compared with Jill�fs from
the same apple, it avoided having to take sides as to who deserves the apple
more. However it also ruled itself out of any discussion about who should
receive the extra apple: Jack or Jill? By default, it was forced to accept that the
one who can pay more gets it
In Chapter 3 this point was made as follows:
By dropping the claim that utility can be measured across individuals,
economists rid themselves of many�cpolitical controversies�cOf course
they also jettisoned the possibility of knowing what the common good is
(since it is now impossible to add up people�fs utilities in an attempt to
measure the community�fs well being).
In essence the early utilitarian project of articulating a concept of the common
good was sacrificed in order to construct a general, uncontentious, model of
individuals. Re-reading the history of the economists�f model of individual
choice in Chapter 3 illuminates our current discussion of the problems that
economics has in determining what society might want as a whole:
Whereas utilitarianism was a primitive psychological theory of action
whose main purpose was to culminate into a theory of the good society,
neoclassical economists stripped it down into a calculus of private choice
at the cost of rendering it incapable to judge how good or bad society is/
was.
Once interpersonal comparisons were banned, following the conversion to
ordinal utilities, it was hardly surprising that it was difficult to synthesise
individual concerns into common objectives. Indeed Kenneth Arrow�fs third
theorem of welfare economics.which explains the impossibility of a (legitimate
and useful) social utility function built out of the ordinal utility functions of
individuals (see Section 8.1.6) .seems inevitable when we take another look at
some of the things we have already discussed.
In Section 3.3 the point was made that, to retain neutrality in relation to
people�fs deeds, the neoclassical model had to ban any rational evaluation
of preferences. Subsequently the millionaire�fs urge to burn $1000 notes in
a nightclub to show off his wealth could only be seen as equally legitimate
as the pauper�fs desire for a piece of bread. But if the State or the
community is to agree with this, there will be no room for any State action;
for instance, taxing an unwilling billionaire to provide some food for the
pauper will be hard to justify.
CONCEPT OF A LEGITIMATE STATE IN ECONOMICS 249
Chapter 3 concluded with the warning that attempting to remain
apolitical and above controversy (as to who deserves how much, etc.) is
not at all to remain neutral. When witnessing an injustice, choosing to
remain neutral when you have the power to intervene is to become an
accessory to the unfolding injustice. Thus neutrality is apolitical only if the
scene unfolding in front of your eyes is also apolitical. Economists used to
understand this. This is why they took comfort from the second theorem of
welfare economics (see Sections 8.1.5 and 8.1.6) which leaves the door
open to all sorts of reallocations from one efficient distribution of resources
and utilities to another. The problem was that economists wanted society
to pinpoint its preferred redistribution as an instrumentally rational social
choice. In other words, society had to have something to maximise; a
utility function (yielding indifference curves) just like the one individuals
were assumed to have back in Chapter 2. (This social utility function is
commonly referred to as a social welfare function).
Of course this dream was shattered by the third theorem which proved the
impossibility of such a collective utility function. Therefore neoclassical
economics discovered that it cannot have an objective view of what is in the
common interest even if the utility functions of every individual citizen are
fully known. An ugly dilemma became inescapable: either oppose all collective
decisions (since there is no collective preference to be served) or support
collective decisions to re-distribute resources in the absence of a common utility
function (or social welfare function). This is the great dilemma around which all
sorts of debates and disagreements rage. Interventionists argue for collective
decision making; for State action to alleviate poverty and injustice; for the
construction of universal education and health systems outside the market.
Free-marketeers argue against any such intervention.
The economists�f change of heart about democracy
Once upon a time (e.g. before the 1980s), economics students were
being taught that the role of government was to maximise social
welfare through the �eright�f blend of policies. Since then the economics
profession has swung from that naive presumption of a government
maximising social welfare to an anti-government mentality, a
preoccupation with how politics is by definition corrupt and no
government can be trusted. Could it be that the third theorem is to
blame, at least partially, for this? Whatever its causation, one
manifestation of that change of heart is the campaign for taking many
decisions away from elected officials and bestowing them upon
unelected ones (e.g. the regulation of monopolies, monetary policy
and the call for a totally independent Central Bank, etc.)
250 MARKETS, THE STATE AND THE GOOD SOCIETY
9.2 The great liberal debate: efficiency versus equity
9.2.1 Rationalising wealth and privilege
Once upon a time, the powerful did not have to justify their wealth. They
celebrated their fortune and used their power to take the heads of those who
refused to join them. Nevertheless, even back then the powerful had a strong
desire to legitimise their affluence. For centuries they justified their fortunate
position by appealing to some deity: It is God�fs will that I shall rule over
you�f was a favourite refrain of many a despot. However, with the passing of
slavery, feudalism and the emergence of capitalism, economic power passed
to those who did not have direct political power (i.e. the merchant class)
while political power itself became more dispersed as the democratic State
began to take shape (see Section 1.1 for more on the emergence of industrial
societies).
In this new social environment, people started asking questions and
demanding answers. Scientists like Galileo showed that no authority should
command automatic respect. Through experimentation and logic they
discovered that the earth moved against the edicts of the Pope. No longer was
it enough for the king to proclaim a divine right to rule over his subjects. The
historical phase during which the masses could be herded by strong warriors
had been terminated by the emergence of the factory, the steam-rolling
capacity of capital accumulation and, of course, a series of popular rebellions
which claimed quite a few aristocratic heads. The time had come for those in
authority to find a convincing case as to why they ought to remain in their
positions.
Perhaps for the first time the wealthy faced the need to explain why society
should accept a scandalously unequal distribution of resources. Their
ingenious answer was that inequality acted as an incentive to the lower classes
Parallels with Thomas Hobbes�f legitimation of the State
In Chapter 3 (p. 78) we saw how Thomas Hobbes provided the first
liberal justification of a strong State in modern times. His argument was
that citizens would see that it is in their interest to surrender their right
to violence to a higher authority (e.g. the Sovereign) so that they will
no longer suffer the temptation of waging war against each other. That
is, rational individuals would want the Sovereign to rule over them so
that they can live in peace. Similarly, the wealthy sought to justify their
wealth by claiming that it was also in the interest of the poor that they
were wealthy!
CONCEPT OF A LEGITIMATE STATE IN ECONOMICS 251
to work harder in the hope that, if they did, then they could also adorn
themselves with the material trappings of opulence. Thus everyone benefited
indirectly from an unequal distribution of wealth. �eIf everyone is to earn the
same, what is the incentive to work hard?�f, they would ask. In other words, it
was in the interests of all that some are absurdly rich while many are poor; the
so-called trickle-down effect.
Adam Smith�fs defence of the wealthy
The rich, Smith writes,
divide with the poor the produce of all their improvements. They
are led by an invisible hand to make nearly the same distribution
of the necessaries of life, which would have been made, had the
earth been divided into equal portions among all its inhabitants.
Adam Smith, Wealth of Nations, 1776
To couch this argument in the language of neoclassical economics, whenever
asked to justify their wealth, the affluent pointed to the tension between the
wish for an efficient economy and the desire for an equitable society. Their
argument was straightforward: if society chooses to redistribute wealth in
order to foster more equality, then it runs the risk of discouraging hard work
or investment by those who fear that their rewards will be taken away by the
State.the so-called levelling-down effect.
9.2.2 Liberal thinkers and the efficiency-versus-equity debate
Liberal thinkers (including economists) found themselves in a tight bind.
Being products of the industrial revolution, and thus apostles of the
liberation of the productive forces brought about by capitalism, they
remained enthusiastic about Adam Smith�fs notion of an end to world
poverty and destitution through continuous increases in the social surplus.
They dreamt of a vibrant, dynamic economy, capable of generating high
growth rates so that everyone in society could become better off. The
prospect of an interfering State, merely redistributing a tiny pie amongst the
population, or even worse the possibility that the pie would shrink as the
State�fs intervention discouraged investment and hard work, must have
seemed appalling to them.
Nevertheless, this concern for efficiency did not prevent some of them from
being sceptical about the claims put forward by the wealthy. The latter had
every incentive to overemphasise the importance of efficiency over equity
252 MARKETS, THE STATE AND THE GOOD SOCIETY
because doing so reduced the political pressure to tax them. Even if
redistribution were perfectly compatible with efficiency, they would still
announce from the roofs of their elegant villas that, in effect, they were heroes
who suffered opulence for the good of the poor.
The dilemma of liberal thinkers is there for all to see. On the one hand,
there is a desire for spreading resources around more evenly; for greater
solidarity with the suffering and less tolerance for the hideously rich. There
is also the thought that redistributing opportunities more evenly may
unleash new talents which would otherwise be too stifled by poverty to
make a significant contribution to society. On the other hand, there was the
concern that a pro-active State would distort the market�fs incentive
mechanism and create a culture of dependence thus slowing down Adam
Smith�fs escalator which was lifting everyone upwards, albeit at different
rates (see p. 16).
For at least three centuries the conflict between efficiency and equity has
characterised liberal politics and economics. It still does. Conservative
thinkers place more emphasis on efficiency and are prepared to see large
doses of inequity as the price society should be willing to pay for a longterm
increase in its capacity to produce wealth. They feel that the State ought to
intervene only when a person�fs income falls below certain terribly low levels.
And even then, the State must ensure that its support does not destroy the
person�fs motivation to pick up the pieces and try again. By contrast, more
liberal thinkers see a much greater role for the State (for example, as a
provider of basic goods such as education and health that should not be left
to the market) and are less worried about the effects of such intervention on
efficiency.
The difference between most conservative and interventionist liberal
economists, political theorists, sociologists, etc. is a matter of degree. They
agree that efficiency and equity are important but, often, antagonistic
objectives. Their disagreement lies on what is the best blend of the two
and how it can be achieved. Conservatives feel that the best blend
sacrifices as little efficiency as possible and involves the State only when it
is absolutely necessary. Their foes regard the optimal blend as one that
Redistribution without inefficiency
In Section 8.1.4 the second theorem of welfare economics carefully
specified the conditions under which redistribution can occur without
losses in efficiency. Recall the requirement that only inputs to the market
process are reassigned. Any interference with the market process itself
would lead to a loss of efficiency; that is a point in Figure 8.1 below
the economy�fs PPF.
CONCEPT OF A LEGITIMATE STATE IN ECONOMICS 253
contains significant amounts of equity and is brought about by a
significant State presence in social life. That the two camps are separated
only by the degree to which they value efficiency relatively to equity can
be gleaned from their interchangeable labels in different countries.
Whereas to be a member of the Liberal Democratic Party in Japan or the
Liberal Party of Australia is to be on the conservative right of those
countries�f political spectrum, being a Liberal in Germany, Britain and the
USA is to be regarded as a centrist who favours wide-ranging State
intervention in pursuit of equity.
9.2.3 The efficiency-versus-equity debate and the dead-end of welfare
economics
One hope liberal economists had was that the tension between equity and
efficiency would be one that society could negotiate for itself (recall Section
9.1). If a social utility (or welfare) function could be shown to exist, then at
least in principle society could rationally decide which blend of efficiency
and equity it desired: the blend which maximises social utility (or welfare).
Of course even then it would take a great deal of debate, disagreement and
outright conflict to decide what that blend was and how society could
achieve it. But, at the very least, we could all go to bed at night safe in the
thought that there was such a thing as a degree of redistribution and State
action which was firmly in the public interest. All we would have to do is
pin it down.
However, the third theorem proved that even this hope is too optimistic. If we
cannot generate a social utility (or welfare) index out of our private utility
indices, then there simply does not exist an optimal blend between the market
and the State, between equity and efficiency. Not even theoretically! What
should we do then? Should the State do nothing? Or is there an escape from
this dead-end?
There are two escape routes for liberals, both of which emerged in the
1970s, and I will discuss them in the next two sections. They share one
common feature: the view that the efficiency-versus-equity dilemma is
unhelpful or even false; that it merely distracts us from what really matters:
justice. The first escape (see Section 9.3) focuses on what is termed social or
distributive justice. It suggests that there is a degree of equity without which
society is inefficient and a degree of efficiency without which society is unfair!
The second escape route (Section 9.4) also turns on the notion of fairness but
chooses to focus not on social justice but, instead, on the injustice inherent in
taxation. One�fs conclusions on what constitutes the good society will differ
vastly depending on which of the two escape routes one chooses.
254 MARKETS, THE STATE AND THE GOOD SOCIETY
9.3 The first escape route from neoclassical economics�f
dead-end: John Rawls�f theory of distributive justice
9.3.1 Towards a rationally compassionate society
The French Revolution, whose rhetoric and ideas marked the dawn of
political democracy for humanity, was inspired by three heart-warming calls:
one for liberty, one for equality and one for fraternity. Economists talk a great
deal about liberty (free markets, free trade, etc.) much less about equality and
not at all about fraternity. Indeed the neoclassical model of individuals (see
Chapter 2) leaves very little scope for even a definition of equity or fraternity.
If utilities cannot be compared across persons, what does equality mean? And
if individuals maximise utility, the only way fraternity makes sense is if my
utility rises and falls in proportion to yours; possible but too hard to model in
any convincing manner. In contradistinction, freedom is dead essay to define:
the absence of constraints.
As this and Chapter 8 have made abundantly clear, this view of
individuals does not allow economics to say anything plausible about the
Good Society; about what is and what is not in the public interest. Liberal
thinkers who were concerned about this failure recognised immediately that
the problem lay in the economists�f model of human beings. Some even
predicted the problem before it occurred (see J.S.Mill�fs point in the boxes on
pp. 114.15).
It is indeed no great wonder that individuals like those in Chapter 2 (who
aim exclusively at scaling some utility ordering) fail to have common
objectives. How could they? If common objectives are to be allowed back into
the picture, persons must be given back their capacity to care about more than
satisfying their preferences (echoes of the argument in Chapter 4 that life on
the utility machine would be a poor substitute for the real thing). If, for
example, they care also about non-quantifiable things such as justice and
solidarity with others then the common good can be envisioned. These liberals
even went as far as to argue that the tension between efficiency and equity (or
social justice) is exaggerated intentionally by those who simply want to
preserve their privileges. The next box offers a glimpse of such a liberal�fs
view.
Views like that of J.K.Galbraith are as old as capitalism (recall that
they resemble the egalitarian and humanist views which led Jeremy
Bentham and J.S.Mill to develop utilitarian ideas during the nineteenth
century). What motivates me to link the current section (Section 9.2)
with the name of the US philosopher John Rawls (b. 1921), rather than
with Mill or Keynes or Galbraith, is that in his A Theory of Justice
(published by Harvard University Press in 1971) Rawls attempts a
monumental feat: to prove that compassion, a concern for justice, for
fraternity, for an interest in those who are worse off, is not only ethical
CONCEPT OF A LEGITIMATE STATE IN ECONOMICS 255
and nice but also rational. This is a major claim. One that eluded liberals
before (recall how Bentham failed to show that rational utility maximising
individuals would care about average utility in society). Has Rawls pulled it
off? If the answer is yes, then a State which intervenes to correct market
failure but also to redistribute income, provide health care, educate its
citizens, is a rational State which achieves maximum liberty, justice and
efficiency simultaneously.
A liberal who places compassion above all else:
J.K.Galbraith (b. 1908)
Andrew Marr [of The Independent newspaper (8/1/1995)]: �eTo
what extent [does the creation of the Good Society] involve a return
to the principle of the redistribution of wealth�c?�f
JKG:�cI think we have to conclude that the modern market system �c,
by its nature, distributes income very badly, very unequally. And
therefore progressive income tax in one of the great civilising forces
of our time. And there�fs always the possibility that if one has high
marginal rates (of tax), people will work harder to maintain their
after-tax income.
Andrew Marr: �eReturning to the size of the State, one of the big
arguments that you hear these days about the reasons why the State
must shrink, both in terms of its share of national wealth, and in what
it does, is that we are all part of a global market, that we are facing
above all the Asian tiger economies which don�ft have large Welfare
States and which have relied upon a more familiar structure of social
support. Easternisation�crequires the West to cut back the size of its
State and to carry on cutting back. Now is that just an excuse by
people who used to be called the capitalist class?�f
JKG: This is an excuse. This is a justification for what they want to see
happen in their favour. One of the curious things of our time is that
the rich in the United States, and I think this is true of Britain and
Europe, do not want to defend themselves as rich. They want to have
a larger moral case, and the idea that Taiwan, Singapore and China
are threatening Western economies is a wonderful way of escaping
from selfishness into something that seems on the whole vaguely
plausible.
256 MARKETS, THE STATE AND THE GOOD SOCIETY
9.3.2 Rational but selfless deliberation on what is just: Rawls�f veil of
ignorance
Rational and selfless? How can this be possible? In Chapter 2 neoclassical
economists defined rationality as the capacity to pursue efficiently one�fs selfinterest.
We labelled this instrumental rationality. How can somebody be rational
and selfless? Rawls argues that, though difficult to achieve, it is a blend of
rationality and selflessness that we must strive for if we are to be able to say
anything sensible about our society. The reason why, so far, we have failed to
conceptualise the common good is that we have been too caught up in our
own desires and interests. If only we could take a break from our self-interest,
rise above our petty little concerns and see society dispassionately, then we
would be in a position rationally to decide what is and what is not good for
society.
To put the same point slightly differently, imagine that all members of
society could be assembled in a large theatre. Rawls addresses us all and
asks us: �eAre you happy with your social arrangements? Is yours the Good
Society? Or do you wish that some aspects of it (e.g. income distribution,
the assignment of political and economic power) are changed?�f His problem
is that he cannot trust us to tell him what we really think. There are those of
us who are, currently, extremely well off. They have an incentive to keep
things as they are; to answer that our society is as good as it can get. They
have an incentive to say this even if, deep down, they know that ours is an unjust,
ugly society. Additionally, there are some who are poor but who have no one
to blame other than themselves, their laziness and their lack of drive or
application. They are in the opposite situation: even if, deep down they feel that
this society is pretty fair, they still have an incentive to tell Rawls that it is unjust
and horrible in the hope that a redistribution of income will occur in their
favour.
So, poor Rawls is standing up there in front of us receiving information
that he cannot trust. His problem is, as mentioned earlier, that we are far too
caught up in our own self-interest to be truthful in our assessment of what
society should be like. And it is not just a matter of being untruthful to
Rawls and others. It is also a matter of being untruthful to ourselves.
History has repeatedly shown that those who end up as rich and powerful
soon afterwards manage to convince themselves that they deserved to
become so and, therefore, that the society that brought them riches, power
and fame must have been just and beyond criticism or reform. Rawls, thus,
realised that to unleash our rational capacity for assessing our society
something drastic is needed; some trick which will divorce us from our
current, debilitating, self-interest.
Suppose that, standing next to Rawls on the podium, there is a machine
which can stop time without interrupting consciousness. (You have seen
enough Hollywood science-fiction movies to be able to imagine this!) At the
CONCEPT OF A LEGITIMATE STATE IN ECONOMICS 257
touch of a button, Rawls stops time, everyone freezes in the theatre but, soon
after, we all rise in spirit form from our frozen bodies and join Rawls at the
front of the theatre. Looking back we can see our frozen selves exactly as we
were the moment Rawls hit the button. In a trance-like state (imagine also a
mesmerising soundtrack in the background), we are asked: �eLook back at
yourselves. Think of the society that you make up. Now that you can see
yourselves from some distance, what do you think? Is your society a good
one? Is it just? Or do you wish to reform it?�f
Before you get a chance to answer, the cunning Rawls adds:
To give you a reason to answer my questions rationally and truthfully,
let me say this. If you decide that your society is indeed fair and that
you wish to return to it, then I shall oblige you. All I have to do is hit
the same button once more. However, when this happens you will not
be returned to the body/self whence you were extracted. This machine
will assign you to some body/self randomly. Now decide: is your society
a fair one or is there some need for reform, for a redistribution of
social roles, etc.?
What a shock! All of a sudden we are told that the chances of returning to our
original self are practically zero (to be precise they equal 1/N where N is the
size of the population). And yet we must decide whether we wish to return to
that society without knowing who we are to be upon our return. In effect, we
are being asked to judge rationally between different types of society,
distributions of roles, wealth, etc. without the faintest idea as to who we shall be in
that society. Rawls looks on our puzzlement with glee. For he has achieved his
aim: to make us assess our society rationally yet selflessly.
His point is that, if we decide to go back to our society even though we
do not know which role we shall have in it, then ours must be the Good
Society. The idea is simple. Now that the rich or the poor have no guarantee
that they shall be rich or poor after Rawls pushes the button; now that the
hard-working or lazy persons have no guarantee that they will be hardworking
or lazy; now each citizen has a strong incentive to choose between
different social arrangements objectively, without being guided by their
personal interest. Why? Because the best way of serving their private
interest, when uncertain about who they shall be, is to try to select the Good
Society; the one which maximises everyone�fs chances of prosperity and
happiness.
Of course Rawls, being a serious philosopher, does not make any reference
to time-stopping machines and science-fiction movies. This was my idea for
conveying his theory to you. Rawls�f own term for the state of uncertainty
about one�fs personal position is the veil of ignorance. Individuals are asked to
decide which is the Good Society as if behind a veil of ignorance which prevents
them from seeing which position they will occupy in the society of their
258 MARKETS, THE STATE AND THE GOOD SOCIETY
choice. It is this ignorance about our own position in the chosen society which
motivates us to conceive of the public interest.
To recap, Rawls plays a trick on us in order to force us to look at ourselves
objectively. He reminds us that we are shackled by our self-interest so much so
that we have lost sight of what we really think about our society. He then
offers us a helping hand in distancing ourselves from our petty concerns and
taking a broader, more objective, look at the social arrangements which our
ancestors and we have created. Of course he does not have access to a timestopping
machine which can maintain our consciousness and then reassign us
back to different individuals at random. Nevertheless what this hypothetical
does for us is to alert us to the theoretical possibility that, as rational individuals,
we may assess our society; that we may perceive the public interest. And that
is all Rawls needs: an escape route from welfare economies�f third theorem; from
its gloomy conclusion that, even theoretically, there is no such thing as a public
interest.
Our problem so far has been that we could not expect the State ever to
serve the public when the public cannot have a common objective even in
theory? Rawls�f point is that it is possible to conceive of the public good in
theory. Moreover he shows that his theoretical (or hypothetical) concept can
have very practical, highly applicable, policy implications about what the State
ought to be doing.
The veil of ignorance
A hypothetical scenario according to which individuals select, from a
menu of alternative socio-economic arrangements, the society which
they want to live in without knowing which social role, preferences,
income distribution, gender, race, etc. they will have in that society.
Rawls�f theory as a secular alternative to religious
definitions of the Common Good
Liberalism has been influenced by religion from its inception. Recall
Adam Smith�fs celebration of the market as a miracle of coordination. It
is as if by an invisible hand that the market synthesises selfish
behaviour into public virtues. A secular form of divine intervention.
Similarly with Rawls. His veil of ignorance allows individuals to look
squarely at the Good without being blinded by their self-interest. A
secular solution to the problem that religion solves by invoking a
benevolent almighty.
CONCEPT OF A LEGITIMATE STATE IN ECONOMICS 259
9.3.3 From theory to practice: redistributing according to the
Maximin Principle
If Rawls is right, then behind the veil of ignorance (that is, with no knowledge of
our social position, power, income, gender, colour, etc.) we can make, as a
group of people, a rational (and thus objective) choice between different social
arrangements, income distribution and so on. But how shall we decide? To
motivate the discussion, imagine that we are considering three different
income distributions amongst, roughly, three different income groups or
classes (for simplicity let us assume that each group contains the same number
of people): see Table 9.1
Our task is to judge which distribution (1, 2 or 3) we favour as a group.
Suppose that Distribution 2 is current. Rawls then asks us to compare
Distribution 2 with 1 and 3. Which is better? Of course, those of us who are
fortunate enough to belong to Group A will have a vested interest to proclaim
that the current arrangement (Distribution 2) is excellent. Notice that any shift
from Distribution 2 (to either 1 or 3) will mean that Group A members will
lose money ($40,000 if we move to Distribution 3 and a whopping $120,000
from a move to Distribution 1). Similarly, Group C people will have a vested
interest in denouncing Distribution 2 as unfair, unjust, disgusting, etc.
Therefore vested interests make it impossible (echoes of the third theorem of
welfare economics) to decide which distribution of the three in Table 9.1
serves the public interest best. Indeed no public interest is discernible due to
the antagonistic interests of our divided society.
This is where Rawls�f veil of ignorance ploy delivers the goods. For if these
people were told that they will be assigned randomly to one of the three groups,
then suddenly they lose their self-interested perspective. Group A members
who currently enjoy an income of $140,000 per annum must now realise that
there is only a 1-in-3 chance that they will retain this high income. Indeed
there is a 1-in-3 chance that, if society rules in favour of keeping Distribution
2, they may end up with a measly $15,000 a year. So, how should rational
people choose when faced by ignorance about the income level they will end
Table 9.1 Rawls�f theory of justice: a numerical example
(Numbers denote thousands of dollars per year; each of the three groups A, B and C
contain the same number of individuals.)
260 MARKETS, THE STATE AND THE GOOD SOCIETY
up with? Rawls�f argument is simple; rational people must agree that the best
distribution is the one which maximises the income of the poorest! He refers to this
argument as the Maximin Principle.
Let us first see what the practical implications of this principle are before
letting Rawls defend it. Looking at our three distributions above, the Maximin
Principle selects Distribution 3 as the one that rational individuals ought to
choose behind the veil of ignorance. It is easy to see why: the worst off (i.e.
Group C) make $20,000 under Distribution 1, $15,000 under Distribution 2
and $24,000 under Distribution 3. Thus they are better off under Distribution
3. The latter is thus selected by a principle which maximises the income of the
worst-off in society.
But why would rational individuals, even behind the veil of ignorance, choose
to maximise the income of the worst off; why would they opt for the Maximin
Principle? Rawls�f answer is that when uncertain about your social position you
must think of what will happen to you if luck is unkind to you and decides
that you will be in the worst social position; that you will be one of the less
privileged members of society. With this thought in mind you will, if rational,
want to ensure that the worst off are as well off as possible. The reason?
Simply that you may end being one of them!
Thus the veil of ignorance encourages everyone to think of the poor, the
underprivileged, the needy; it does so by making people imagine that they face
the same probability of being one of them. It is, after all, a ploy to force us all
to assess our society by stepping outside our own shoes and into those of
others. However, some may argue that individuals may still choose
Distribution 2 even if placed behind the veil of ignorance.
For instance, people may be of a gambling disposition and choose
Distribution 2 not only because it rewards the rich more than the other two
but also because it involves the highest average income (60 as opposed to 50
in the case of 3 or 20 in the case of 1). They may, for example, fancy that a 1-
in-3 chance of earning $140,000 rather than $100,000 (if they end up in
Group A) outweighs the 1-in-3 danger of earning $15,000 rather than $24,000
(if they end up in Group C) plus the 1-in-3 chance of earning $25,000 rather
than $26,000 (if they end up in Group B). If they think this way, they may
spurn the Maximin Principle and select Distribution 2 instead of Distribution 3.
Rawls argues that it is not rational to think this way.
John Rawls�f Maximin Principle
�eChoose the income distribution which maximises the minimum income�f
(thus, maxi-min). Societies applying this principle in order to decide on
the best distribution of income will organise themselves in such a way
as to boost the well-being of the worst off.
CONCEPT OF A LEGITIMATE STATE IN ECONOMICS 261
He implores us to realise that this is not a lottery and it is silly to treat it
like one. Instead it is a one-off, irreversible, decision of monumental
importance. After all, we have been given a chance to redesign our society; to
determine our collective future. Imagine he says that we do decide to gamble
and we select Distribution 2 in the hope that we will be assigned to Group A.
Now suppose that the gamble does not pay off and, instead, we end up as
members of Group C. After the event we are bound to regret our decision; for
if we had chosen Distribution C our annual income would be $24,000 rather
than the $15,000 we have now.
Of course, we may be good sports and accept that we gambled and lost.
But for how long? One year, two years, ten years? And what about our
children and grandchildren whose opportunities will be limited by our mistake
to gamble their future away? In the end, those in Group C will experience
discontent. They will beat their breasts admitting that they were silly to
choose Distribution 2 in a gambling fit and call for a redistribution. Discontent
is bound to rear its ugly head. Thus, Rawls argues, rational individuals will
not gamble when behind the veil of ignorance; instead they will espouse the
Maximin Principle.
9.3.4 Rawls on the efficiency-versus-equity dilemma
If we do choose according to the Maximin Principle then the elusive public
interest will have been defined: whatever policy boosts the well-being of the
worst off serves the public interest. Is this a moralistic conclusion? Rawls
argues that it is the result of pure logic, not emotion. We ought to fashion
society in this manner because it is rational to do so. The fact that our choice
of income distribution will be socially just is a reflection of the fact that we
chose it rationally. In other words, Rawls�f answer to the question �eWhat
should the rational society do?�f is: �eIt ought to be just by placing maximum
emphasis on improving the well-being of its neediest members�f.
Interestingly Rawls�f theory of justice and distribution seems to have
resolved the perennial conflict between equity and efficiency. Notice that
Rawls�f definition of just inequalities
Inequalities as defined by the institutional structure or fostered by it
are arbitrary unless it is reasonable to expect that they will work
out to everyone�fs advantage and provided that the positions and
offices to which they attach or from which they may be gained are
open to all.
John Rawls, A Theory of Justice, 1971
262 MARKETS, THE STATE AND THE GOOD SOCIETY
Rawls�f mechanism does not side either with traditional calls for equality nor
with the demands for cold-hearted efficiency-at-all-cost. Indeed Distribution 1
is far more equitable than Rawls�f favourite Distribution 3. It may be more
equitable but it is not fairer, according to Rawls. He asks: where is the fairness
in making everyone poorer than they have to be in order to bring about less
inequality?
In this sense, Rawls supports a degree of inequality which is in everyone�fs
interest. If the introduction of some extra inequality increases the income of
the worst off, then it is fair to introduce it. But, if inequality comes at the
expense of lower living standards for those at the bottom end of the
distribution, then it is deemed unjust.
Just like Rawls rejects the proposition that equality is by definition just, he
also denies the claim that it is always rational to strive for greater efficiency.
Compare Distributions 2 and 3 in Table 9.1: the former corresponds to a
higher per capita income (average income is $60,000 under Distribution 2
compared to $50,000 under Distribution 3). However, this does not mean that
a rational society ought to opt for it. For Rawls, rational individuals deciding
objectively (that is, behind the veil of ignorance) will choose Distribution 3 in
spite of the fact that it yields a lower per capita income (or total income) than
Distribution 2.
9.3.5 Summary: Rawls and the Good Society
In conclusion, Rawls�f theory of justice begins with a theoretical trick (the veil of
ignorance) in order to furnish some far-reaching, yet down-to-earth, policy
recommendations. The theoretical trick was to ask us to imagine that all social
roles would be reassigned randomly. Would we want to keep the current
distribution of privileges, roles and income when we do not know which we
will be assigned? Or would we want to change it into some other distribution?
If we rule unanimously in favour of some distribution, then we will have
arrived at our destination: the Good Society. Free of the blinkers which vestedinterest
plants into our heads, we will have stood on common ground (since
behind the veil of ignorance we are all equal) and will have pinpointed our
preferred socio-economic distribution. Unanimity, combined with an equal
starting position for all rational individuals, means one thing: that the
distribution thus chosen cannot possibly be unjust or irrational.
The next question is: which socio-economic distribution will be chosen?
His answer is: The one which maximises the well-being of the worst-off. Why
the worst-off? Because, not knowing at the point of decision which position we
will occupy in society, it is rational to ensure that, if it so happens and we are
unlucky enough to be assigned the worst possible position, we should be as
content as possible. This is known as the Maximin Principle which recommends
that the welfare of the poorest becomes our first and only priority.
CONCEPT OF A LEGITIMATE STATE IN ECONOMICS 263
�eI like to pay taxes. With them I buy civilisation.�f
Oliver Wendell Holmes
The policy implication is clear: the State must intervene by taxing the rich,
transferring income to the poor, creating a safety net with minimum health
and education provision; in short, the rational State fosters social justice. But,
there is a limit beyond which any further intervention is itself unjust. This
limit is reached when any additional re-distributive intervention reduces
efficiency to such an extent that the people it is meant to assist are harmed.
The State should leave alone any inequality which can be eliminated only if
the income of the poorer members of society suffers.
Of course, a central question remains unanswered: why should
individuals want to participate in Rawls�f thought experiment? If he could
forcibly place us behind the veil of ignorance and thus put us in a situation
which gave us no alternative other than to make a choice between
distributions unaware of our ultimate position, then perhaps he is right;
perhaps we will choose according to the Maximin Principle. But given that he
cannot do this in reality, why would we agree to go along with his thought
experiment? Some of us, for instance, may turn around and say to Rawls: �eI
don�ft give a damn about which distribution is best, just, rational, etc. I am
happy as I am. On your bike Johnny boy!�f Rawls must, therefore, concede
that his method for finding out what the Good Society looks like works only
if everyone is interested in finding out.
Still, Rawls has a significant claim under his belt: if society wants to
discover the socially just socio-economic distribution, there is a way of doing
it. Let us all forget for a moment our social position and imagine that we
could end up, at the touch of a button, in anyone�fs shoes (from Rupert
Murdoch and the Queen to the homeless person freezing under a bridge). In
what sort of society would we worry about this prospect least? For it is that
society which features maximum social justice. And if we want to have a
State that works towards realising that Good Society, then we know what it
ought to be doing: Intervene in such a manner as to raise the life prospects
of the worst-off.
Rawls admits that one cannot simply expect society to want to achieve
social justice. Why would the rich happily espouse a theory which results in a
State that taxes them as part of the Maximin Principle? In this sense, Rawls�f
theory is not predictive. He is not forecasting that his scheme will be adopted
provided people are intelligent. On the contrary, his theory is prescriptive. He
is telling us what to do if we want a State that serves the public interest without
necessarily expecting that we will be interested. His simple point is that, unless
the State acts to boost the well-being of the poor, it is an unjust State; and
human history is replete with them and their remains.
264 MARKETS, THE STATE AND THE GOOD SOCIETY
Nevertheless, Rawls is not just moralising. He believes that unless the
State serves the public good, discontent will brew and turn into social
conflict which is never conducive to an efficient use of human resources.
In this sense, injustice is never rational and therefore a rational society will
want a pro-active State which busily pursues justice. Rawls trusts that
individuals will recognise this need if sufficiently rational. However, this is
not the type of rationality that we encountered in Chapter 2. Rawls�f
rationality requires more than a capacity to serve desires; it demands also a
faculty for reflection (Rawls speaks of a reflective equilibrium). In his mind
the rational person must be able to put herself in other people�fs shoes; a
view akin to Immanuel Kant�fs notion of rationality (see p. 80). If Rawls
managed to create a concept of the public interest he did so because he
moved away from the utility-maximisation model of human beings that
economics textbooks insist on.
What does this mean for economics? If we were to accept Rawls�f
arguments, we would have to agree that when society acts in order to correct
market failures, or in order to undo unjust distributions, something more
than utility is at stake: justice. Thus there is an excellent, additional reason
for being sceptical about the instrumental rationality of economics textbooks
(in addition to the many reasons mentioned in Chapter 4): unless rationality
is given a wider interpretation (i.e. more than a capacity to serve private
desires) there is no possibility of the public interest being recognised, let
alone served!
Rawls and Rousseau�fs Social Contract
Rawls�f ideas are the culmination of a very old tradition within
liberalism. It stems from J.-J. Rousseau�fs ideas as featured in his
eighteenth-century classic The Social Contract according to which the
legitimate State is one that could have come about only as the result of
a rational bargain amongst equals. Unless the State can be shown to
be a social institution whose authority over them individuals accept, it
will be illegitimate and thus unstable. The process of getting together,
through direct political activity, in order to reach an agreement about
what the State ought to do, is one which simultaneously shapes the
rational State and the rational individual. In this sense, the State is not
just an institution created to serve the desires of individuals. It is much
more than that. As individuals get together, argue, reach agreements,
hold elections, change their minds, etc. they evolve into citizens; they
become rational. In the end, the creation of the State and the shaping
of the rational citizen are two symbiotic processes. The Good Society
has created the rational person and vice versa.
CONCEPT OF A LEGITIMATE STATE IN ECONOMICS 265
Rawls demonstrated how, the moment the meaning of being rational in a
social setting is rescued from the aridity of the economics textbook (that is,
from the strait-jacket of its instrumental guise), two ideas which have been
thought of by economists as antagonistic, all of a sudden, become allies:
rationality and justice (or, equivalently, efficiency and equity). By rejecting the
neoclassical economists�f narrow view of rationality, Rawls shows that the
rational (as opposed to the moral) society will choose to be guided by the
principles of social justice. This has been the finest moment so far in the
tradition started just before the French Revolution which sees the Good and
Just Society as a grand agreement between rational citizens.
9.4 The second escape route from neoclassical economics�f
dead-end: Robert Nozick�fs entitlement theory of justice
9.4.1 Process, not outcomes!
Hold on a second! .shouts Robert Nozick, another contemporary American
philosopher. If you think that you can legitimise so easily a State which
bursts into people�fs lives, grabs fistfuls of money against their will and
passes them around at the whim of some bureaucrat, think again. In his
brilliantly scripted 1974 book Anarchy, State and Utopia, Robert Nozick (b.
1938) puts up an argument against anyone who entertains an interest in an
interventionist State.ranging from John Rawls to the socialists. His dismissal
of the claim that the State�fs job is to monitor, and to improve upon, the
prevailing distribution of income, privilege, need and social power is short
and swift.
Nozick asks: suppose I were to tell you that last year Jill�fs income was X.
Was this fair? Should she have earnt more or less? Naturally you cannot
answer this question without further information. You will need to know what
Jill does for a living, how hard she worked, how much income she had to
forgo during the past decade while training for her current job, what risks she
had to take in order to make X, etc. In other words, you need to know
whether she was entitled to an income of size X. Given that information, you
can then pass judgment on whether it is fair that she received X. By contrast,
passing judgment on Jill�fs income in the absence of such information is callous and
irrational. More than this: it is unjust! And yet this is exactly what Rawls
asked us to do in the previous section.
Indeed Rawls devised a scheme for selecting between different
distributions of income; that is, the income level of each individual in
society. And he asked us to do so without a word on how these individuals
would be generating that income. Nozick thus claims that any theory seeking
to select between different income distributions cannot pay attention to how
each person generates her living but, instead, focuses on what she makes.
266 MARKETS, THE STATE AND THE GOOD SOCIETY
This is just as callous, irrational and ultimately unfair as it was in the
previous paragraph in Jill�fs case. Only this time things are worse because (1)
everyone (and not just Jill) in society is judged unfairly, and (2) such a travesty
is marketed as an exercise in social justice.
In summary, if social justice is what we crave, Nozick makes the interesting
point that, rather than judging people and societies on the level of income that
each has, we ought to ask: are they entitled to what they got? Or should they
have earned more (or less) given their attributes and activities? Put bluntly, it
is not outcomes that determine whether an income distribution is fair. It is the
process which brought it about.
9.4.2 The three rights that individuals are entitled to in the Good
Society
Nozicks�f three entitlements
1 Justice In acquisition
Individuals are entitled to assets they discover or invent
themselves.
2 Justice in transfers
Individuals are entitled to assets they acquired through
voluntary market transactions.
3 Correction and compensation in cases where entitlements 1 or
2 are violated
Individuals are entitled to compensation whenever one of their
assets acquired in accordance to entitlements 1 or 2 above
has been forcibly removed.
To make his point more sharply, Nozick asks us to accept that in a free
society, in a Good Society if we wish, individuals must be entitled to the
three rights in the adjacent box. First, comes the entitlement to keep
assets (that is, things of value) that one discovers (and which are not
owned by anyone else) or assets resulting from an invention. Second, one
is entitled to assets that one has acquired through legitimate transactions
with others. Third, is the entitlement to a system of justice (police,
courts, the Law) which corrects any violations of one�fs first or second
entitlements or rights.
For example, if someone steals from you (a violation of the first or second
entitlement, since the thief will have acquired an asset illegitimately) then the
Good Society must respond by apprehending the thief and returning the stolen
asset to you. Similarly, if someone makes unauthorised use of an invention of
CONCEPT OF A LEGITIMATE STATE IN ECONOMICS 267
yours (i.e. breach of copyright) again you are entitled to compensation since
your first entitlement has been violated.
No reasonable person can surely dispute that, in the Good Society, people
should be entitled to these three basic rights. Nozick confidently expects that
we shall all nod in agreement. Then, he thunders, there is no way you can
justify a State which re-distributes income! Why? Because Nozick has
enshrined three rights, or entitlements, which rule out taxation. Since
taxation is involuntary (that is, the tax office does not ask for your consent
before it collects your income tax), it violates one of your first two
entitlements.
For instance, according to the first entitlement you have the right to keep
assets that you created through a process of invention. According to the
second entitlement you have a right to assets acquired through legitimate
trade. And yet the interventionist State of Rawls (or of any other theorist who
supports forceful redistribution through the tax system) violates these rights
since taxation is equivalent to grabbing part of these assets; assets that you are
entitled to and which you are unhappy giving up. So, if you have agreed with
Nozick�fs entitlements in the previous paragraph, he insists that you must agree
with him that it is the duty of the police to arrest the tax officers (since the
third entitlement calls for a State which apprehends those who violate your
first two entitlements)!
And since we cannot have the police apprehending government officials
who carry out the policy of the State, there are only two options: either
individuals must lose their basic rights (as enshrined in Nozick�fs three
entitlements) or the State must give up the policy of re-distributing income
through the tax system. Make your choice. If you still think that redistribution
is crucial, then fine; go ahead. Just keep in mind that you will be sanctioning
continuous violation of basic human rights, acts which are hardly compatible
with notions of social justice.
Nozick�fs own choice is simple: the basic human rights which he codified
in his three entitlements ought to be treated as inalienable. Any vision of a
just society, of a grand social contract amongst equals, which is built on
violations of human rights will inevitably turn into a nightmare; into a
totalitarian State which savages its citizens�f rights in the name of some
theoretical Common Good. The only Good and Rational State is one that
understands its limits and keeps out of people�fs lives. Its only legitimate role
is to provide security, law and order so that individuals can live, work and
relate to each other freely.
9.4.3 Summary
Whereas Rawls gave us a blueprint on how to re-distribute income when
searching for the socially just distribution, Nozick undermined the very
268 MARKETS, THE STATE AND THE GOOD SOCIETY
reasons for searching in the first place. Both of them attempt to describe
the type of society individuals would be happy to live in. However,
whereas Rawls is concerned about the outcome, Nozick focuses on the
process. Rawls spends sleepless nights over the degree of contentment in
society once an income distribution has been reached. Nozick, on the other
hand, does not think we can afford to worry about that. As long as
everyone got the income that they deserved, this is all the justice we can
afford. Trying to tamper with the income distribution for the purpose of
promoting justice is like pursuing freedom by building concentration
camps.
9.5 Rawls and Nozick: an assessment
9.5.1 Rawls and Nozick as contractarians
When the three musketeers swore allegiance to one another they entered into
a kind of contract: all for one and one for all! Similarly life-long friends obey
an unwritten code of behaviour according to which one will drop everything
in order to rush to the other�fs assistance in moments of crisis. It is possible to
think of such unspoken accords as unwritten contracts binding people
together.
Imagine that all members of society entered into such an implicit contract.
Since we are talking about a huge number of people, solidarity amongst them
requires formal institutions (e.g. the police, an ambulance service, etc.) which
can �erush�f to someone�fs assistance when necessary. Thus the State would then
be seen as the realisation of a grand contract amongst all citizens. If its
activities and institutions reflect accurately a contract that each citizen would
have entered into happily, then the State must be legitimate. Otherwise the
State is acting arbitrarily against the interests of society.
Contractarian theories of the State and their foes
This is a tradition which goes back at least to Pericles�f speech Epitaph
(Pericles was the leader of Athens during its Golden Age.fifth-century
BC) in which an authoritarian and a liberal State were distinguished on
the basis of consent. During the European Enlightenment (recall the box
on p. 264) the liberal State was defined as the kind of State that all
citizens would approve of had they been given the opportunity to
participate in a large Convention whose purpose would be to
negotiate the type of State that they wanted.
Under this hypothetical scenario, individuals would negotiate
around a table until they decided unanimously which type of State they
CONCEPT OF A LEGITIMATE STATE IN ECONOMICS 269
wanted. Of course in reality no State has been instituted that way. But,
contractarians argue, if we look at our current State and find it possible
to imagine that it could have resulted from such a Grand Bargain, then
it may indeed be a Good State. If, on the other hand, we cannot even
begin to imagine how citizens would have ever approved of the State
under which we currently live, then it cannot be defended; it is an
illegitimate, authoritarian State.
However this �etale�f has not convinced everyone. Some have
dismissed it not just as a silly fairy-tale but as a nasty fiction. For
example, Carole Pateman, a contemporary political theorist, notes in
her book The Sexual Contract that one of the most important, yet
hidden, aspects of the Grand Bargain underpinning the creation of
modern States during the past two centuries was the meticulously
designed (as opposed to accidental) exclusion of women. That the
Social Contract was an agreement amongst men which could come
about only if it was based on a hidden Sexual Contract forced by
men on women. Men�fs citizenship (and their participation in the
creation of the modern State) was founded on the exclusion of
women from the public sphere and their confinement to the home as
non-citizens; as unpaid workers. Men of different background and
social class found it in themselves to reach an agreement because
they had something in common: they �eowned�f women collectively.
Thus the Social Contract can be portrayed as a story of the
subjugation and oppression just as much as a story of liberation and
consent.
Pateman�fs attack on the social contract tradition reflects an earlier
left-wing attack (e.g. that by Karl Marx) which proclaimed that, if the
modern State reflects some large-scale agreement, it reflects the
agreement between the owners of capital (i.e. the employers) to
coordinate their actions via State institutions in order to maximise the
effective exploitation of the working class.
The box (as well as the preceding paragraph) relates an approach to the State
known as Contractarianism. Both Rawls and Nozick sketched their theories on a
contractarian canvas. Rawls went to great pains to describe how we may
conceive of the Good Society as the result of a grand negotiation (behind the
veil of ignorance). Nozick too believes that the Just Society is one in which it can
be shown that individuals, given a chance, will have unanimously approved of
the principles which govern their State�fs activities. Where they disagree rather
violently is on the nature of the citizens�f unanimous agreement. Whereas
Rawls thinks that the citizens�f convention, if rationally conceived, should
result into a Welfare State whose purpose is to correct the distribution of
270 MARKETS, THE STATE AND THE GOOD SOCIETY
opportunities and income, Nozick is convinced that rational individuals will
limit the scope of the State solely to the defence of rights over life and
property.
The cause of the disagreement is twofold: first, Rawls focuses on social
outcomes (e.g. the distribution of prevailing income) and not on the process
that brings them about (e.g. how individuals earned their income). By contrast
Nozick is not interested in outcomes but in processes. Second, Rawls believes
that people have the right to live in a society in which inequality is allowed
only if it benefits everyone. Nozick, on the other hand, proclaims another right
as paramount: the right to keep whatever asset one has acquired or created
without violating the same right of others.
9.5.2 Internal contradictions of Rawls�f and Nozick�fs theories
Rawls and Nozick, in their very different ways, have offered neoclassical
economics escape routes from the impasse at the end of Chapter 8. Suddenly
they made it possible for economists to speak of society�fs interests again in
spite of the third theorem (see Section 8.1.6). Nevertheless it is not all plain
sailing for those who wish to follow the routes opened up by Rawls and
Nozick. Both theories suffer some serious internal problems. Starting with
Rawls, there are three obvious problems.
First, it is difficult to see how persons can acquire a dispassionate,
objective, standpoint from which to pass judgment on their society.even if
they follow Rawls�f advice and imagine that they are behind the veil of
ignorance; that is, that they are divorced from their current physical reality and
social status with no knowledge as to which status they will be reassigned to.
For example, when deciding between two socio-economic distributions, one
in which women continue to have the lesser social roles, the other refusing
to discriminate on the basis of gender, it may be hard for people (both men
and women) to abandon in one stroke the prejudices which have shaped
them.
By this I mean that some prejudices (e.g. the view that women are
inferior) are so deep-seated (in men and, curiously, in some women too) that
at least some people (particularly men) may opt for the discriminating
distribution because it is so deeply ingrained in their conscience; and they
may do this even if they know that there is a good chance that, after the selection of
some �esociety�f as best, they may end up as women. In short, we cannot liberate
ourselves from the norms and prejudices which have formed our being
simply by convincing ourselves that our social role (and even body) could
have been different.
Second, in Rawls�f scheme for discovering the Good Society, there is a
presumption that, behind the veil of ignorance, we shall consider all possible
options and therefore get the chance to select the one which satisfies our
CONCEPT OF A LEGITIMATE STATE IN ECONOMICS 271
collective criteria thus qualifying as socially just. But how can we know all
possible options? Who will tell us? What if, during our deliberations, we fail
to consider the truly Good option? To illustrate, consider a society 1000 years
ago (or even 300 years ago) trying to devise the best social distribution of
roles, privilege and money based on Rawls�f scheme. All the options they
would consider would involve some sort of slavery! It was impossible to
conceive, back then, of a society that could function without slaves.
Does this mean that slavery was just? Of course not. What it means is that
alternatives to the current social arrangements are created by historical change
and cannot be anticipated in advance (with the exception of some wonderful
minds who are usually dismissed, in their time, as deranged). Consequently,
Rawls�f scheme cannot generate the socially just outcome but only an outcome
which is as good as the particular historical moment will allow people to
conceive of.
Third, Rawls�f scheme is susceptible to the criticism that Nozick would
happily make; namely that it is a scheme which cannot handle change and
time very well. Recall my metaphor in Section 9.3.2 with which I related
Rawls�f scheme: time freezes and we are asked to take a look at our society and
rearrange it before starting the clock again. While the clock is stationary, while
behind the veil of ignorance (to use Rawls�f favourite term), we can decide who
gets what.the distribution of income for example. However, once time is
restarted, people will start doing things, they will use their resources to better
themselves, to trade, etc. What if, in doing so, they mess up the income
distribution decided upon behind the veil?
For example, some may take all the money that was allocated to them
and gamble it at the nearest casino. Should society intervene and give them
back what they lost? If it does not, then it will condone a violation of the
income distribution which everyone agreed was best. If it does, it removes
any sense of responsibility by those on the lower end of the income
distribution who can gamble and take incredible risks safe in the knowledge
that, if they win they will climb the social ladder, if not they cannot lose
since the State will restore their income to the original level. Is this just?
Rawls must claim that it is whereas his right-wing opponents treat such a
claim with derision.
Turning to Nozick�fs internal contradictions, two will suffice for our
discussion. Recall the first entitlement that, according to Nozick, we should all
enjoy in the Just Society: the right to anything that we discovered or invented.
At first it sounds fine. If I have invented a new time-travel machine, no one
should have the right to snatch it from me. It is I who ought to have the right
to exploit its commercial value by offering package tours to ancient Greece.
But what if the situation is different? Imagine that a group of us are travelling
by aeroplane when the damned thing crash-lands in the desert. After a while
we find ourselves firmly in the clasp of thirst. We disperse in search of water.
One of us finds the only well in the area. Is this person entitled to exclusive
272 MARKETS, THE STATE AND THE GOOD SOCIETY
use of the water? Is it legitimate, and in accordance to the rules of justice, to
demand that we sign away all our earthly belongings for a few cupfuls of
water?
Nozick shies away from admitting that this is what his first entitlement
means. He invokes the English philosopher John Locke (1632.1704) who,
when examining the same problem, declared that one is entitled to whatever
one discovers (e.g. oil, water, metals, etc.) provided (1) one mixes what one
finds with one�fs labour and (2) leaves sufficient quantities of this fruit of
nature for others. Of course then the problem becomes one of interpretation:
how much work does one need to put into excavation, or cultivation, to
satisfy (1) above? And how much is enough.to satisfy (2) above? Who will
judge?
Nozick�fs problem is compounded by some of his supporters who implore
him to be less circumspect. For instance there have been calls to forget John
Locke�fs two conditions in the last paragraph (commonly referred to as Locke�fs
Proviso). Take another example: imagine that Jack finds out that Jill�fs farm is
sitting on a glut of oil. Jill does not know this and agrees to sell that farm to
Jack for a modest sum. Who has the right to the oil? Jack or Jill? Taking
Nozick�fs first entitlement on face value, it is the discoverer who is entitled to
the asset: Jack (since he found out about the oil first). In that case, the aircrash
survivor who discovered the water spring should be equally entitled to
exploit this discovery as he or she pleases.
Thus, Nozick�fs first entitlement will be espoused fully only by those who
believe that Jill has no right to complain after she discovers the trick Jack
pulled on her; and that the enterprising survivor�fs companions have no
grounds for complaining about any attempts to charge them heftily for the
water. Nozick�fs problem is that many will not agree and, therefore, will reject
his Entitlement Theory of Justice.
Nozick�fs second major difficulty has to do with his third entitlement: the
right to live in a society which protects its citizens from violations of their first
two entitlements. If your car was stolen two years ago and you come across it
today, are you entitled to police action that will return it to you? Of course
you are. But how far back in time does this principle extend to?
For example, suppose that you come across documents which prove that
a Mr Brown defrauded your great-grandparents to the tune of what was,
back in 1921, a great deal of money. Spurred on by this discovery you
pursue your research, only to find out that the Brown family, descendants of
Mr Brown, have prospered enormously. The thief, long since dead, used
your family�fs money to build a factory which turned out to be successful.
Three generations later, it is a sprawling multinational netting multimillion
profit for the Brown family. By contrast you have nothing to your name. Are
you entitled to go to the courts and, wielding the documented evidence of
the 1921 defrauding of your great-grandparents, claim ownership of the
Brown assets?
CONCEPT OF A LEGITIMATE STATE IN ECONOMICS 273
It is not difficult to imagine the case that the Brown family�fs lawyers will
put to the judge. �eIt is the hard work, entrepreneurial talent and application,
good fortune and wisdom of three generations of Browns that has produced
this industrial miracle, m�flord,�f they are likely to say. �eThe initial sum, which
was admittedly stolen, made a tiny contribution to the building of the Brown
empire.�f How can you prove otherwise? You cannot. But if the judge dismisses
your case, then this means that the court will have ruled against Nozick�fs third
entitlement. What is more likely is that the judge will order the Browns to pay
you a sum in lieu of compensation for what happened back in 1921. But how
will this sum be determined? A just decision must be made. And yet Nozick�fs
principles of justice (his three entitlements) offer no guide. Thus a theory of
just outcomes is necessary here; a theory which Nozick has vehemently
argued against.
The Brown fraud case was meant as an introduction to a much more
general problem with Nozick�fs theory. If we research the origin of any
society we shall find, provided we look hard enough, that the distribution of
wealth was determined by means which violate Nozick�fs entitlements.
Wealth was distributed through stealth, banditry and conquest. Today�fs
distribution of social roles and income mirrors to a significant effect the
injustices of the past. How can we disentangle this mess and restore justice?
How can Nozick�fs third entitlement become functional? The police and the
courts will be inundated with cases if we seek to undo injustices lost in the
historical archives.
One solution, favoured by those whose current wealth is due to the villainy
of their ancestors, is to do nothing. But then how can we say that society is
just and its citizens are entitled to a system which corrects violations of human
rights? Do we really want to live in a society where such violations are whitewashed
provided the culprits escape retribution long enough? The other
solution is to try to address past injustices. But as the Brown case
demonstrated, this is not a simple matter. Indeed past injustices cannot be
corrected by handing over to victims something that was taken from them.
Time has changed both the value of the asset stolen and the identity of victim
and culprit. It seems that the only way of undoing injustices is by redistributing
income in the direction of those who are currently underprivileged
as a result of what was done to their ancestors. But how can we redistribute
income if Nozick has his way and the ability to redistribution
income is taken out of the hands of the State?
Summarising this second contradiction in Nozick�fs theory, it seems his first
two entitlements (i.e. that people are entitled to assets they discover or have
acquired through trade) are in opposition to the third (i.e. the entitlement to a
State that corrects injustices, past and present). The first two entitlements
demand that the State should never forcibly remove from individuals assets that
they created or acquired through trade, while the third entitlement requires
that the State has the capacity to tax some and transfer income to others. The
274 MARKETS, THE STATE AND THE GOOD SOCIETY
end result may be a schizophrenic State whose officials in the justice ministry,
social services and tax office face an impossible dilemma: redistribute income
in order to satisfy many under-privileged citizens�f third entitlement only to be
arrested by the police for having violated the privileged citizens�f first or second
entitlement.
Australian Aboriginals and Eastern Europe: two
examples of Nozick�fs contradiction
Australian Aboriginals
When Europeans landed in Australia, they treated the native
population as non-humans. Indeed Australian law, until recently,
insisted that the Australian continent was uninhabited (terra nulius) by
humans prior to the European invasion. After two centuries during
which the Aboriginals�f land was expropriated, farmed, mined and built
on, while the Aboriginals were slaughtered, turned into slaves, infected
with European diseases, etc., Australian society came to understand
the injustices it had inflicted on the native population. According to
Nozick�fs third entitlement, the Aboriginal population has a right to a
�ecorrection�f of this long sequence of injustices. How can they be
compensated? Which part of Australia�fs gross domestic product are
they entitled to? Which part of rural Australia, Sydney or Melbourne
should they be given? Should land be forcibly taken away from
descendants of Europeans and given to Aboriginals? The only viable
solution is for some grand negotiation between Aboriginal and non-
Aboriginal society to determine a redistribution of income, wealth and
land along lines that all parties will agree to. Thus in order for
Nozick�fs third entitlement to be activated on behalf of the Aboriginals,
Nozick�fs worst nightmare must be realised: a State which actively redistributes
income along the lines of some principle of a socially just
outcome.
Eastern Europe
A similar tale can be told about Eastern Europe. Since the collapse
of the communist regimes it has become obvious that an elite has
managed through totally illegitimate means (e.g. because of their
position in the previous regime or because of Mafia links) to grab
the most prized assets in those societies. As the dust settles and
these societies will develop into law-abiding market societies, in the
years to come the families of these elites will occupy the better
social roles. How can these societies be rendered just? Unless there
CONCEPT OF A LEGITIMATE STATE IN ECONOMICS 275
is some State intervention, redistributing wealth away from that
elite, Nozick�fs third entitlement will have been violated. Thus once
again we find that Nozick�fs entitlements contradict one another. The
entitlement (of those who are well off) to be left alone by the State
clashes violently with the entitlement (of those who have been
cheated) to compensation.
9.6 Conclusion: economists and their textbooks at the
deep end
Older economics textbooks did not acknowledge the problem. They carried
on as if the public interest could be defined as easily in terms of a social utility
(or welfare) function as the individual�fs preferences can be captured by a
utility function. Most newer textbooks have retained this mythical notion of
social utility (or welfare) although, increasingly, Kenneth Arrow�fs bombshell of
a theorem (that is, the third theorem of welfare economics.see Section 8.1.6) is
acknowledged. Arrow told us that no viable notion of social utility (or welfare)
can be built out of individuals�f utility functions. And yet textbooks refer often,
and casually, to social utility (or welfare) when their authors want to support
notions such as competition and innovation; e.g. �eCompetition is good because
it maximises social welfare,�f they write. The result is that students are forced
into confusion.
The worst culprit of such double-speak are chapters (or whole textbooks)
on international trade in which a country is given indifference curves just like
Jack�fs and Jill�fs in Chapter 2 .the diagrams used look something like that in
Figure 8.2. Those indifference curves fly in the face of Kenneth Arrow�fs third
theorem and are especially confusing when students who have been exposed to
that theorem are asked to use them in models purporting to show that
international trade boosts a country�fs collective utility (or social welfare). Why
is this happening?
There are two explanations and the least flattering for economists is that
they have not grasped the seriousness and potent message of the third theorem:
that it is impossible to justify social utility (or welfare) functions and social indifference
curves. Put bluntly, economists can still not wrap their minds around this
devastating proposition. Thus when it comes to writing textbooks they still,
out of inertia, refer to the notion of social utility (or welfare) even if in some
(usually separate) chapter they do mention that some guy named Arrow
proved the impossibility of such a notion. The second explanation is that it is
just too inconvenient for neoclassical writers to be honest to students about
the non-existence of social utility (or welfare) functions. For how else can they
make claims in favour of the market, deregulation, privatisation, anti276
MARKETS, THE STATE AND THE GOOD SOCIETY
monopoly legislation, etc. unless they can argue that all these things boost
social utility and are therefore in the public interest.
The continuing presence of social utility (or welfare) functions in economics
textbooks is testimony to a general problem with economics. It reveals how
many economists, due to an imperfect grasp of their cherished discipline, rely
on wishful thinking in order to force certain ideas and models down students�f
throats. Students may swallow but they are unlikely to digest. How can they?
They get used to thinking of the good government policy as the one that
maximises social utility (or welfare) only to discover in some later chapter that
the very notion of social utility is ill defined. Is it surprising that they become
sceptical about economics?
And it is not just the explicit references to social utility (or welfare) or the
drawing of social indifference curves which confuse students and insult their
intelligence. Textbooks have more subtle ways of confusing students. Often
the benefits to society are measured by adding together the difference between
the utility they derive from different commodities and the utility they lose
when paying for them (the so-called consumer surplus). But is this not a case of
summing utilities? And did neoclassical economics not explicitly ban such
comparisons? (Recall how interpersonal utility comparisons were banished.
see Sections 3.2).
So, what should you do? When you encounter in a textbook or course any
notion of social utility (or welfare); when you see indifference curves which
are supposed to portray the interests of a group, a country or a society,
SMILE MOCKINGLY! Yes, I am perfectly serious. Immediately you should
realise that either the author is confused or she/he is trying to confuse you .or
perhaps both. And if a teacher insists that there is such a thing as a Public
Interest which is derived exclusively from individuals�f indifference curves and
looks very much like a social utility function (complete with indifference
curves like those in Chapter 2), then politely tell your teacher that this type of
Public Interest is ill defined and cannot withstand serious scrutiny. If your
teacher gets scornful, again with utmost courtesy, refer her or him to Kenneth
Arrow�fs 1951 masterpiece Social Choice and Individual Values (Yale University
Press).
With this out of the way, it is interesting to take a look at the better of the
new crop of economics textbooks. They avoid references to the Public Interest
as the maximisation of some social utility (or welfare) function and, instead,
discuss what society would want in contractarian terms (see p. 268 for a
definition of contractarianism). These better texts devote a few pages to Rawls
and to Nozick and explain that, depending on which sets of rights you think
are more important (the right to distributive justice or to property acquired by
legitimate means), you will end up with different views as to what the State
ought to be doing. Should it keep on the sidelines and let market transactions
determine who ends up with what, or should it step in and play an active role
in re-distributing wealth?
CONCEPT OF A LEGITIMATE STATE IN ECONOMICS 277
The problem these textbooks face is that it is virtually impossible not to
take sides. For instance, when it comes to market failure due to the
exploitation of public resources, or environmental pollution, the State must
intervene in one way or another. The particular intervention it will choose will
determine which group in society is favoured: producers or consumers,
residents of the polluted areas or the rest who are unaffected by pollution and
are unwilling to pay for the clean up; workers who may lose their jobs if the
polluter is shut down or workers who live on the banks of the polluted river
and whose children will suffer a higher incidence of disease?
If the economics textbook is to offer any guidance about how government
can answer these questions, it can no longer dismiss the problem simply by
saying: �eThe government must choose the policy that maximises social utility
(or welfare).�f Since the latter means nothing (by itself), authors of economics
textbooks have found themselves at the deep end of political controversy. If
they are to say anything useful, they cannot avoid taking sides. They must tell
us whether they favour a Rawls-like focus on outcomes or a Nozickian
concern that no one�fs assets are touched by the State.
As this chapter draws to a close, we seem to have come full circle. In
Chapter 1 we saw how economics turned to the neoclassical model in order to
rid itself of political affiliations; to get out of the mud and stench of politics; to
become the queen of social science, rising pristine and knowledgeable above
the mire of small-minded, political skirmishes. By Chapter 8 the dream had
vanished in a puff of smoke as it became obvious that, come what may, it is
impossible to deliberate dispassionately as to what the Rational Society would
look like.
After hovering in the ethereal world of mathematics and geometry,
economics was forced to crash-land and take its place in the real world of
political debate. Do economists wish to pursue the Good Society in the spirit
of the social contract tradition which started some time in ancient Greece (see
p. 268), reasserted itself in Europe with J.-J.Rousseau (see p. 264) and found
its apotheosis in John Rawls (Section 9.3)? Or do they wish for a social
contract which effectively rules the State out as anything other than a provider
of order and security.a tradition which began with Thomas Hobbes (see p.
77) and culminated in Robert Nozick�fs theory (see Section 9.4)? Or, indeed
can economists think of something in between?
Thus economics is back into the mire courtesy of Arrow�fs third theorem,
which dispels any hopes of a Rational Society springing from some form of
advanced utility maximisation. Economics can no longer escape the political,
philosophical debates which resonate across the humanities.from literature to
sociology and from politics to moral philosophy. This is a good thing. At last,
economics can become interesting again after a century of continuous
pedantry.
The problem is that economics textbooks are finding it hard to adapt to the
new reality. As a result many of them continue to pretend that the dream goes
278 MARKETS, THE STATE AND THE GOOD SOCIETY
on; that economics can debate the Good Society by some newer and cleverer
disguise of the Equi-Marginal Principle. Token confessions (usually confined to
small sections at the back of the textbook) to the contrary tend to confuse
rather than to help students. But such is life: big deceptions lead to great
confusion which cannot be corrected with footnotes.
Chapter 10
Critique: can a
capitalist society be
good?
10.1 Economics at the mercy of ideology and history
10.1.1 Economics as ideology
Reasonable people try to adapt their ideas so as to make them conform with
their world; to �efit in�f. The unreasonable struggle to change their world in
accordance to their ideas. This is how George Bernard Shaw (the acerbic
Irish socialist, intellectual, playwright, pamphleteer, etc.) used irony in order
to give �ereasonableness�f a bad name. Indeed it takes big ideas (or
megalomania) to want to change the world. Perhaps Shaw is right: to think
such ideas one must be unreasonable. But can people�fs ideas really change
the world? John Maynard Keynes, perhaps the greatest twentieth-century
economist, thought so (see next box). Others (like the revolutionary
Friedrich Engels) put their hopes for a better world in the lap of history and
its capacity for changing technological opportunities, social structure and,
finally, men�fs and women�fs ideas about their world. Yet in the end, it matters
little whether history is shaped by ideas or ideas by history. As the French
postmodern philosopher Michel Foucault (1926.84) pointed out, even if
ideas do not change the world, the fact that we have them thwarts �emadmen
in authority�f and hinders them from getting away with murder. Ideas are a
crucial ingredient of what we call society (regardless of whether they are an
input into or an output of the historical process). If economics courses and
textbooks matter they do so because they wilfully toy with our ideas about
the world we live in.
As we have been discovering in this book, neoclassical economists tried to
create a theory of the social economy independent of the ideas in people�fs heads.
280 MARKETS, THE STATE AND THE GOOD SOCIETY
Ingeniously they created a model of humans and then tried to show that the
free-market (that is, capitalism) is the form of social organisation that serves
their interests. However, at the end of Chapter 9 we saw how that long,
gallant march came to a grinding halt: economics had crash-landed into the
mire of political and philosophical debate from which neoclassical
economists had tried to rescue it. In short, we found that it was impossible
for neoclassical economics to tell us much about the Rational and Good
Society without taking sides in the political and ideological debates of the
past 300 years.
Thus we saw that if anything at all were to be said about what kind of
society we want to live in, we have to look beyond neoclassical economics, e.g.
to political philosophers such as John Rawls and Robert Nozick. It became a
political question. Who should we turn to? The honest answer is: it depends
on one�fs ideology. Those who have an inclination to social democracy (that is,
societies in which the State plays an active role in providing for basic needs
and redistributing income, wealth and social opportunities) will find a natural
ally in Rawls and his followers. And those who despise a meddling State will
side with Nozick. After all the technical economic analysis of Chapters 2, 5
and 8 we are back to square one: political prejudice and ideology.
Two views on history, ideology and economics
The ideas of economists and political philosophers both when
they are right and when they are wrong, are more powerful
than is commonly understood. Indeed the world is ruled by little
else. Practical men, who believe themselves to be quite exempt
from any intellectual influences, are usually the slaves of some
defunct economist. Madmen in authority, who hear voices in the
air, are distilling their frenzy from some academic scribbler of a
few years back. I am sure that the power of vested interests is
vastly exaggerated compared with the gradual encroachment of
ideas.
John Maynard Keynes, General Theory of Employment, Interest
and Money, 1936
The ultimate cause of all social changes and political revolutions
are to be sought, not in the minds of men, in their increasing
insight into the eternal truth and justice, but in changes in the mode
of production and exchange; they are to be sought not in the
philosophy but in the economics of the epoch concerned.
Friedrich Engels, Socialism: Utopia- and Scientific (in Collected
Works), 1892
CAN A CAPITALIST SOCIETY BE GOOD? 281
10.1.2 Economics as history
Where have most practising economists turned to? This is where the other
ruler of economics comes into the picture: history. The bulk of economists
follow trends just like teenagers follow fashion. The economies�f profession
inclination regarding the role of the State oscillates with every change in the
direction of the winds of history. Back in the 1960s and early 1970s, the tide
was on Rawls�f side. The western world had completed two decades of relative,
uninterrupted prosperity and was beginning to prove to itself that it was
possible to perform the great balancing act: to keep the market mechanism as
the main means of coordinating economic activity while at the same time
cordoning off a significant segment of the social economy which was
preserved for the State.e.g. health, education, child benefits, natural
monopolies such as electricity generation, railways, even so-called strategic
sectors such as mining and steel. The so-called mixed economy.
This ideal of a mixed economy which would combine the best aspects of
capitalism and socialism (while avoiding their worse traits) was still very much
in vogue when I went to university in the late 1970s. However, it had already
begun to fade. By the time I graduated in 1981 my teachers seemed to have
changed their tune. As a whole the economics profession had become
dominated, in a short space of time, by a new-found faith in the market and a
pervasive suspicion of State intervention. What had happened? The simple
answer is that the post-war economic miracle, whereby State interventions in
the economy had kept unemployment and inequality low without jeopardising
the price mechanism, had fizzled out.
Following the oil crises of the 1970s, the nightmare of simultaneously
increasing prices and inequality/unemployment caught governments out. Until
that point in time governments thought they could manage capitalism so as to
attain social values (low unemployment, controllable poverty and inequality,
etc.) and low inflation. At worst, they thought, they might have to sacrifice
some of their social objectives in order to achieve more price stability and
economic efficiency. Or vice versa. What they had not contemplated was the
nightmare of observing, irrespectively of their actions, the simultaneous collapse
of the market mechanism (i.e. spiralling price inflation) and of the social fabric
(i.e. greatly increased unemployment, deteriorating income inequalities). For
many, the State seemed to have lost the knack of managing the economy and
society in tandem.
It was at that time that the voices of some hitherto unfashionable
economists became, all of a sudden, flavour of the month. Writers like the
American economist Milton Friedman (b. 1912) had, for years, been issuing
polemical diatribes on the folly and hazards of government attempts to alter
the quantity of a society�fs output and employment. By the late 1970s,
Friedman and his followers made the transition from scorned eccentrics to
opinion leaders within the profession and beyond. Economists groomed in
282 MARKETS, THE STATE AND THE GOOD SOCIETY
Milton Friedman and the limits of economic policy
Friedman�fs view that governments should not be attempting to
�emanage�f employment was founded on the simple neoclassical idea
that if a commodity is not scarce, then it has no value; its price must be
zero. If its price is not zero, it must be scarce and, therefore, in
equilibrium there can be no unsold units of that commodity. Similarly, if
the wage is non-zero all those who want to work for that wage will, in
equilibrium, find a job. If the government tries to increase the number
of those in employment further by borrowing and spending, all it will
achieve is more inflation. In the long run employment levels will be the
same.
Friedman�fs own university (the University of Chicago) had become the new
prophets of untrammelled capitalism. By the mid-1980s, assisted by the
establishment of radical conservative governments in the USA and the UK,
the economic agenda, both in and out of universities, was (at least in theory)
one in which the State played no role other than actively to divest itself of any
economic role it had. If the State tried to intervene, the story went, even the
best intentions would turn into economic catastrophe.runaway inflation and
ultimately more (not less) unemployment.
It was of course not the first time that historical changes altered the
dominant ideas within economics. In a sense the rise of pro-market economics,
at the expense of Keynesian views of the State as manager of capitalism, was a
revenge for the success of Keynesianism in the 1930 to 1970 period. When the
Great Depression became a reality in the 1920s and 1930s, few people had
any doubt that capitalism was unstable and unreliable. With the massive fall in
production and the huge increase in unemployment, the claim that markets
work well and coordinate economic activity efficiently had become laughable.
No one could blame the trade unions for the mid-war crash nor could any one
point an accusatory finger at the governments of the time. Indeed unions were
rather weak before the crash while most governments believed strongly that
they had no business meddling with the economy. So, how was it that the
market system collapsed during a period of increasing liberalisation of
international markets, negligible government intervention, and weak trade
unions?
At that moment, and while the whole world was suffering under the
unexpected depression of the 1930s, Keynes�f message pierced the promarket
faith: markets cannot be trusted! To put it in economic terms, why
should we assume habitually that in important markets (e.g. that for
labour or capital) the price will always adjust so that supply equals demand
and market equilibrium is restored? What if prices stop adjusting before
CAN A CAPITALIST SOCIETY BE GOOD? 283
this happens and the market gets stuck in a rut where large chunks of
labour and capital remain unemployed? Keynes�f great challenge to
economic orthodoxy was this: he claimed that we should expect markets to
�eget stuck�f in this manner (see also Section 8.2.5). And that when they do,
they are terrible at getting �eunstuck�f by themselves. Unless the government
rushes in with measures to shore up economic activity, markets will remain
bogged down in a state of pathetic inactivity. Meanwhile millions of people
will be suffering. Keynes�f message had a remarkable resonance during the
Great Depression. Young economists became enthralled with the prospect
of participating in a major rejigging of society; of acting as the engineers to
whom governments turn for advice on how the market mechanism ought
to be assisted. Those were exciting times for economists. The Keynesian
bandwagon was on its way.
Keynes�f revolutionary idea
Of course if prices keep adjusting until scarce resources (including
labour) are allocated according to how scarce (and valuable) they
are, resources will be fully utilised (i.e. no unemployment: see
previous box). But if prices do not adjust in this way, then prices
cannot and will not reflect a commodity�fs relative scarcity. Why?
Because resources will be under-utilised (or unemployed) and thus not
scarce. If anything is scarce in such situations it is demand! Then the
role of government should be to help the economy along by boosting
demand.
An example of a �estuck�f price
In the Indian village of Palanpur, Jean Dreze observed an interesting
�emarket failure�f. During a year of substantial unemployment among
agricultural day labourers, a desperate worker offered his services for
half the going wage. After he was hired, the wage of all workers was
cut by half, at unchanged employment, and the under-cutter became
the target of much animosity. The following year the wage was
restored to its original level, unemployment remained more or less the
same and no one tried again to get a job by offering to work for less
than the going rate.
The Second World War gave Keynesians a major boost. The whole world saw
how government intervention in the economy could eliminate unemployment,
create new high technology sectors and lead to increased prosperity. Pity this
284 MARKETS, THE STATE AND THE GOOD SOCIETY
was not a step towards the Good Society but a step towards mass carnage and
destruction. The first government to put in effect (perhaps unwittingly)
Keynes�f recommendation was that of Nazi Germany in the 1930s. Huge
government investment went into industry and road-building on the one hand
and the armaments industry on the other. Hitler�fs popularity during the 1935.
9 period has been widely attributed to the fact that his government�fs �einjection�f
of investment into the economy succeeded in giving markets the push that was
necessary for demand to rise, income to grow and unemployment to be
eliminated. Many years later, in the early 1980s in the United States, a
similarly substantial increase in government expenditure on weapons (under
the presidency of Ronald Reagan) again led to a sharp decline in
unemployment. Fortunately for the world, given the infinite destructiveness of
modern nuclear arsenals, Reagan�fs rearmament did not result in a war like
Hitler�fs had done forty years earlier.
Once the Second World War was underway, other governments (in
particular that of the USA and Britain) suspended any remaining doubts
about the merits of intervention in the market-place and took over the reins of
investment and economic decision making from the private sector. Large
amounts were directed from savings and various economic activities (partly
through rationing) to the weapons industry. The war period saw the
emergence of an interesting hybrid: a State-controlled war capitalism in which
entrepreneurs were directed in no uncertain terms to invest into particular
economic activities by bureaucrats and politicians. American economic growth
was startling and allowed the USA to become a dominant superpower soon
after the war�fs end. After the dust had settled down, economists and
politicians who had lived through that tumultuous period became convinced
that if governments can alter for the better the course of economic history (by
intervening, sponsoring new industries and thus eliminating unemployment)
during war, surely they could do so also in peace.
Why should governments be able to intervene successfully in the
economy only when it comes to increasing our efficiency at killing each
other and not do so in order to create a better society? The post-war boom,
which lasted two decades, confirmed these thoughts. Simultaneously it
devastated traditional (neoclassical) free-market economic theories which,
with the help of Keynes�f (and his disciples�f) incisive writings, were
increasingly ridiculed in the eyes of the world. Not only did economists and
governments come to accept that a large dose of scepticism was called for
concerning the markets�f capacity to adjust prices so as to eliminate
unemployment, but also they came to doubt an even more fundamental
pillar of economic thinking since Adam Smith as well: the assumption that
the capitalist, the entrepreneur, can always be trusted to invest his profits
into more and better machines in order to become more competitive and
maximise his long-term profit. Keynes shattered this idealist portrayal and
warned governments that when the economy shows signs of stagnating, they
CAN A CAPITALIST SOCIETY BE GOOD? 285
should never rely on the rationality of capitalists for investing and therefore
helping stave off a recession. In characteristic style he wrote:
The modern capitalist is a fair weather sailor. As soon as a storm rises,
he abandons the duties of navigation and even sinks the boat which
might carry him to safety by his haste to push his neighbour off and
himself in.
(Keynes, Essays in Persuasion, 1931)
For at least two decades after the Second World War, the spirit of Keynes
influenced the aims, methods and ideas of governments and mainstream
economists alike. In the sphere of political philosophy John Rawls�f 1971 book
A Theory of Justice (which we examined in Section 9.3) is the culmination of the
Keynesian, social-democratic, perspective. Written just before the fall of the
Keynesian revolution, it captured the political philosophy of the whole project:
yes, society can be good. What it needs is the just blend of efficiency and
equity; a blend that requires an activist State which intervenes when it has to
in pursuit of social objectives but knows when to get out of individuals�f (and
the market�fs) way too.
Rawls�f contribution to the Keynesian side was to show that State
intervention was not simply common sense (due to the frequent failures of
markets in serving the public interest) but that it was a prerequisite for social
justice and social rationality. And that letting the market do its job of
coordinating economic activity, even if it created a certain degree of inequality,
was not a concession to injustice but a promoter of fairness. Provided the State
chose its policies sensitively and sensibly, the market in unison with the
government�fs interventions could be pulling society towards its legitimate, just
aim. In effect, Rawls�f book marked the high tide of social democratic political
economy. It positioned the latter in the middle ground of political and
economic debate.
On the left of the Keynes-Rawls synthesis there was the Marxist left,
suggesting that because capitalism is constitutionally inefficient and unjust the
only solution was a radical transformation of society. On the right of Keynes-
Rawls we had the scattered and isolated extreme free-marketeers. At a time
when university campuses were seething with Marxist narratives, imagery and
condemnations of capitalism, while the Soviet Union loomed as a major threat
to capitalism (especially in the contest for souls in the emerging Third World
countries), the Keynes-Rawls bandwagon dominated the pro-capitalist camp.
Unlike the extreme free-marketeers, the Keynes-Rawls project had something
for everyone; it posed as the golden compromise between the extremities; the
titular occupier of the political, intellectual, economic middle ground. Freemarketeers
had nowhere to go but straight into the margin.
Thus their rise from the dead in the 1970s and 1980s had many of the
characteristics of a revenge match which the free-marketeers are enjoying to
286 MARKETS, THE STATE AND THE GOOD SOCIETY
date. Not surprisingly the avalanche of free-market individualism ideas spread
beyond economics. The new creed became endemic in most social sciences.
We have already examined in some detail its greatest manifestation in political
philosophy; namely Robert Nozick�fs theory of justice in Chapter 9 which was
to free-marketeers what Rawls�f theory of justice was to Keynesians: a
philosophical justification, the icing on their cake. Now that the Keynesian
revolution had been defeated in the battlefield of economic policy (i.e. now
that unemployment and production could, for some reason which economists
are still struggling to comprehend, no longer be controlled by government
effectively) the road was clear for attacks on its political and philosophical
foundation; that is, on the idea that government intervention could bring
about the Good Society by blending the best aspects of markets with the
advantages of State control of social policy.
It was Nozick�fs (see Section 9.4) book Anarchy, State and Utopia that twisted
the knife in the injured body of Keynesianism. Published in 1974 it offered a
great deal of ammunition to all wings of the libertarian right. Chicago
economists like Milton Friedman and Gary Becker could now claim that not
only is it economically wise that the State does not try to intervene (because if
it does it will reap greater inflation and, in the long run, more unemployment)
but also it is fair that the State refrains from such folly.
There is no such thing as society
Margaret Thatcher�fs infamous aphorism (November 1987)
A veneer of ethicality was thus added to the economic view that governments
should not mess with the market mechanism. Further afield, politicians like
Margaret Thatcher espoused Nozick�fs philosophy so whole-heartedly that in a
famous interview with Woman�fs Own she drew the only honest conclusion from
Nozick�fs treatise: the only just State is one that does not recognise social
objectives but only the rights of individuals and families.
The revenge was complete: capitalism could now be celebrated without
having to worry about proof that it can generate the Good Society. If no
society exists (beyond the arrangements we make to safeguards the property
rights of individuals: recall Section 9.4.2), then the idea of a Good Society is
fraudulent; the sort of idea that woolly middle-class intellectuals and
bureaucrats peddle in order to serve their own interests through spreading
confusion.
The collapse of the Soviet Union and its satellites added further impetus to
the free-marketeers. No longer could social democrats (the Keynes-Rawls
brigade) claim to occupy the middle ground between Statism-gone-mad (e.g.
the Communist East) and untrammelled market ideology. Moreover the proCAN
A CAPITALIST SOCIETY BE GOOD? 287
marketeers succeeded in another, deeper, sense: in the space of merely one
decade (approximately 1980.90) they eradicated the notion of full
employment (i.e. the right to work) from popular culture. Unemployment
levels of 8 per cent or more are now commonly being referred to by
economists as natural unemployment. The very mention of the word �enatural�f
invokes images of inevitability and thus acceptability.
As I write these lines the domination in the economics profession of the
pro-market views, which Keynes and the Keynesians had marginalised a few
decades ago, is as strong as that of the Keynesian system of ideas and models
previously. And just as the pro-market views were never eradicated during
their lean years (1930s to 1970s), the Keynesian views have not died either.
They live on in the minds of a number of economists who mostly keep a low
profile, talk to each other in poorly attended conferences, publish in
unfashionable journals, waiting for another wind of history to bring them
back into fashion and give them a chance to exact revenge against today�fs
economic mainstream.
A historian on economic amnesia
Those of us who lived through the years of the Great Slump still
find it almost impossible to understand how the orthodoxies of the
pure free market, then so obviously discredited, once again came
to preside over a global period of depression in the late 1980s
and 1990s, which, once again, they were equally unable to
understand or to deal with. Still, this strange phenomenon should
remind us of the major characteristic of history which it
exemplifies: the incredible shortness of memory of both the
theorists and the practitioners of economics.
Eric Hobsbawm, The Age of Extremes, 1994
Natural unemployment
This is defined by the pro-market economists who rose into prominence
in the 1970s as the level of unemployment which prevails when price
inflation remains constant. Even if 30 per cent of the population are
without work, as long as inflation is not increasing, most economists
would refer to that rate as natural unemployment. The only way of
reducing such �enatural�f unemployment sustainably, they argue, would
be through reductions in the real wage or increases in productivity.
(See also the box on the limits of economic policy on p. 282.)
288 MARKETS, THE STATE AND THE GOOD SOCIETY
10.1.3 Economics and change
Once upon a time, to be a free-marketeer was to be a revolutionary. Back in
the dark days of feudalism, when the king and the bishop controlled people�fs
lives, the suggestion that individuals should be allowed to do anything they
wanted provided they did not harm others was utterly radical. Pitched battles
were fought around this idea and countless men and women died at the barricades
in its defence. Equally those who, back in the 1970s argued that the
Soviet Union should become a market economy, were treated with similar
disdain by the Soviet establishment. Thus a free-market ideology has a
tradition of sponsoring change. However, once a market mechanism becomes
established, the radicals of the past transform themselves into the new
conservatives.
We saw in Section 9.4 how Nozick�fs individualist, pro-market,
perspective on justice rules out any change which does not meet the
agreement of every individual affected by it. This is a blueprint for the
new, pro-market conservatives. The reason is simple: if everyone affected
by a change must approve of that change before it is made, then very little
change will ever take place. Nozick and the new right defend this
conservatism by pointing out the impossibility of defining the public
interest (see the discussion of Arrow�fs third theorem of welfare economics in
Sections 8.1.6, 8.3.3, 9.1 and 9.2).
If democracy could change anything it would have been
banned!
Anonymous
So the latest message is: as a community, do only those things that do not
really change anything. Hold elections, form a government, set up ministries
but please do nothing which will make even the worst bigot or sadist worse
off.recall also Catherine Mackinnon�fs words in the extract on p. 93.
Returning to the first paragraph of this chapter (George Bernard Shaw�fs
cheeky definition of the unreasonable as those people who want to change the
world), effectively what the new dominant, pro-market theory of society is
telling you is that you have one option: to adapt yourselves and your ideas to
the world around you. Abandon all notions of altering society by bringing
people together and asking them to campaign so that a collective agency, such
as the State, can take steps to limit exploitation, oppressions, poverty, illness,
etc. unless no one is to lose any privileges in the process. Collective action is out. The
only option is private, individual, pursuits which recognise the right of the rich
and powerful to remain so unless they choose not to.
CAN A CAPITALIST SOCIETY BE GOOD? 289
With this prospect looking decidedly thin, and political change out of the
frame, what is your best bet for acquiring the social power to effect the
changes which your conscience prescribes? The answer is: increase your
personal �emarket-value�f so that you can then cash it in at the market-place of
life and use its proceeds in any which way you want. If such a prospect does
not appeal (perhaps because the process of enriching one�fs self in the market
also divests one of idealism), then perhaps the last remaining course of action
is to change, not the world, but your ideas about what it should be like. At
least, if you succeed, you will have avoided the disutility of unfulfilled dreams
of a Good Society.
Many will find this message reasonable and eminently practical. Others will
see this prospect as desperately bleak and, instead, follow Bernard Shaw�fs
iconoclastic line: be unreasonable and band together with other unreasonable people in a
united effort to change the world according to your ideas about how it ought to be!
Assuming for a moment that you have an interest in pursuing this thought
(just for the hell of it!), how does one prompt social change via collective
action? What should the aim be? We have already seen one answer: John
Rawls�f thought process which led him to recommend a blend of the market
and the State (Section 9.3). Well this is one alternative. In the remainder of
this chapter I shall investigate a more radical alternative; one that is far more
sceptical about the market.
The place of change and evolution in free-market
ideology
Change is paramount in the pro-market theories of economists like
Friedrich von Hayek and philosophers like Robert Nozick. Hayek
(see Section 7.3.4) celebrates the market because of its capacity to
generate innovation and introduce changes in the way we produce
and consume commodities. It is for this reason that Hayek thinks that
no attempt by governments to �eimprove upon�f the market can work.
Similarly Nozick thinks that this process of evolution results in an
income distribution which is in perpetual flux. As the market moves
in mysterious and therefore unpredictable ways, people�fs fortunes
change all the time. The change in their fortunes is followed by a
change in their ideas about what is fair. But because these changes
are anarchic, spontaneous and rapid, there is never any income
distribution that (1) we can all agree is fair and (2) we shall
continue thinking of as fair in the near future. Thus, Nozick
concludes, there can be no single fair distribution that the State can
legitimately aim at.
The notion of evolutionary change is the single most powerful idea
underlying the new-right, ultra-libertarian, celebration of the market.
290 MARKETS, THE STATE AND THE GOOD SOCIETY
However, economists like Hayek and political philosophers like
Nozick espouse the concept of change provided it has resulted from
individual action. Changes brought about by democratic means (e.g.
a majority vote in favour of progressive taxation) or collective action
(e.g. political movements to abolish sex or race discrimination) are
treated with suspicion if not downright hostility. Consequently,
although the notion of change plays a crucial role in pro-market
narratives, political change through State institutions or democratic
movements is ruled out.
10.2 Social justice and freedom FROM the market
10.2.1 Freedom from the labour market: Nozick�fs and Rawls�f
oversight
There is no doubt that for most people the vision of working for themselves
(as opposed to working for somebody else) is a poignant vision of freedom.
Why is that? Greengrocers and fishmongers do not, as a matter of course,
dream of exiting the market for vegetables and fish. They dream only of more
trade and higher prices. Why do workers dream of exiting the labour market?
The answer has been foreshadowed in Chapter 7 (see Section 7.2 in
Free-market ideologues and their worship of
unpredictability
Free-market ideologues seem to base their whole theoretical apparatus
on the idea that we are surrounded by a world which is certain to
outsmart our collective efforts to control it. Why are our collective
efforts to shape the world doomed? Because it is so chaotic and it
evolves simultaneously in so many different places at once that it
cannot be planned. They are convinced that, as in biological
evolution, whatever we may think of it we cannot resist it successfully.
However, here lies a contradiction: although they argue that nothing
that we all (or most of us) want can be made to happen by
government, almost anything can be accomplished through
individualistic, decentralised, action. But if the social world is
uncontrollable by humans, if it can be counted on to �ebite back�f at our
best efforts, how is it that they are convinced that free enterprise and
the Invisible Hand will be exempt from the world�fs vengefulness?
CAN A CAPITALIST SOCIETY BE GOOD? 291
particular): labour is not just any commodity. No contract can specify how
much labour effort is being exchanged and, therefore, this ambiguity means
that the worker never knows when the employer�fs demands will be satisfied.
Thus to put one�fs self in the position of employee is to step into the receiving
end of a series of extractive efforts.
Of course employers are also in a bind. Not being in a position to know
how much labour effort they are purchasing, they must compete with each
other to extract as much of it from their employees as they can. The employer
who hesitates before turning the screw on the worker is the one who will
probably be the next to go out of business as the output per worker will fall
below that of the competition. Thus it does not make sense to blame
employers for the attempts to increase labour productivity by squeezing as
much labour effort as they can from their workers. Exploitation is the name of
the game played in all labour markets. Consequently one can understand why
most people would like to work for themselves rather than for some boss: they
just want to avoid putting themselves in the role of the �esqueezed�f.
Is there a lesson here for Nozick and his theory of justice? Thinkers like
Nozick ask how it is possible to speak of exploitation when workers voluntarily
accept employment. If they sell their labour power voluntarily, then this
transaction must be as just as any other. However, as I have argued previously
(see Sections 4.3.3 and 7.2.4), desperate people do desperate things. That they
choose to do them does not mean that it is fair that they should be doing
them.
Labour markets make people accept conditions which they would have
rejected if they had more than one alternative; namely, hunger and destitution
in societies without a social security �esafety net�f, and the dole office queue in
societies with a welfare state. As stated on p. 179 of Section 7.2.4 (see the box)
the freedom behind a transaction cannot be ascertained by an observation that
no one pointed a gun at the seller. If that were the case then the black workers
in South Africa who worked and lived in gold and diamond mines, in
circumstances that their bosses would not inflict on their pets, would not be
able to describe their experience as one of unfreedom and exploitation. After
all they chose to sell their �elabour units�f to these mining companies, did they
not?
Thus a transaction is free and fair provided all parties had viable alternatives and yet
decided to go ahead with it. Labour markets, on the other hand, are founded on
an extreme imbalance: workers who have no viable alternatives other than to
supply labour to employers and employees with numerous viable alternatives
to purchasing labour (e.g. live off their capital). That imbalance imbues
employers with a power to exploit. If they do not use it, they are most likely to
go bankrupt as there will always be competitors (perhaps in some other part of
the globe) who reduce production cost by using their power to exploit. Labour
markets are therefore a realm of un-freedom for those who have to act as sellers
in them.
292 MARKETS, THE STATE AND THE GOOD SOCIETY
So unlike selling antiques, tomatoes or cars, selling one�fs labour is already a
defeat; a failure; decisive evidence that one does not have alternative means of
reproducing one�fs life. By contrast, buying labour is a sign of social power; of
having the economic power to extract someone�fs sweat. In this context the
urge of most labourers to set up their own firm, to become self-employed, is
the manifestation of the longing for freedom from the labour market. If this is
right, then labour market transactions may be criticised not only as unjust but
also as inimical to basic freedom: the freedom to enjoy the fruits of one�fs
endeavours. Then the assets gained by the buyers in labour markets (i.e. the
employers) are the proceeds of exploitation; of the diminution of someone
else�fs freedom. If Nozick�fs third principle is to be activated (the principle that
the State ought to intervene whenever there is an injustice. see Section 9.4.2),
then the police must move against all capitalist firms! In this sense, the State
must outlaw the capitalist labour market.
The above point is not only a criticism of Nozick (and of the new right) but
also a radical rejection of any attempt to reconcile justice with capitalism.i.e.
with an economic system in which production relies on purchased labour. For
labour to be purchased, there must be a purchaser belonging to the minority
of owners of means of production (i.e. production lines, factories, farms,
machines, etc.) whose income is not the result of their work but of their
property rights. Property rights which place them in a position of social power
vis-a-vis others who, because of an accident of history, do not own means of
production and are, thus, forced to sell the only thing they have: their labour.
But labour being what it is (i.e. not another commodity), its sale puts into
motion a process of exploitation of non-owning workers by non-working
owners.
Inevitably the distribution of income between the two groups (owners and
non-owners) will reflect the fact that one group has the power to exploit the
other because, as argued above, the sellers of labour are structurally in the
disadvantageous position. Why is that? Because, as already argued, of the
imbalanced distribution of options between the two groups. Looking at the
wider picture, if all employers band together and fire all workers, workers will
starve. By contrast, if all workers band together and withdraw their labour,
employers can always liquidate their capital or, alternatively, work it
themselves (e.g. landowners can farm the land and live off it, unlike farm
workers who have no land to cultivate in case of a dispute with their
landowner).
Although none of this is likely to happen, the distribution of income
between the two groups reflects the balance of those options of the two sides.
Moreover it reflects the fact that the owners�f group comprises fewer and
wealthier people than the non-owner�fs group, which means that the latter face
greater obstacles (i.e. the free-rider problem.see Section 8.2.4) than the former in
organising a collective stand. Not surprisingly, workers end up receiving not a
just reward for their efforts but a fraction of it.
CAN A CAPITALIST SOCIETY BE GOOD? 293
If this argument is sound, not only does it wreck Nozick�fs defence of
untrammelled capitalism as a just society, but it demolishes Rawls�f defence
of a mixed economy (i.e. capitalism featuring an interventionist State) as
well. Why? Because Rawls�f injustice is blind to the exploitation rife in labour
markets. Noting that labour markets are everywhere in capitalist societies
and that most people make a living as sellers of labour, this is a pretty
gigantic oversight on Rawls�f behalf. But does Rawls not speak of justice in
the distribution of income? Yes he does. However, he does not offer any
analysis as to why the income distribution under capitalism tends to be
unjust.
Rawls�f view of the capitalist market seems like a mountaineering expedition
where some succeed in reaching the peak while others inadvertedly fall into
the crevice. In his Good Society everyone will agree rationally that those who
prove fitter and stronger must slow down, pick up the injured and the weak,
and carry them along. If they fail to reach the highest peak, they will have still
managed to go as far up the mountain as possible without �edumping�f any of
their colleagues. Indeed (recall Rawls�f Maximin Principle) in this way the least
accomplished climber is guaranteed to go furthest up the mountain. On the
other hand, those who are slower and more inept at climbing must not expect
that those who are faster and stronger should walk as slowly and unsteadily as
them; they must agree to be carried. If the group�fs progress is to be made
surer and safer by having the strong carry the weak, this is what should
happen even if, in the end, �emountaineering glory�f is distributed unequally.
Why should this happen? Because, Rawls claims, this is what rational climbers
would agree to while at base camp, prior to finding out who is stronger and
faster and who will be injured.
But what if this metaphor of the capitalist market is inappropriate? What
if those who make it to the top, and get all the glory, are pseudomountaineers
who reach the peak because they are carried all the way by
local peasants who do all the legwork in exchange for some food? What
would justice require then? Nothing short of ridicule for the �emasters�f and
the disbandment of their vile mountaineering club will do. And it would be
not only justice that requires such drastic measures but also common sense:
for it is clear that such an expedition would be less safe in treacherous
weather conditions because those who get the glory cannot be of any help in
case of an emergency and those who can will be too tired to act decisively.
This last twist in the metaphor relays the left-wing (mainly Marxist) view of
the impossibility of civilising capitalism because of its inherent inefficiency and
irrationality.
In this left-wing light, the debate between Rawls (the social-democrat) and
Nozick (the free-marketeer liberal) is ill conceived. If it were just a matter of
some people being better climbers than others, perhaps Nozick might have a
point when proclaiming: let the good climbers go to the top unencumbered;
they are entitled to it (although most left-wingers would still support a
294 MARKETS, THE STATE AND THE GOOD SOCIETY
publicly funded safety-net for those who �efall�f for reasons which cannot be
blamed on anyone else). In the spirit of the previous paragraph, if the
market operates according to the principles of Olympic competition, then
perhaps right-wing liberals like Nozick are right: the rich are entitled to their
wealth and the State has no business taxing them in order to assist the poor.
But this is where left-wing thinkers put their foot down: capitalism is not
problematic because some people are luckier, harder working, better
planners or greater risk takers than others. Much more ominously capitalism
is unacceptable because the success of the minority is built on exploiting the
majority; on causing their �efailure�f by exercising their power in the labour
market. Moreover this is not just an ethical matter. The exercise and
maintenance of power by employers on workers in the labour market is,
according to left-leaning thinkers, the cause of much inefficiency; in short,
the labour market is a clumsy institution for organising and coordinating
human effort. Witness, they would suggest, the production losses due to
unemployment and industrial conflict (e.g. strikes).
So, if life under capitalism was like a 100 metre race or a genuine
mountaineering expedition, then of course some would end up as winners
while others would walk away losers. The Good Society, like all decent
sporting officials, could ensure fairness and decency in the way proposed
by Rawls or by Nozick. If we decided as a community to side with Rawls�f
concern for distributive justice, then we would all agree that the better
athletes ought to slow down and pick up those who have collapsed during
the race or the expedition. If, on the other hand, we agreed with Nozick,
we would place more emphasis on the entitlement of the fast and furious
to get to the top or the finishing line first without stopping on the way to
help the casualties. However, the labour market is no Olympic Games. It is
more like a Roman arena in which well-armed gladiators face unarmed
victims. The latter end up in pools of blood not because they did not try
hard enough, or because they are less talented, but because of the
asymmetry in the initial distribution of armour (a primitive form of
capital).
Similarly under capitalism, working people queue up outside the factory
gates begging for the right to be exploited; that is, to sell their labour
(images from a scene in Charlie Chaplin�fs movie Modern Times). As in the
case of the Roman arena, in which decency demands that the whole
sickening show is banned, so in our modern world the only way of
bringing about social justice is to abolish this contemporary form of
slavery; to free the majority from the fate of being sellers in the labour
market. This is the crying call of left-wing social theory in general and leftwing
economics in particular. Of course, it is not a modest call; it is an
invitation to design an alternative economic system (see Section 10.4.5 for
more on this) which, somehow, avoids the pitfalls of previous socialist
systems (e.g. the Soviet Union).
CAN A CAPITALIST SOCIETY BE GOOD? 295
10.2.2 Commodified information and the gift of knowledge
Imagine that you were the health minister in a Third World country.
Countless children die every year of diseases that can be cured easily by drugs
that are cheap to produce and which are already being made domesticly by
foreign-owned drug companies. The only problem is that the latter charge
high prices which your ministry�fs budget cannot afford. What do you do? In
the past Mexico tried to answer this problem by taking steps against the drug
companies. It tried to force them to maintain production with reduced prices
(and royalties). But the drug companies won the day by threatening to leave
Mexico altogether.
Indira Gandhi, the assassinated Indian Prime Minister, said in 1982 when
addressing the World Health Assembly: �eThe idea of a better-ordered world is
one in which medical discoveries will be free of patents and there will be no
profiteering from life and death.�f The neoclassical economist�fs rejection of her
argument turns on the notion of efficiency: if cheaper and better drugs can be
developed only through expensive research and development, corporations
will take the risk of undertaking such large investment only if they can expect
to make a profit out of these drugs. If Mexico, or anyone else who needs the
drugs, is allowed to violate these property rights (or copyright) in order to cure
those who are sick now then cheaper and better drugs will simply not be
produced. So for the benefit of future generations of ill people, the economists
conclude, we must be cruel to be kind.
Another way of putting the same argument is that information (or
knowledge, knowhow, etc.) must be treated like a commodity and its provision
must be left to the market. Why? Because, neoclassical economists believe, the
market is the best organiser of the production of commodities. However, it is
not obvious that information is a commodity like all others. Recall how we
distinguished between a private commodity and a public good in Chapter 8:
good X is private if it is scarce and if the consumption by a group of people of
x per cent of the stock of X means that the stock has been depleted and only
(100.�~) per cent remains (e.g. consider a bunch of bananas; if half of them are
eaten, the �estock�f has diminished by 50 per cent). If, on the other hand, a good
can be consumed by everyone at once without any depletion of its �estock�f then
it is a public good (e.g. a radio programme which can be listened to by 1
person or by 1 billion people). Thus information is a form of public good and
the only thing that the law can do to protect its �eauthors�f is to restrict access to
it. How does the law do this?
Looking at copyright law in Anglo-Saxon countries, we find that a �ework�f
(e.g. a book like this one, or the formula for some chemical) is divided in two:
one part which can be held as private property and another which cannot
belong to anyone. This division can be traced to the eighteenth century where
literary works were seen as comprising (1) an �eidea�f (i.e. the idea of a plot)
which can be discussed over dinner by all, and therefore remains a public
296 MARKETS, THE STATE AND THE GOOD SOCIETY
good, and (2) an �eexpression�f (i.e. the precise words used) which remains the
author�fs property. However, it is not the usual kind of property. Unlike �ereal�f
property (e.g. over land), copyright expires at some point and, once it has
expired, no one can purchase it. Why this peculiarity? Because copyright law
represents an attempt at negotiating the two �enatures�f of information,
knowledge or art: its private and its public nature. On the one hand, it
attempts to provide a monetary incentive to �ecreators�f so that they will
produce new information, knowledge, etc. while, on the other, it tries to
protect public access to their creations (if only in order to allow future
generations of �ecreators�f the opportunity to learn from previous knowledge
before engendering further knowledge).
Since the eighteenth century society has experienced a tremendous
transformation from a customs-driven system to a market society. As
technology has improved and the market has invaded more realms of human
activity, copyright law became relevant to areas that it was not initially
designed for. To take an example, the capitalisation of farming (e.g. the use of
tractors, combine harvesters and chemical pesticides) has led to the demise of
the farmer who produced his own raw materials (e.g. feed, fuel and motive
power). Now farmers even buy seeds (which used to be a byproduct of
agricultural production) from large companies which, therefore, have every
incentive to develop new types of genetically engineered seeds (e.g. frost
resistant or hybrid species). An immediate result is that the nature of research
and development on agriculture has changed profoundly. Gone are the public
research laboratories as a major source of new knowledge on plants. Their
place has been taken by conglomerates like Shell, ICI, BP and Ciba-Geigy
who have also taken over traditional seed companies. These conglomerates
invest a great sum of money into the development of new plants, new seeds,
new biotechnology, hoping that they will cash in on them in the future.
Naturally they are very possessive of their �ecreations�f and use every aspect of
copyright legislation to protect them from �eunauthorised use�f. A similar
process can be observed in the area of pharmaceuticals.
An economist would argue that the above proves how effective the market
is and how important it is to turn, through State (i.e. legal) intervention,
knowledge into a private good (or at least restrict access to it). However, the
copyright law�fs objective of striking the right balance between protection of the
�ecreator�f and the protection of the public�fs right to knowledge and
information, is being subverted by these new developments in biotechnology.
For example, corporations seek out Third World plant varieties, perform some
minor genetic modification to them and then cash them in. The West African
cowpea, for instance, which African farmers developed to be resistant to pests
over many centuries, was patented (again after slight genetic manipulation)
thus making large profit for the wily corporation and nothing for the local
community. Indeed, it is very likely that African communities themselves
could be made to pay western companies for bio-products which they have
CAN A CAPITALIST SOCIETY BE GOOD? 297
been using in similar form for ages. Surely this was not what copyright law
was meant to achieve. For what we have here is clear discrimination: �epeasant
knowledge�f, which reflects the development of plants and animals through the
centuries, is treated as value-less while �eexpert knowledge�f, that of scientists
working for corporations, is recognised as worthy.
The problem is not only one of injustice, of the imbalance of benefit
between corporations and traditional communities. It is also a matter of
efficiency. As research loses its public spirit and is increasingly driven by profit
(i.e. as it leaves universities and government research organisations and is
transferred to the laboratories of companies), less information is shared
amongst scientists who work in the same field but for different companies.
Open discussion of technical detail during the critical stage of research is
discouraged by managers prior to the granting of patents. Thus the main
reason for having patents and copyright law, that is efficiency, is undermined.
The more the thin line dividing private and public knowledge is pushed by
Twenty-first-century colonialism
The germplasm resources of the Third World have historically been
considered a free good�cGermplasm ultimately contributing
billions of dollars [to the First World companies] has been
appropriated at little cost from.and with no direct remuneration
to.the [Third World]. On the other hand, as the seed industry of
the advanced industrial nations has matured, it has reached out for
global markets. Plant varieties incorporating genetic material
originally obtained from the Third World now appear there not as
free goods but as commodities.
Jack Kloppenburg Jr, First the Seed: The political economy of plant
biotechnology 1492.2000, 1988
Copyright law versus publicly produced knowledge
The chemical companies�f scientists fit the paradigm of authorship.
The [peasant] farmers are everything that authors should not be:
their contribution comes from a community rather than an
individual, tradition rather than an innovation, evolution rather
than transformation. Guess who gets the intellectual rights?
James Boyle, California Law Review, 1992
298 MARKETS, THE STATE AND THE GOOD SOCIETY
corporations to limit the latter, the greater these inefficiencies are likely to
become. In 1980 copyright law was extended in the USA to genetically
engineered animals. Even though nature (like language) could not be claimed
by any individual (e.g. no one has the right to patent the cat, the lion or the
English language), the court ruled that if scientists altered existing genes or
DNA, they own them. Perhaps this makes sense in the context of similar
provisions for plants. But where do we stop? In 1991 scientists began to patent
human gene fragments. James Watson (formerly head of the Human Genome
Project) was quoted in the New York Times as saying that such profit-driven
attempts to restrict access to nature (even human nature) are likely to lead to
worrying inefficiency: �eif someone has been working on a particular gene for
several years, but someone else has patented it before they even know what
they have�f [then] �ecompanies that uncovered the role of a particular gene could
be forced to pay royalties to those that had merely isolated it.�f
Information wants to be free!
(Anonymous computer hacker)
But is there an alternative to privatising information and letting the market
drive its production and distribution? There is. Consider the wellknown and
loved (even if increasingly run-down) repository of shared information called
the public library. What is a library? It is a publicly owned institution, housing
material full of knowledge, whose purpose is to ration the information without
treating it like a private good. Books, records and other material are lent to
members of the public who use it, and share it, without acquiring property
rights over it. And who pays for these materials (and, by extension, for the
cost of producing them)? The public does through taxation. Of course to
justify this system, and to extend it to public systems for research on human
genes, pharmaceuticals, etc., one must first accept that there is a well-defined
public interest which renders taxation legitimate; thus, we find ourselves back
to the debates in Chapter 9. Nevertheless an important point has been made:
information (like labour) is not a commodity; when it is treated like one the
result may be not only inequitable but also inefficient.
In conclusion, the evolution of market societies is continuing. What started
in the beginning as the commodification of human labour (see Chapter 1)
evolved into the commodification of endeavours which, until recently, were
considered to fall outside the reach of the market mechanism (e.g. athletics).
Now we see that the market has penetrated the microcosm of genes (human
and otherwise). And just as its triumph in the estates of Britain during the
eighteenth century caused devastation amongst those forced to enter the
market with the least economic power (i.e. the landless peasants), today�fs
CAN A CAPITALIST SOCIETY BE GOOD? 299
encroachments also benefit those with existing market power at the expense of
the rest. The latter have therefore every incentive to demand �efreedom from
the market�f whereas the economists, whose primary assumption is that the
market knows best, is to dismiss such cries as the mutterings of the irrational.
10.2.3 The profanity of putting the human condition on sale: blood,
education and human remains
A famous British study by Richard Titmuss on the supply of blood surprised
many economists. The major finding of The Gift Relationship (1970) was that
the quantity of blood supplied was higher in countries, such as the UK, where
no money was offered to those who gave blood. Why on earth are people
more reluctant to give blood when they are offered money for it? It makes no
sense to those thinking in terms of the neoclassical Equi-marginal Principle. For if
there is an opportunity cost to giving blood (e.g. the inconvenience or the
slight pain from the needle) surely people ought to be encouraged by payment.
Even if there are many altruists who would give blood regardless of payment,
there is no explanation as to why the offer of payment discourages them from
giving blood. To the neoclassical economist this is a mystery.
However, the fact that people are put off from giving blood by payment
ceases to be mysterious when we take a broader view of what human beings
are about. In Chapter 4 (Section 4.2.5 and the whole of Section 4.3) I argued
that as humans we are creative in the way we perceive experiences and that
The market�fs steady invasion into life
Life has been integrated into the market as easily as could be
imagined because it has been a progressive process. It started with
something that was symbolically far removed from mankind, the
vegetable domain; from there it passed to the micro-organism, then
to the most rudimentary forms of animal life like the oyster. The
whole of the animal kingdom is now targeted and we are on the
verge of the human, weighed down with precedents which ensure
the closure of the system and make any resistance difficult. The
work of man, which must be remunerated, claims repayment from
the whole realm of nature which has traditionally been free of any
property claims.
Bernard Edelman, �eEntre personne humaine et materiau humain: le
sujet de droit�f [my translation], 1991
300 MARKETS, THE STATE AND THE GOOD SOCIETY
such creativity wrecks the simplistic attempts at social explanation based on
the model of utility maximisation. In the case of blood-giving this argument
takes the following form: people like to express themselves through various
acts that are neither downright selfish nor particularly selfless. For instance we
are courteous to strangers (e.g. opening doors for them) that we are unlikely to
meet again. Why do we do it? Because we enjoy the way we look in other
people�fs eyes when we do such decent things. It is part selfishness (caring
about our image) and part selflessness (we might still do the right thing even if
no one could see us).
In short, we indulge in acts of altruism which are so mild that we do not
consider them as self-sacrifice. Imagine that, at this point, a market develops
for these acts which rewards them with money. All of a sudden carrying out
such acts acquires a money value. Will these acts become more frequent given
that one gets paid to carry them out? Not necessarily because (1) the payment
takes away the selfless element of the act (and with it a substantial part of the
reason for doing it), and (2) carrying the act out anyway and refusing payment
now feels like a significant sacrifice because it involves forgoing the offered
payment.
To apply this exegesis to the blood-giving case in countries such as the UK
where donating blood is a voluntary exercise, we need to imagine that walking
into a Give-Blood-Save-Lives coach parked on the High Street is neither a
sacrifice nor selfish. However if the coach were to become part of a
commercial outfit, offering money for one�fs blood, walking into it takes a
wholly different meaning. From an expressive move it becomes a market
transaction. Many people are turned off by this transformation of an expressive
act to a market transaction. To express the same thing differently, their
decision to give blood loses its veneer of mild altruism if there is cash to be
received as they exit. Why not give blood anyway and refuse to take money?
Because that would be, not an act of unconscious mild altruism as before, but
an act of conscious, almost militant, altruism as people scornfully ignore the
hand that pushes a few banknotes their way. In short, taking blood-donations
and turning them into a sale of blood removes the appeal of giving blood. The
offered money is no compensation for that loss.
There are many similar examples where hitherto freely provided services
are radically jeopardised and cheapened by the introduction of formal
payment. Education is such an example. For committed teachers, teaching is
more than a service provided in exchange for given payment; it is primarily a
duty towards one�fs students, towards society. Of course teachers want to get
paid; often they strike in order to prevent their standards of living from falling
inexorably. Nevertheless they refuse to think of their efforts as a commodity
and their employment contract as a pure exchange of those efforts for an
agreed sum of money.
When I started teaching at university, I would often give extra seminars
in the evening to students who had a special interest in the subject (or
CAN A CAPITALIST SOCIETY BE GOOD? 301
needed additional help). Of course there was never any question of being
paid for this. Was this altruistic? Not really, since I relished the possibility of
an interesting discussion and, in all honesty, I savoured the role of the
conscientious teacher as reflected in my students�f eyes. Was it utterly selfish?
Again, not really, since I gave up my time and fell behind in my research on
whose strength I would be able to secure my future employment. In
summary, these classes fell in the grey area separating mild altruism from
mild selfishness.
Then came the changes to the education system which pushed us all in
the direction of commodification: departments were ranked according to
how many hours of this and how many hours of that were performed;
students were encouraged to think of themselves as clients to whom we,
their teachers, were contracted to impart certain bits of knowledge; teachers
were given merit points according to how many hours�f contact we had with
students, how much administration we carried out, how many articles we
published, etc. Finally those merit points were cashed in during promotion
rounds. In other words, our work as teachers began to get quantified and
treated like some commodity. The market had penetrated academic life. Did
this have desirable effects? Do teachers under this regime provide better
education to students?
Whatever the merits of this new market-driven regime, one thing is clear: it
is much rarer now for myself, as well as for other colleagues, to offer informal
evening classes to interested students. Why? For the same reason that
commodification of blood reduces its supply. With every aspect of my work
now being seen as a commodity for which I am rewarded (or punished),
giving an extra evening class is likely to be seen as an attempt to score merit
points. Thus the appeal of offering them has waned since students and
colleagues suspect that I would be doing this only to boost my promotion
chances. On the other hand, the merit points I would get from offering the
odd extra class are likely to be insufficient to justify the effort required (for
example, I will most probably get more �epoints�f from working on a publishable
paper). Thus I tend not to offer such classes.
In the end, the introduction of the market into university life has meant a
diminution of those experiences that used to make it special. Have the gains
outweighed this loss? Although university teachers run around a lot more than
they used to (in search of the merit points that will lead them to the elusive
promotion), I personally doubt it (though not everyone agrees). In my mind,
the intrusion of the market has forced us to seem to do a lot more things that
can be quantified at the expense of those other unquantifiable things that
made universities exciting places (e.g. debating, thinking, reading outside one�fs
immediate research area, arguing with students, etc.). Instead of taking ten
years to write a substantial book (which people will still be reading in fifty
years), we write many short articles. Instead of writing articles we compose
applications, fill forms and rewrite our CV. Just as in the case of blood
302 MARKETS, THE STATE AND THE GOOD SOCIETY
donation, also in education, converting hitherto communal activities into
commodities to be exchanged in a market reduces the quality of the offered
service.
One wonders what other realms of human endeavour the market may have
jeopardised. In the previous sections I argued that commodifying knowledge is
fraught with dangers. In the section before that I rehearsed the claim that men
and women want to be free of the labour market. Here we saw that it may be
for the best if the supply of blood and education is shielded from the market.
Embarking from these examples it is easy to think of new ones. Most of us
would express horror at the prospect of living in a society which allowed the
free trade of human organs; we would fear of the prospect of living in a world
in which the rich could purchase the organs of the desperately poor and where
transplants were decided on the basis of bank balances rather than need.
Rethinking this in the context of the discussion above, perhaps there is more
to consider than an ethical objection to the market mechanism: there is also an
economic argument against the market.
For if an organs�f market ends up resembling the market for blood, it is
plausible that a market for organs will reduce, rather than increase, the supply
of kidneys, eyes, hearts, lungs and livers. I, for one, would like to put it on
the public record that I would tear up my organ donor card if I suspected
that they could be auctioned off to the highest bidder after my death. And I
am convinced that the bereaved relatives of unfortunate victims of road
accidents would be far more unlikely to authorise the taking of organs from
their dead if they were offered money for them than if they were simply
asked to do so without payment for the good of those most in need of
transplantation. Thankfully as human beings we cannot all be bought.at
least not yet.
In summary, this section weaves the critical musings of Chapter 4 into a
wholesale attack on the blind faith that the spread of markets into new realms
will, by definition, lead to improvements, efficiency and greater supply of
valued services. By pointing to how the commodification of human
endeavours can cheapen them, this line of thought castigates the profanity
with which the market replaces human values with prices. How relevant is this
argument? It depends on how strongly one feels in favour or against the
market and capitalism. Recall that we all remain hostages to our twin masters:
history and ideology.
10.3 Market failure or market nature?
10.3.1 Is market failure an exception or the rule?
Economics textbooks first offer their readers long passages on how
wonderfully markets coordinate economic activity and only later discuss
CAN A CAPITALIST SOCIETY BE GOOD? 303
market failures (see Section 8.2). This leaves students, quite naturally, with an
impression that markets all in all work well but that, occasionally, they fail.
This belief is reinforced when students move from the core economics courses
to more specialised ones such as International Trade in which markets are
assumed to work efficiently all the time (e.g. perfect competition is assumed).
By that stage the student has only distant memories, if any, of the chapter on
market failures. The fact that most markets are uncompetitive and, even if
they are competitive, make a mess of things when it conies to providing
education, health, pollution control, natural resources (e.g. fisheries or the
mining sector), law and order, national security, justice and equality of
opportunity is all but forgotten.
So, who is right here? Should we focus on the market�fs (many) successes or
its (also many) failures? Once more there is no unique answer. Those who are
ideologically well disposed to free markets and capitalism will focus on the
Machiavellian medicine
Niccolo Machiavelli, while defence secretary of Florence, was
convinced that hiring professional soldiers at the market for
mercenaries was a bad idea. Much better, he insisted, was to entrust
the State�fs borders to a citizens�f guard. For if the State employs
mercenaries to fight wars on its behalf, then the wars will be neverending
since they would fight as little as possible in order to prolong
the war and thus boost their income. The Medici, who ruled Florence,
finally agreed with him when a mercenary captain was spotted
beating back his own soldiers lest they succeed in taking a besieged
city and render themselves unemployed.
Ed Nell, an American economist, draws an interesting parallel:
The parallel today might be the performing of unnecessary surgery,
or dragging out a case at law. The orientation of medicine today,
and its strategy of research, is to make war on disease, to
concentrate on curing, which earns handsomely, and wins plaudits
in the press. Yet the greatest successes by far have been due to
public health and sanitation measures, simple prevention, carried
out by public agencies, by which we have wholly eliminated
formerly endemic plagues. However, the process has generated
very few opportunities for private gain. And cutbacks on public
health spending have allowed diseases that had been defeated,
like TB, to rise again.
Ed Nell, Making Sense of a Changing Economy, 1996
304 MARKETS, THE STATE AND THE GOOD SOCIETY
success stories; the rest will do a song and dance about the failures. Some will
even go further by arguing that what is often portrayed as a market failure is a
natural state of the market system. This being a critical chapter, I shall attempt
to counterbalance the thousands of textbook pages which eulogise the market
by airing the argument that what textbooks refer to as market failure is, in
reality, a market�fs true nature. And there is no greater candidate for such a
discussion than the labour market which has stubbornly failed to equalise the
demand and the supply of labour.witness the countless decades of persistent
unemployment all over the world.
10.3.2 Can the habitually failing labour market be corrected? Keynes�f
answer
The usual demand and supply story is as simple as it is powerful. If there are
unwanted units of a certain commodity, then the price must be too high. Drop
the price and there will remain no unsold units. Thus it is totally natural for
economists who insist on seeing labour as a straightforward commodity to
believe that, if only the price of labour (i.e. the wage) would fall, there would
be no unwanted units of labour left (that is, there would be no
unemployment). Taking this argument further, if there is unemployment it
must be because, for some reason, the wage refuses stubbornly to fall. Then
the search is on for the causes of this stubbornness (or wage rigidity as it is
usually called).
Right-wing economists know exactly who to blame for wage rigidity: the
trade unions (for using the threat of industrial action to push the wage up to
some �eunnatural�f level) and governments (for pushing the wage up either
directly, by means of minimum wage legislation, or indirectly, by offering
unemployment benefits which act as an effective minimum wage). Economists
occupying the centre and centre-left (e.g. disciples of John Maynard Keynes,
Nicholas Kaldor, Joan Robinson.all Cambridge economists spanning,
roughly, the 1930.80 period) point out that unemployment was a problem
long before trade unions were formed on a large scale or governments
introduced unemployment benefits.
We already saw in Chapter 1 how, early on in the nineteenth century,
David Ricardo, a strong believer in capitalism, feared that capitalism�fs engine
could stall plunging the whole economy into a depression (see Section 1.2.3).
Section 10.1.2 told a story about the historical ups and downs of economists�f
belief in the market system during the twentieth century. Central to this
twentieth-century story was the figure of Keynes who, like Ricardo, was also a
supporter of capitalism but not of the proposition that the markets can be
trusted unconditionally. Keynes believed that, however wonderful capitalism
might be, it was in its nature to falter and stall generating persistent
unemployment and misery.
CAN A CAPITALIST SOCIETY BE GOOD? 305
Free-marketeers have faith; they believe that a market is always selfcorrecting:
whenever supply exceeds demand price falls until supply is
reduced to the level of demand. Why does this not happen in the markets
for capital and labour? Why is it that during recessions (or economic crises)
when there is excess supply in the labour market, the wage does not fall
until demand equals supply? And why does investment not rise in response
to reductions of the interest rate (which is the price of borrowing money and
therefore the price of investment)? If only these two markets were
functioning as neoclassical economists expect, employment would never be
scarce (at least for those willing to work for the going wage) and falls in the
interest rate would avert a collapse of business investment. Thus if the
markets are blameless, unemployment must be the fault of the unions and of
governments.
Keynes had less faith in the free market and explained the stubbornness
of unemployment and under-investment during recessions thus: suppose
that, for some reason, demand for commodities were to diminish. Demand
for capital by business falls as their sales, and confidence, decline. Soon after
the �eprice�f of investment funds (that is, the interest rate) falls (as with any
�ecommodity�f whose demand has suffered). Why is it that, following the
reduction in the interest rate, investment does not pick up at all and, in spite
of the falling interest rate, it continues to decline? Keynes�f explanation is
simple: capital is not some commodity whose demand fluctuates in direct
proportion to its price. Business needs to be confident that the invested
money will translate into future output that will find buyers. If there is doubt
about the latter, business will not invest however low the interest rate (see
also Section 8.2.5).
So, what is it that decides business confidence? The psychology of
coordination, answers Keynes (see the box on p. 235.36). If each expects
others to invest, all will invest due to the expectation of a healthy level of
future sales (as the large volume of invested funds reaches the pockets of
workers, suppliers and, sooner or later, metamorphoses into demand for
commodities). If, on the other hand, each expects that others will not invest,
then no one will invest, convinced that it will be money down the drain.
Indeed a sequence of reductions in the rate of interest may, at least for a
while, have the opposite effect as business sees in it further evidence that
�ethings are bad�f.
Thus far Keynes has explained why, once the seed of fear has been planted,
it might grow into an investment crisis. As the latter unfolds, workers will lose
their jobs (because without investment employment suffers). Why does the
wage not fall far enough to stop the decline in employment? For three reasons,
according to Keynes and his neo-Keynesian successors:
1 First, because many employers prefer to sack workers than to reduce
wages. Reducing wages creates more disaffection within the factory than a
306 MARKETS, THE STATE AND THE GOOD SOCIETY
few sackings. Therefore employers assume that the disaffection due to a
pay cut may lead to major productivity losses which render the pay cut
uneconomical. Keen to avoid jeopardising the productivity of those who
remain employed, they seek cost cuts by sacking more workers; after all,
the sacked carry their disaffection outside the factory gates.
2 Second, because workers often assess the level of their wage in relation to
that of other workers in comparable jobs. For instance, steel workers may
resist a pay cut, not just because they resent losing the money, but also
because they do not want to see their wage fall below, say, that of miners.
Therefore if the steel industry is in trouble but the mining industry is not,
the wage of steelworkers will not be reduced to the extent that it would
have to eliminate unemployment in that industry.
3 The third reason is that the labour and the capital markets fail in
tandem and workers do not trust that if they accept lower wages their
jobs will be saved. Recall Keynes�f description of the captains of industry
as �efair-weather sailors�f in a storm who are not only a danger to the
economy but also a danger to themselves (see p. 285). Even if wages are
reduced in response to an excess supply of labour (i.e. unemployment),
this is not the end of the matter. Business may well interpret the fall in
wages as a terrible omen for their future sales prospects; they see in it
the terrible prospect of impending under-consumption (a fall in demand due
to reduced wages). In that case, the fall in wages spearheads another
drop in business confidence which leads to yet another reduction in
investment. The outcome of all this is an ever-decreasing spiral from
which no reduction of wages can save the economy. Government then
becomes the only plausible white knight which can save capitalism from
collapse.
Summing up so far, whereas the liberal (or libertarian) right thinks that
there is nothing wrong with the labour market (provided the trade unions
and government let it do its job properly), the centre and centre-left expect
the labour market to fail. However, they then put forward suggestions on
how it can be helped. Keynes made a name for himself, not only for
diagnosing capitalism�fs endemic sickness (the tendency of capital and
labour markets towards failure), but for proposing a cure as well.
Whenever the market shows signs of backtracking, of being on the verge
of a �efailure�f, the government ought to step in and spend money on public
infrastructure. Thus it will steady the nerves of business-people who
recognise in the extra government expenditure the prospect that there will
be money in the pockets of common folk to buy their commodities.
Keynes hoped that such measures would prevent (and even reverse) a
collapse in business investment and, therefore, of the labour market.
Capitalism could be salvaged provided the State kept a vigilant eye on it
and stepped in to correct its failures.
CAN A CAPITALIST SOCIETY BE GOOD? 307
A neo-Keynesian explanation of capital and labour
market failures: uncertainty, coordination breakdown
and free-riding
Capital markets do not bounce back following a fall in demand
because uncertainty about future sales causes entrepreneurs to
postpone investment. That uncertainty is made worse because of the
nature of the game: each would invest if only he or she thought others
will follow suit. Notice that this problem is identical to the coordination
problem discussed in the box on p. 235. When firms fail to
coordinate, investment falls and the pressure is on for labour costs to
fall. Two problems emerge in the labour market: first, firms may prefer
to reduce labour costs by sacking workers rather than by reducing
wages. Second, as entrepreneurs observe their competitors reducing
labour costs, they predict a further drop in demand for their output
(since the workers�f lost wages will translate into fewer purchases). Thus
what is good for one firm (i.e. a reduction in money spent on wages) is
seen as catastrophic for the economy as a whole (i.e. lower demand
for all commodities and a recession). The result is that firms lose
confidence further and cut, again, their level of investment. If they
could band together and agree to stop cutting workers�f income and,
instead invest collectively, that would end the downward spiral and
business would pick up again. However, they cannot reach such a
sensible decision because they are involved in the type of free-rider
problem we examined on p. 232. Their only chance is an
interventionist government.
Keynes�f neoclassical opponents were adamant that his recommendations
would lead only to price increases and not much else. They argued that by
borrowing and spending, the government would be �einjecting�f more dollars,
pounds or marks into the economy but that these coins and banknotes would
correspond to the same commodities as before. So the result would be a
higher ratio of money to commodities or, equivalently, higher prices but no
more commodities. In summary they warned governments that if Keynes�f
advice were to be heeded, output and unemployment would be unchanged
while inflation would go through the roof. Keynes�f response was simple: if
government pumps more money into a stagnant economy (i.e. one with
substantial unemployment of labour, machinery, etc.) then this injection will
stimulate it, factories would open again, the unemployed will be hired and,
therefore, more commodities will be produced so, in the end, more money will
chase more commodities. In this case, prices will not rise while employment
and output will.
308 MARKETS, THE STATE AND THE GOOD SOCIETY
Keynes was proved right. Every time unemployment showed signs of
rising, governments would boost spending and unemployment would ease off
without a significant effect on prices. That is, until the early 1970s. Then,
horror of horrors, unemployment would be rising, governments would be
spending more but unemployment would fail to respond. Instead prices
exploded and unemployment kept rising. Since then Keynes cuts a much less
prominent figure in the imagination of economists.
10.3.3 Unemployment surges as capitalism�fs essential regulating
device: Marx�fs view
In contradistinction to Keynes and the Keynesians, Karl Marx and his
followers rejected the notion that unemployment is a kind of failure on the
part of capitalism. Some of these Marxian ideas were rehearsed in
Chapters 1, 6 and 7 (Sections 1.2.4, 6.1.1 and 7.3.3 respectively). On the
question of the market�fs propensity to failure, they are unequivocal:
periodic mass unemployment and recessions are to capitalism what hell is
to Christianity: an unpleasant yet essential device without which the whole
edifice would become highly unstable. To those who beat their chest about
the fact that governments and elites do not do enough in order to battle
unemployment and create jobs, Marxists say: �eThe social and economic
power of the ruling class is maintained by recessions and joblessness. Why
should they want to eliminate unemployment; especially when those with
jobs do not care much about the jobless and the jobless don�ft vote
anyway?�f In short, here we encounter the startling view that
unemployment, rather than being an accident or some failure of capitalism, is
actually a crucial aspect of free-market economies; one of capitalism�fs
success stories!
Why is this view startling? Because, if correct, the fact that millions of
jobless people suffer untold hardship on the margins of society is not some
aberration brought about by mistake or by failure. And if it is not a failure,
how could (or why should) a wise government (which by default represents
those who benefit from unemployment directly or indirectly) try to undo it?
Interestingly there seems to be some agreement here between free-market
enthusiasts and Marxists: both accept that unemployment can be �enatural�f (see
the box on p. 287). Of course this agreement is only skin-deep in the sense
that Marxists think of unemployment as a natural state of affairs under
capitalism but do not for a moment accept capitalism as a natural state of
affairs. Their point is that to rid society of the scourge of unemployment we
need to rid it of capitalism.
Marxists approach the Keynesian analysis of Section 10.3.2 with a mixture
of sympathy and disdain. They also think that it is in the nature of capitalist
markets to stumble and fail. Indeed Marx had foretold Keynes�f underCAN
A CAPITALIST SOCIETY BE GOOD? 309
consumption argument; i.e. the free-rider problem amongst capitalists as
explained in the box on p. 232 or, equivalently, point (3) on p. 306, whose gist
was: Each capitalist benefits from reducing the wage of her workers but, when they all do
the same, then the working classes�f income falls, demand by workers for the capitalists�f
wares declines and, as a result, entrepreneurs are left with masses of unwanted commodities.
On this count, many Marxists are in agreement with Keynes regarding the
possibility that a clever government can prevent such a crisis by imposing
effective minimum wages and expending much effort in boosting business
confidence. However, for Marxists, the failure of capitalist markets is caused
by an even more insidious process; one that goes beyond simply undermining
business confidence and, thus, one that no government, however smart, can
do anything about.
What is this insidious process that governments cannot undo? It is, Marx
states, the tendency of capitalism to nurture the seeds of economic crises
during the good times; a trend for things to get steadily worse for individual
capitalists during periods of increasing prosperity. Even if firms do not realise
it, periods of economic growth undermine the ground on which the growth of
individual firms is founded. Thus there exists some limiting level of economic
growth which, when reached, triggers a catastrophic domino-like sequence of
collapsing firms. In a short space of time the whole economy plummets into a
recession (i.e. falling output, increasing poverty and unemployment, etc.). In
other words, things are bound to become much worse whenever it seems that
they are getting better!
The source of profit according to Marx
As explained in Section 1.2.4, Marx sees profit springing out of the
difference between
1 the value of a worker�fs labour as a commodity; that is, the value
of labour time=value of commodities necessary for the worker�fs
reproduction=labour necessary to produce these commodities
and
2 the value of the commodity produced for an employer and a
worker which reflects the amount of labour the worker has
�einvested�f in the commodity.
Notice that labour-saving technology reduces the gap between the two
and therefore reduces the profit margin.
310 MARKETS, THE STATE AND THE GOOD SOCIETY
But why does this happen? What is it that sustains this inverse
relationship between the fortunes of individual capitalists and the state of
capitalist economies? Recalling Marx�fs theory of value from Section 1.2.4 of
Chapter 1, competition during a period of economic growth forces
entrepreneurs to invest in labour-saving devices because this is the only way
they can reduce cost and undermine their market rivals. However, as they
do so, less human labour goes into commodities and firms�f profit margin
shrinks (see the previous box).
So, on the one hand, the economy seems to be flourishing. New orders for
machines mean new production lines to produce them and more employment
in the machine-producing sector. More employment means more money in the
pockets of workers, who then spend it in supermarkets, cinemas, theatres and
petrol stations. A phase of prosperity caused by investment on machines (or
capital accumulation). However, the seeds of the impending crises have
already grown roots under the surface of the happy times. What are these
menacing roots of forthcoming doom? They are no other than the profit crisis
(see the same box) which is about to start biting and culling the least
profitable, and therefore most vulnerable, firms.
The moment the profit margin of some firms dips below zero a proportion
of them will fold. Their employees, middle-managers, blue-collar workers,
suppliers of raw materials and machines will all suffer a loss of income. In turn
they will reduce their purchases of other commodities significantly. The firms
which produce these other commodities will see their revenue decline. For
many of them, already under the strain of decreasing profit rates, this latest
setback will be the last straw. Bankruptcy! More workers and suppliers lose
their income, less money is spent at the market-place, there are more closures.
An avalanche of misery will have started leading the whole economy into the
doldrums.
Is there no end to this hideous cycle? Is there no salvation from the
recessionary spiral? Yes, there is, writes Marx. There comes a time when
the number of firms has shrunk so much that the surviving ones face
much less competition. So, even though the size of the pie (i.e. total
expenditure) to be distributed between all the firms will have decreased
substantially, it is possible that the size of the slice for each of the surviving
firms will be greater now than it was during the good times. Thus the
financial health of surviving firms is better at the depth of the recession;
which upholds Marx�fs point that the fortunes of capitalist firms are best
when capitalism is doing badly and vice versa. It is in this sense that
economic crises are good for capitalism: recessions help capitalists restore
their profit rates after a period of incessant capital accumulation (that is,
after a period of growth during which firms spent increasing amounts on
new machines).
It is from this perspective that recessions are not an accident. Indeed they
are crucial in helping capital overcome its inevitable profit crises which are
CAN A CAPITALIST SOCIETY BE GOOD? 311
brought about by increasing investment and competition. Without these
recessions, capitalism would soon run out of steam. How do recessions
prevent this? As we saw in the previous paragraph, once the economy
reaches the depth of recession, surviving firms profit from their increasing
market power (due to the �edeath�f of the competition). Moreover the
desperation of unemployed workers is growing with every additional day of
unemployment.
The higher the rate and duration of unemployment, the more willing are
workers to work for a wage that is less than the value of their time.
Immediately the profit margins for firms expand. But this is not all. Workers
who never became unemployed are terrified by the prospect of joblessness (in
view of the long dole queues) and work harder to avoid the sack, thus
delivering more actual labour to employers in the context of the same labour
time (which is all employers pay for anyway). So, firms end up paying less
(courtesy of lower real wages) for more (greater labour productivity) and
profit margins soar. Furthermore during recessions there is plenty of unused
capital lying around (e.g. trucks, computers and boilers belonging to
businesses that went bust) and on offer for a song.
The value of workers�f time (i.e. the wage)
The value of a car equals, according to Marx, the total amount of
labour necessary to produce it. But what of the value of workers�f time?
As explained in Section 1.2.4 (see also the previous box) workers�f time
is also a commodity which requires inputs in order to be maintained.
Workers require a certain basket of essential commodities in order to
be able to report for work every day (e.g. food, clothing, transport,
basic entertainment, etc.). Well, the value of their labour time (i.e. the
wage) equals the total value if these essential commodities (which, in
turn, equals the total amount of labour effort other workers expended
in order to create these essential commodities).
One objection to this model of wages is that it treats the time of
men and women as another commodity (although it distinguishes it
from actual labour which it sees as an activity that workers are
coerced to perform during the time that they have sold to
employers; i.e. labour as such.unlike labour time.is not a
commodity). Feminists have pointed out that bringing children up so
that they can then sell their �elabour�f time to an employer is not a
matter of blending some inputs together in order to �eproduce�f a
person. Creating �elabour time�f is different from building a car
because this is a �eprocess of production�f which takes place outside
the market altogether. Thus the value of grown-ups�f labour time will
depend not only on the value of the milk and cookies that they were
312 MARKETS, THE STATE AND THE GOOD SOCIETY
fed, but also on the degree to which their mothers were exploited at
home.e.g. all the hours the mother spent unacknowledged and
unpaid nurturing the child. Similarly for maintaining adult workers
(e.g. cleaning after them, feeding and support them, etc.). In short,
the value of labour time (i.e. the wage) depends not only on the
value of essential commodities that workers need but also on the
degree to which those who count as workers in the public sphere
benefited from the unpaid work of their mothers, sisters and wives
who help �ecreate�f and �emaintain�f the labour time which they sell to
employers.
Moreover whenever recessions force workers to work for wages
below the value of their labour time, this means that those who care for
them (traditionally their wives) have to produce more goods at home in
order to replace the market goods that their husbands�f wage can no
longer purchase. Thus recessions intensify the exploitation not only of
those who sell their labour in the labour market but also of those whose
labour is not a commodity in the public sphere (e.g. the labour market)
but is expended inside the isolation of the home.
In summary, firms which have survived the worst of the recession see the
latter as a gift from heaven. Simultaneously they enjoy greater monopoly
power (as their competitors go to the wall), lower wage costs (as
unemployed workers are prepared, at least in the short run, to work for a
wage less than the value of their time), greater productivity (as existing
workers, fearing dismissal, work harder for no more pay), lower raw
material prices and really cheap capital (i.e. machinery) prices. In this light,
recessions are a magnificent device for regulating capitalism and not at all
a fault or a failure. Of course they are still nasty, brutish and desperately
long for those people who lose their incomes and peace of mind while they
last, but such is the reality of the free market for workers: they set them
free to lose.
Concluding Marx�fs argument, let me recall the essence of Section 7.3.3:
wasteful unemployment is an essential aspect of a successful capitalist economy (rather than
a problem which can and should be addressed within such as economy). Economic
crises play an important role in reinvigorating capitalist firms which get
increasingly sicker during periods of increasing prosperity. Mass
unemployment during recessions is one of the important regulating devices
of the system: by pushing wage costs down and, more importantly, by
increasing the rate at which employers extract labour from workers (i.e.
productivity), they reverse the trend of falling profit rates. Once this
happens, a new period of growth looms. Nevertheless for exactly the same
CAN A CAPITALIST SOCIETY BE GOOD? 313
reasons as before, the new period of prosperity is pregnant with the next
recession.
Marx would therefore agree, in part, with both Keynes and the libertarian
free-marketeers. He would obviously agree with Keynes that capitalism has the
tendency to falter and enter into periods of intense crisis. He would also agree
that a clever government can lessen these crises (by employing some of the
tricks that Keynes made famous) while a stupid government will prolong
them. However, Marx would disagree that such crisis management can work
in perpetuity. Capitalism would bite back those who tried to weed out its
essential regulating mechanism (as it did in the 1970s). Underlying this
thought we find Marx�fs assessment that periodic crises in business activity are
the result of something more fundamental than the coordination problem
highlighted by Keynes: a tension between technological progress and
profitability which got worse as the economy expands. No government can do
anything about that.
In this sense, Marx would agree with the free-marketeers on the
impossibility of maintaining steady economic growth and minimal
unemployment through government spending and other programs. He would
even agree with the Austrian economists von Hayek and Schumpeter (see
Section 7.3.4) that capitalism needs the law of the jungle, the rise and collapse
of corporations, the oxygen of recession in order to maintain its vigour.
However, he would laugh at the simplistic insistence that unemployment
would never have occurred if only wages were flexible and low enough (and
would agree with Keynes�f rejection of this argument; see also the Indian
village tale in the box on p. 283). Recall that, in Marx�fs theory, the reason for
the recession has nothing to do with the level of the wage and everything with
the way technological progress is antagonistic to profit rates. Indeed he argued
that, however low the level of the wage (that is, however wretched and poor
workers become) the capitalist system will always generate profit crises and
therefore recessions.
Where Marx stands apart from both Keynesians and free-marketeers is in
his insistence that crises and unemployment are inevitable. Free-marketeers
It was the recession we had to have
Thus Paul Keating, former Australian Labor Prime Minister, commented
on the 1990.2 recession which his government oversaw. In a cartoon
published in the Sydney Morning Herald a couple of years later Mr
Keating is portrayed as decorating an unemployed family with �ethe
Distinguished Unemployment Cross for conspicuous poverty in the face
of heavy profit making�f.
314 MARKETS, THE STATE AND THE GOOD SOCIETY
think that a combination of low wages and untrammelled markets will avert
any such problems. Keynes thought that with a helping hand from wise
government there is no need for capitalism to hit the rocks of recession.
Marx, by contrast, was convinced that, whatever the level of wages, however
well markets may function, and independently of how wise and silly
governments might be, capitalism will enter into recessions as surely as the
ship will enter port. In effect, capitalism needs to sacrifice generations of
workers and their families on the altar of those who happen to own the
means of production and whose profit need to be replenished by frequent
economic crises. Crises which produce higher profit margins for the
minority in exchange for lower incomes, continuing misery and diminishing
life prospects for the majority.
At the very least, Marx concludes, a capitalist market system fails because it
does not meet the criteria that its champions (beginning with Adam Smith) set
for it: it does a bad job at coordinating productive activities and human
resources since it ensures the persistent and periodic condemnation of masses
of willing and able workers to the scrap-heap of society. What is needed is
neither a greater freedom for employers to exploit nor a wise government to
regulate the degree of exploitation. We need to replace the current irrational
system with one in which economic activities are rewarded in terms of their
worth (rather than in terms of who has the social power to exploit whom) and
surpluses not sustained by the further immiseration of the miserable and the
exploitation of the many. In short, only social (or common) ownership of the
means of production can lead to an economic system which stops
technological change from being a cause of crises and which turns the
gleaming new machinery into humanity�fs servant.
10.4 Conclusion: challenging the great liberal debate
10.4.1 No government intervention can civilise capitalism
Section 9.2 referred to the great debate which has been raging in political and
economic circles for more than a hundred years: to what extent should efficiency be
compromised in the pursuit of equity? Should the State help the poor? Even if this
means that at least some of them will be quite happy to live off the State and
make no effort to cure their own poverty? Or is it that a compassionate State
must toughen its heart and deny assistance to many deserving poor in order to
avoid creating a culture of dependency which traps them in a vicious circle of
poverty and hand-outs? In Section 9.3, two answers to this question were
borrowed from two of the most significant political philosophers of our time:
Rawls and Nozick.
The two answers define the extremities of the liberal spectrum. For
economic and political reasons Rawls and Nozick both value highly the
CAN A CAPITALIST SOCIETY BE GOOD? 315
freedom to transact, exchange and participate in markets. It is through
participation in markets that individuals can better their lives. Thus for both
Rawls and Nozick, the market mechanism is unquestionably efficient in
generating wealth. Where they take diametrically opposed views is on
whether organised society (i.e. the State) should take an active interest not
only in efficiency but also in equity. Rawls argues that it, in the name of
(distributive) justice, it should while Nozick protests, in the name of
individual entitlements, that the State cannot redistribute income
legitimately.
What is interesting about the Marxist position we are investigating
currently is that it bypasses that debate altogether. Marx would simply be
bored and impatient with this disagreement. For a start, he would not accept
for a moment that capitalism is efficient. As Section 10.3.3 reveals, Marx�fs
own analysis of capitalist markets, and of their proclivity to engender crises,
points to a structural irrationality built into any economy in which some
people own means of production while the majority do not. His is not an
ethical point as such (even though he never turned down an opportunity to
invoke moral indignation amongst his readers) but an economic one: an
economic system which relies for its survival on periodic but incredibly violent
surges in unemployment, under-production and waste of resources (both
human and non-human), cannot possibly be thought of as efficient. There
must be a wiser system for organising economic and social life.
If Marx is right, Rawls�f blueprint for civilising capitalism is in jeopardy.
Recall (see Section 9.3) Rawls�f idea on how a concern for efficiency can be
blended with a concern for equity. To spare you the trouble of turning the
page, on p. 262 I wrote: �eRawls supports a degree of inequality which is in
everyone�fs benefit. If the introduction of some extra inequality increases the
income of the worst off, then it is fair to introduce it. But, if inequality comes
at the expense of lower living standards for those at the bottom end of the
distribution, then it is deemed unjust�cThe policy implication is clear: the
State must intervene by taxing the rich, transferring income to the poor,
creating a safety net with minimum health and education provision; in short,
the rational State fosters social justice. But, there is a limit beyond which any
further intervention is itself unjust. This limit is reached when any additional
redistributive intervention reduces efficiency to such an extent that the people
it is meant to assist are harmed. The State should leave alone any inequality
which can be eliminated only if the income of the poorer members of society
suffers.�f
The above idea hinges on the existence of a limit to State interventions
�ebeyond which any further intervention is itself unjust�f. Is there such a limit
and if there is how can we know it? In practice we find that, in a capitalist
society, the more the government re-distributes income from rich to poor the
lower the level of inequality but also the lower the efficiency of the market
(since redistribution means more taxes for business and the wealthy and thus
316 MARKETS, THE STATE AND THE GOOD SOCIETY
an exodus of capital from the country, leading to reduction in investment and,
ultimately, lower productivity and efficiency). So the limit to the State�fs
intervention must be
1 high enough to undo the inequity which is incompatible with equal access
to some basic goods (e.g. liberty)
2 low enough to ensure that no more efficiency is sacrificed than is
necessary for social justice.
Marx�fs point would then be that, under capitalism, there is no degree of
government intervention which can satisfy conditions (1) and (2)
simultaneously. The social-justice-seeking State is doomed to fail because its
intervention in favour of the poor will always be too little to undo the injustice
suffered by the under-privileged in and around the labour market (see Section
10.3.3) while simultaneously being too high in the sense that any redistribution of
wealth, in the long run, lessens the profit rates of business and bring us closer
to the next economic crisis. When the latter hits us it is, once again, the
weaker members of society who will pay back with interest whatever benefits
or transfers they received from government earlier.
In short, Marx rejects Rawls�f main argument, namely that there is a degree
of State intervention which can temper the ruthlessness of the market and
civilise capitalism. Attempts to do so, to use the State in order to combine
labour markets and social justice, are utopian and destined to end in more
misery for the exploited, the needy and the forgotten. Remarkably this radical
left-wing repudiation of the social democratic agenda of Rawls (and the neo-
Keynesians) seems akin to what Nozick had to say in Section 9.4. However
the similarity conceals a tremendous disagreement with Nozick.
He too was convinced that the State can only make things worse when
trying to infuse capitalism with more justice and equality. Better leave markets
alone, was his conclusion. Why? Because, even if you do not fancy the
income distribution that markets give rise to, at least at the end of trading at
the market-place buyers and sellers will go home in the knowledge that no one
got more or less than they bargained for, no one was forced to part with any
commodity or asset, no one exploited anyone. In the end, Nozick concludes,
let us all learn to respect each other�fs right to keep whatever asset one has
acquired or created without violating the same right of others. �eRubbish,�f I can
hear Marx shouting at Nozick from the grave. Transactions between
employers and workers at the market for labour are a form of institutionalised
theft; a prime example of how desperate people can consent to their own
exploitation (see also Section 7.2.4).
As for capitalism as a whole, it is all about denying the majority of working
people Nozick�fs cherished �eright to keep whatever asset one has acquired or
created without violating the same right of others�f. Moreover, to be able to
sustain its momentum and prevent its collapse, capitalism needs to ensure that
CAN A CAPITALIST SOCIETY BE GOOD? 317
there are long periods during which a large proportion of workers are not
allowed anywhere near the production process. So, workers either walk home
at night with a fraction of the assets they created or wander aimlessly looking
at jobs that do not exist because of the system�fs inability to regenerate itself
without wasting resources, talents and lives.
In summary, Rawls�f idea of how to civilise capitalism runs into Marxist
opposition because of a belief that attempts to temper capitalism�fs hunger for
inequality damage the machinery of capital accumulation which keeps it
going. Thus they will never succeed in civilising the beast because the State�fs
interventions will simultaneously be too feeble as a counterweight to the
systematic exploitation which goes on and too much since they will be
hindering the natural self-correcting mechanism of capitalism (i.e. the periodic
surges in unemployment and the resulting inequity/poverty). There are,
therefore, only two viable, consistent, honest routes one can take: either agree
with Nozick that the best thing we can do collectively is to do nothing. Or
change society; find an alternative way of organising economic activities.
Marxists refer to the latter as socialism.
10.4.2 A public interest has no meaning in an exploitative, racist,
sexist society
In this short section I invite you to revisit the debate at the centre of Chapters
8 and 9 regarding the existence or otherwise of such a thing as the Common
Good or the Public Interest. You will recall, of course, that treacherous third
theorem of welfare economics; the one that showed the impossibility of
deducing what is in the Public Interest by inspection of individuals�f utility
orderings. The radical approach in the current chapter puts that problem in an
interesting new light.
The new insight is the simple point that there can be no common interest
in a deeply divided society; at least not one that its members can recognise
and act upon. The economic approach to individuals�f common objectives, as
discussed in Chapter 8, neglects to look at the social context in which these
individuals live. Such an abstraction is meaningless since people make their
minds up about whether they share common aims or not depending on the
type of social and economic relations that they have. Preferences are a product
of those relations rather than vice versa. Thus neoclassical economists who try
to infer a community�fs objectives by focusing on their preferences, while
uninterested in the social links between them, should not be at all surprised if
they end up discerning nothing.
Some communities develop such strong, cohesive common aspirations that
individuals within them sacrifice their lives to turn them into reality. Other
communities, e.g. Northern Ireland, are so deeply divided that to speak of the
Public Interest is to miss the point of their reality. Between these two extremes
318 MARKETS, THE STATE AND THE GOOD SOCIETY
there is the majority of communities which are characterised by a mixture of
common objectives and significant divisions. Moreover there are divisions
which have run their course and which could be overcome by some act of
generosity and far-sightedness. For instance the French and the German
governments set aside centuries of conflict and formed the strong Franco-
German axis within the European Union from which both countries benefit.
However, there are other divisions which are more resilient because
someone benefits continuously from them. For example, apartheid in South
Africa was not just a matter of the whites being prejudiced against the blacks
(although, of course, they were). It was fundamentally a matter of economic
exploitation as the wealth of the white population was built on the backs of
black workers in the mines, the farms, the factories, the whites�f homes where
they worked as servants; workers whose lack of constitutional rights translated
into low wages for them and high profit for their white rulers. In that case, as
in many others, institutionalised as well as informal discrimination is due to
the existence of an effective mechanism of exploitation. Under such a social
arrangement, it is futile to seek the Public Good. Unless the vile machinery of
exploitation is uprooted altogether, the two sides cannot even begin to seek
common ground.
One does not have to look at South African apartheid to find this type of
social division which survives mainly because of the benefits it accrues to
those with great social power. Women all over the world own 1 per cent of
property, do more than 60 per cent of the work and are rewarded with no
more than 20 per cent of the world�fs income (UN, Social and Economics Statistics,
quartely). Societies, advanced as well as under-developed, are replete with
institutional and informal mechanisms for discriminating against women; for
restricting their access to the more powerful roles in society, for preventing
them from claiming an income that is proportional to their efforts. When we
speak of the Public Interest, how does the collective interest of women to end
this pattern of exploitation and discrimination feature? Scanning Chapter 8 it
soon becomes obvious that the economic debate on this matter makes no
room for such a concern.
Another problem with patterns of exploitation is that they are usually
woven into a tapestry of discrimination and injustice. Two examples: (1) The
male worker goes home after a long day of working for a pittance under the
watchful eye of a ruthless boss only to inflict another type of terror on his
wife who was working all day, not even for a pittance, in order to keep the
house and children going. (2) The woman who leaves the home as an escape
into the public sphere (the sphere where all economic and social values are
created and distributed) and employs a migrant woman whom she pays a
pittance simply because she can get away with it. What both these examples
depict is a situation where patterns of systematic exploitation emerge and are
sustainable because they benefit those who have the power to keep them
going (e.g. the ruthless boss who benefits from the systematic exploitation of
CAN A CAPITALIST SOCIETY BE GOOD? 319
labour, or the husband who profits from a sexist distribution of household
labour, or the professional woman who profits from racism in the labour
market).
Clearly in the presence of so many scrupulously preserved patterns of
exploitation, the Public Interest is, at best, a mirage and, at worst, a sick joke.
To create a widespread sense of a Common Good in a democratic, pluralist
society we need to undo those patterns. Why do we not? Do we lack the
necessary decency? No, I do not think so. The main reason is that these
patterns are terribly intertwined. Particular individuals are affected badly by
one while benefiting from others (think of the earlier example in which bluecollar
workers are exploited in the capitalist labour market but,
simultaneously, benefit from sexism; or white women suffer from sexism but
often benefit from the cheap labour they can bring into their homes because of
widespread racism). To terminate the whole network of exploitation and
discrimination, and therefore to make a workable notion of a Public Interest
possible, nothing short of a large coalition of citizens is needed. Bringing it
together is a monumental task.
10.4.3 Brief glimpses of the Good Society
Right-wing social theorists, like Nozick, advise against dreaming of or
planning for the Good Society. Only blood and anguish can result as these
dreams have a tendency to turn into nightmares. Look at how the noble
triptych of the French Revolution (equality, fraternity, liberty) was drowned in
rivers of blood that flowed as the Revolution killed off its children one after
the other. Take heed from the Russian Revolution, which started with great
hopes for the workers and peasants of the world only to end in the industrial
feudalism of the Soviet Union. According to this right-wing view, society
changes best when it changes as a result of individual action whose only
purpose is to enhance the interests of the individual. Grand projects which
intend the improvement of society result in tyranny in the name of that
society. Political activism to create the Good Society only brings into being
Evil Empires.
Social-democrats (e.g. Keynesians, Rawlsians, etc.) believe that reform, not
revolutionary changes, can do the trick. That through the civilising effects of
public education, health and a constant, yet mild, redistribution of income
from capital to labour and to the under-class (that is, to those who are neither
owners of productive means nor workers but live in the margins of society), a
Just Society can emerge.
Left-wingers, mining the rich vein that Karl Marx first struck in the
nineteenth century, entertain no hope that capitalism can be reformed. From
their perspective, capitalist societies can, at best, fake goodness but even then
only for a while. After the Second World War, the threat of communism�fs
320 MARKETS, THE STATE AND THE GOOD SOCIETY
appeal to the peoples of Europe and the Third World, in combination with the
horrific memories from the previous capitalist crises in the 1930s, encouraged
the State in Britain, France, Germany and elsewhere to redistribute income, to
lessen exploitation and to try to suppress economic crises in a manner similar
to that suggested by Keynes. Additionally the underprivileged were given
access, for the first time, to universal education, health, social security. An
illusion of social cohesion and of a Public Interest under capitalism was
created. An illusion which, like all illusions, could not last.
By the late 1960s the signs of the next recession were becoming obvious.
The gains of the underprivileged, as it always happens during recessions, were
in danger. By the 1980s, a combination of another cruel crisis (the 1979.83
recession) and of the imminent collapse of any threat from the experiment
with an alternative economic system (which went so badly wrong in the Soviet
Union), caused the rapid erosion of those gains. As soon as the 1990s had
arrived, capitalism had overcome its flirtation with social democracy and
reversed fully towards the principles of the jungle that is the free market.
While the right celebrated its historic victory, the left also took heart: for its
theory that capitalism cannot change its spots for long is evident today in the
ruins of the British National Health Service or the French social security and
higher education systems. The only side in the argument that remains baffled
is the social-democratic corner which seems bereft of ideas as to how the
dominant free-market ideologists can be persuaded about the need to pursue
the Good Society now that the threat from the left (and the Soviets) has
passed.
Meanwhile government policy (regardless of who is in power, right-wingers
or social-democrats) pays occasional lip-service to the ideals of an inclusive
society while increasingly dismantling any effective mechanism that it might
have for effecting those ideals. Nozick and the new right have, undoubtedly,
won this latest round. Their message to you can be heard loud and clear in all
walks of life: the papers, television, the pop or fashion industry, school,
university, and of course economics lectures and their off-shoot management
courses: adapt yourself to the world, rather than try to change it!
Nevertheless in spite of this deafening message, you can still discern the
faint ironic voice, which could even belong to George Bernard Shaw�fs ghost
(recall the first paragraph of this chapter), telling you: �eCome on, have a go!
Dream of a world that, unlike the mess that you encounter every time you
turn the television on or walk the streets of your city, is consistent with your
sense of what is decent. Be unreasonable, for goodness sake. At least avoid the
sinking feeling when you are old and grey that you did not try.�f What kind of
world would you dream of? What would it look like?
Perhaps it would consist of individuals who are born into a society that
has not already assigned to them particular odds for socio-economic success
depending on whether their parents own shares in conglomerates, are
unemployed or work nightshifts in factories. A world in which, to remember
CAN A CAPITALIST SOCIETY BE GOOD? 321
the US civil rights campaigner Martin Luther King Jr, social position is blind
to the colour of one�fs skin but totally responsive to one�fs character. A society
in which baby girls are born with the whole world to win ahead of them and
without having to endure years of sadistic conditioning whose purpose is to
box them into the lesser social roles in society. A community of persons who
benefit according to personal effort and ingenuity from technological
advances; not one where technology leads to crises and to the wholesale
waste of chunks of humanity for the purpose of maintaining privilege and
the right to exploit. In short, a social arrangement in which citizens can
choose more of their partners in life and at work, can select from a wide
variety of social roles, and have the opportunity to develop productive and
creative powers for which they are rewarded in proportion to their efforts
but also to their needs.
Does it all sound utopian? Of course it does. But not more so than the
dream of a world without slavery sounded in centuries past. Is it not
dangerous to dream? Of course it is. One can never be sure that the next
dream will not turn out to be a nightmare. The conservative right-wing have a
point: grand idealists either fail or, when they succeed, end up incarcerated in
concentration camps whose guards claim to be inspired by them. And yet,
where would we be without dreaming? Without the betrayed French
revolutionaries of the 1770s the ideal of liberty, with which today�fs right is so
enamoured, would not have taken the world by storm, reaching the shores of
the Americas and inspiring the American Revolution (1775.83). And without
another spurt of ideals, dreams and seemingly utopian efforts to change the
world in our time, the future will remain a bleak recapitulation of the present.
Who but a utility maximiser would want to inhabit such a future?
Conclusion to Book 1:
Foundations and
beyond
Compared to introductory textbooks
,
this book is tiny. Is its modest size a
problem? Perhaps more worrying is the table of contents, which is bereft of
the multitude of chapters that normally make up much of economics
textbooks (that is, chapters on the components of national income, the
determinants of aggregate consumption, investment, savings, taxation, the
demand for money, etc.). Does this Lilliputian book have the right to
masquerade as a general book on Economics when it has little or nothing at all
to say on important topics such as inflation, exchange rates, international
trade, aggregate investment and so on?
Surely the answer must be negative. None the less it does not pretend to be
a book on general economics. Rather it is a book on the foundations of
economic thinking. In its defence, to understand the structure of any edifice,
be it the Eiffel Tower or economic theory, one has to descend to its basement;
to enter through unremarkable side doors and go down steps that are not trod
by the general public or the guests of honour. Although one will have missed
the glamorous facade or the spectacular views, exploring the guts of the
building furnishes a unique view of how the whole edifice hangs together. It
may be the least dazzling yet the most insightful perspective.
I do hope that the preceding chapters offered you such a tour along the
foundations of economic ideas. If they succeeded, ascending to the surface and
mingling with the public once more you will find yourself equipped with more
confidence and a keener eye for the glamour and complexity of the building.
When for instance you encounter debates on the role of money, a
government�fs fiscal policy, international trade or any of the topics missing
from this book, you will be better able to classify the various views; ready to
FOUNDATIONS AND BEYOND 323
recognise which tradition they spring from; well placed to understand what
the fuss is all about and what are the motives behind the musings of the
different participants to these debates.
The structure of the three parts of Book 1 was devised to help the reader
acquire these skills. The second (�ehistory of textbook models�f) chapter of each
part took us beyond the textbook to an enquiry of the source of the ideas in
textbooks. It revealed, I hope, the philosophical and political roots of notions
such as consumption, commodity, preference, competition, efficiency, equity, etc. Knowing
these sources is a first step to learning to identify the political and
philosophical bias of any idea that economists may put forward. The third
(�ecritique�f) chapter of each part developed a radical critique of these ideas as
they have evolved today. Even if you did not agree with the often polemical
(and, some would argue, extreme) nature of those critiques, at least they
offered a glimpse of how ideas that seem well established can be criticised.
Knowing how to criticise is equivalent to knowing how to take ideas apart;
how to grasp them.
Upon entering fields of study on topics not covered in this book, I hope
that the combination of the history of models and of the critical chapters will
prove handy. You will be surprised to see that most ideas and policy
suggestions which make headlines today emanate from the three or four
different theoretical perspectives that we have examined in some detail: the
neoclassical free-marketeers who always model the world using some form of
the Equi-marginal Principle; the libertarian (or new right) free-marketeers (e.g.
von Hayek and Nozick) whose arguments in favour of the market and against
State intervention are couched in evolutionary terms (see Sections 7.3.4 and
9.4), the Keynesian-Rawlsian Social Democrats who advocate a mix of State
and Market (see Sections 9.3 and 10.3.2); and the Marxists who castigate
capitalism for being unfair because it is inefficient (see Sections 1.2.4, 7.3.3,
10.2.1, 10.3.3, 10.4). Regardless of whose side you want to be on (or even if
you want to propose your own worldly philosophy), when confronted by some
economic argument it is terribly useful to know which of these broad
traditions it came from. To demonstrate this, let us consider three examples.
Money and the State
You may be surprised to find out that in this book so far we have not had to
deal with the concept of money. Yes, we did mention prices. Nevertheless we
did not talk of actual money. When we discussed the price of bananas or
labour or anything at all, prices in dollars and cents were used as numerical
examples but, I must confess, those references were rather fraudulent! Why?
Because there was no theory of money (e.g. of its origin, its value, etc.) behind
any of it. Indeed all the prices we were looking at made sense only in relative
terms. In Chapter 2 the price of one apple was always measured in terms of
how many units of the other good, e.g. oranges, one can afford for the price of
324 CONCLUSION TO BOOK 1
one apple (recall that the only price that mattered was the ratio of prices, that
is the slope of the budget constraint). In this sense, we needed to speak only of
relative prices, rather than actual prices. Similarly in Chapter 5 in which the
price of labour was discussed relative to that of capital or land. Even the more
radical theory of production in Section 7.4 only speaks of relative prices.
Two economists meet on the street. One enquires: �eHow is your
husband?�f The other responds: �eRelative to what?�f
So if all the economics we have covered hitherto are based on relative prices,
then presumably our theories apply only to a barter economy; that is, an
economy without money in which exchange values are expressed in relative
terms: two oranges are worth one banana. The moment money is
introduced, problems arise. What determines its value? To what extent does
Jill�fs demand for money depend on the price of money (can you think what
that might be?) or on her wealth? How should the government choose how
much money should circulate in an economy? Should a government be
authorised to make such decisions anyway? What is the link between the
total quantity of money and prices (actual or relative)? As you can imagine
these are crucial questions for economists. Even though this book has not
entered into such debates, let me demonstrate how the foundations laid in
previous chapters can help here.
A neoclassical free-marketeer thinks of the economy in terms of the first
two fundamental theorems of welfare economics (see Chapter 8). What would
she or he think of the effect of fluctuations in the quantity of money on the
economy? Let us see. These theorems effectively assume that competitive
markets in long-run equilibrium work beautifully in that they generate
maximum output constantly. What does this output correspond to? Provided
nothing stops markets from attaining their long-run equilibrium, output will
be such that average cost of production is minimised. Well, why should the
quantity of money make any difference with regard to this miracle of the
market? It would not. Thus the quantity of money will not affect output. And
since it will not affect the level or intensity of production it will not affect the
quantities of labour, capital and other factors of production necessary to
produce it.
However, if production and consumption are to remain constant,
workers, producers, consumers must be unaffected by the quantity of
money. How can that be? Easily, is the answer that the neoclassical
economist will reply, if relative prices do not change (i.e. one banana is still
worth two oranges and one tractor is twice as expensive to hire for a day as
a farmhand). So, will nothing change if the government prints lots of extra
banknotes and circulates them? Surely something will be affected. Since output
FOUNDATIONS AND BEYOND 325
will not change (i.e. the same number of commodities will be produced as
before), but there will be more banknotes chasing these commodities around,
the price of each commodity will rise. However, relative prices will not be
affected. The greater the quantity of money in the economy, the larger the
price tags on goods and services. However, neither the quantity of those
commodities, nor employment or relative prices will change. And vice versa.
If the government reduces the quantity of money in the economic system,
the only thing that will change is absolute prices (they will fall). No one will
be better or worse off; indeed no one will actually act (produce or consume)
differently than before.
In conclusion, a belief that the first two theorems of welfare economics
closely approximate the workings of capitalist markets, leads to the
recommendation that the government should resist any temptation to
change anything real (e.g. output, employment, quantity of machinery) by
altering the amount of money in the economy. Neoclassical free-marketeers
often concede that in the short run it is possible to cause short-term
increases in production if suppliers mistake the increase in the money price
of their commodity for an increase in its relative price. However, the
moment they realise that relative prices are unaffected they will return to
their previous production levels. In other words, the government can boost
output and employment by increasing the supply of money only as long as
it can fool people. The moment it is found out, output and employment
will return to their �enatural�f level. However, such deception ought to be
avoided because they create uncertainty and diminish the trust that people
have in the currency as well as in the government�fs credibility. Without
such trust the long-term ill-effects of deceptive spendthrift policies may
prove significant if capitalists stop investing or move abroad in search of
greater price stability.
Of course had we started with one of the views of the market critical to the
neoclassical one, the conclusions would have been quite different. Consider
for instance the Keynesian standpoint. As we saw, Keynesians are convinced
that capitalism periodically goes into sustainable recessions. When this
happens, business and consumer confidence disappears and output falls
catastrophically. If the government pumps some extra money into the
economy at that point in time (e.g. puts it in the pockets of those who are
desperate for commodities that could have been produced if only producers
were confident enough to start up the production process thus employing
them and providing them with the income necessary to purchase these
commodities�c), that money can give the failed market a kick start. As
production accelerates (in response to that injected money being spent on
goods), new commodities will be produced and thus we will have avoided the
situation where more money chase the same number of goods. Instead, the
extra money will have bought goods that would not have been produced otherwise.
Concluding this Keynesian view, governments can and should experiment with
326 CONCLUSION TO BOOK 1
the supply of money (increasing it during the bad times and reining it in
during the better ones) in order to manage the periodic crises of capitalism.
Wages and money illusion
Before money was introduced into the world, wages were paid in the form of
commodities; e.g. workers would receive quantities of wheat for their labours.
Discovering the value of the wage relative to wheat was therefore automatic.
However, with wages being paid in banknotes, the size of the wage can be
computed only after we calculate how much wheat this wage can buy. Thus
the real wage is defined as the ratio of the money wage to the price of wheat (or
more generally some average of the prices of all commodities workers
purchase).
Neoclassical economists who think of labour as a commodity (not
dissimilar to wheat) therefore define the price of labour that both employers
and workers care for as the ratio of money wage and average prices, known
as the real wage. In other words, workers are not interested in how much
money they receive per hour of work but on how many commodities that
money can buy them -the real wage. Makes sense, does it not? The
interesting thing is that if workers and employers are solely interested in the
real wage and labour is a commodity like all others (in the sense that its price
will decline if supply exceeds demand), then there will never be any
unemployment. Why?
Think about it. Suppose that demand of commodities, for some reason,
falls. Firms will lower their demand for labour as they will wish to reduce
output. Initially the fall in demand for labour will translate into a reduction
in both the quantity and the remuneration of labour (i.e. employment and
the money wage will fall). Some workers will quit not wanting to work for
less. However, prices of commodities will also fall (recall that all this has
been caused by the fall in the demand for commodities). Thus even though
the money wage will come down, the real wage will remain (more or less)
constant since the ratio of money wage to average prices will not have
altered. In other words, workers will be paid less but the money they will
now receive will buy them no fewer commodities than they could afford
before the fall in money wage (because prices fell in tandem with their
money wages).
Consequently workers will realise that their real wage has not fallen at all
even though they take home less money every day. As a result they will
supply the same labour as before. In the end the same number of workers will
be producing the same commodities which will be sold at the market to the
same consumers. The only thing that will have changed is that consumers will
be paying less money for these commodities and workers will be receiving less
money. Nevertheless nothing real will have changed: output and employment
will remain unchanged in spite of the initial fall in demand for commodities
FOUNDATIONS AND BEYOND 327
(whose only effect will be that prices and wages will fall by the same
proportion).
The above is another version of the neoclassical free-market point of view:
the market knows best and can handle falls in demand without generating
unemployment (at least in the long run). Keynes disagreed for a number of
reasons (as we have seen). One of them is that, in his mind, people suffer from
money illusion. That is, if prices and their income increase by 10 per cent they are
happier than in a situation where their wage has fallen by 10 per cent in
response to a 10 per cent reduction in prices. You can see why that might be
true for purely psychological reasons. In real terms the two cases are identical:
the amount of commodities that one�fs money wage can buy does not change
in either case. Yet most people would feel more comfortable in the first case
rather than in the second.
There are other reasons, however, beyond mere psychology as to why
workers will resist a money wage cut during periods of falling prices.
Income, and prices, almost always fall during periods of economic decline.
What happens during such periods? Employers immediately abandon all
investment projects.totally. Workers, who know this, expect a further fall in
demand for commodities as a result of the collapse of investment
expenditure. Thus they foresee that even if their wage goes down, their job
security will not be affected as demand continues its downward spiral. They
recognise, therefore, that all they will achieve by accepting lower wages is to
boost their employers�f profit without any guarantees that more jobs will
result. Partly for this reason, and partly as a result of sociological effects,
they determine their money (or nominal) wage targets not in proportion to
the fluctuations of their real wage but in relation to the money wages of
workers in other, comparable, industries. When this happens, the automatic
servo-mechanism described on p. 326 will fail and a fall in demand will
generate unemployment.
Again we see that the faith of neoclassical economists in the market leads
them to the conclusion that horrors such as unemployment cannot be blamed
on the market. Keynes, who had much less faith in people�fs capacity to see
through the mist of uncertainty that covers the market-place, thought
otherwise: he believed strongly that the market is fallible or, more likely, that
humans unleashed in a free market are fallible and that their errors (e.g. their
money illusion) snowball and may result in massive breakdown of the market
mechanism.
Marxists, on the other hand, offer their own radical twist on this debate.
They think that recessions (i.e. falling prices, real wages and unemployment)
and inflation (i.e. rising prices) function as a means of returning to employers
some of the value produced by workers which the workers have managed to
claim for themselves (usually through trade union activity). Periods during
which economic growth reduces unemployment are periods during which the
unions�f power to negotiate better deals for workers increases. In that case a
328 CONCLUSION TO BOOK 1
price inflation exceeding wage inflation (i.e. prices rising faster than wages) is
one way the unions�f gains can be reversed. However, the greatest revenge
must wait until the next recession (always around the corner) which deals a
decisive blow against any union gains. In this light, the greater the degree of
the workers�f �emoney illusion�f during periods of growth (and rising prices) the
more readily inflation can redistribute income in favour of the employers
whereas, during recessions, the degree of workers�f �emoney illusion�f will act as
a (usually ineffective) break to the expansion of employers�f profit margins.
International trade and the Third World
Remember (from Chapter 8) the neoclassical approach to social welfare?
Neoclassical international trade theory is a mere extension of it. Recall how
the first theorem of welfare economics (Section 8.1.2) states that a society
comprising perfectly competitive markets in long-run equilibrium is efficient
(in the sense that no individual could be made better off without someone
having to suffer a drop in utility or well-being). The implication was that
total output is greater the more competitive the different industries within an
economy become. However, for this to be the case, government must place
no restrictions on trade between the various individuals and industries who
make it up. For if it does place such restrictions, gains from trade will be lost
and the national economy will be less efficient. If society wants to
redistribute income from rich to poor (or indeed vice versa) it must do so by
one-off transfers of wealth but without affecting the quantities traded or the
prices of commodities (that was the lesson from the second welfare
theorem.see Section 8.1.4).
Now, instead of thinking in terms of a single country which consists of
many industries, let us think big: think of the whole world as a collection of
many countries which, in turn, consist of many industries. It only takes a
small leap of the imagination to see how the first theorem of welfare
economics can be extended: world output (and therefore income) is greater
the more competitive the world economy is and the fewer restrictions there are
for trade between the various countries (a simple extension of the first
theorem of welfare economics) .a blueprint for free trade at the international
level. And if the international community wants to redistribute world income
from the rich to the poor countries, then they should not do so by altering the
prices of traded commodities or the quantities traded, but instead they should
directly transfer wealth to the poorer nations (again the second theorem of
welfare economics).
In practice this means the following: do not allow countries (rich or poor)
to introduce import-tariffs (i.e. taxes on imported commodities) or importquotas
(i.e. limits on the quantity of a commodity that is allowed to be
imported) or subsidies (i.e. State payments to companies for producing certain
amounts of commodities). Rather, keep the trade routes open and free and let
FOUNDATIONS AND BEYOND 329
free trade make the whole world richer. If the richer countries worry that the
Third World is too wretched and poor, then they ought to give them more
direct aid; especially the type of aid that helps them produce more goods
which they can trade in the international market. For goodness sake, do not
let them make the mistake of thinking that they can improve their situation by
protecting their own industries through artificial barriers to external
competition (e.g. tariffs, quotas or subsidies).
The above summarises the spirit of the 1995 GATT agreement (the
�egeneral agreement on tariffs and trade�f) and of the World Trade
Organization. A central pillar of this viewpoint is that developing and
developed countries alike should not be allowed to protect their fledgling
industries from the ruthless foreign competition. Why? We can see why by
returning, again, to the model of welfare in Chapter 8: if one country protects
its industry by raising a wall around it (either by introducing tariffs/quotas or
subsidies), then others will follow suit. The result will be a world-wide loss of
trade which will lead to less international competition and therefore lower
world output and higher prices. All will then suffer, including the developing
countries.
Observe that this is another rendition of the free-rider problem discussed in
the box on p. 232. Each country would be better off in a world where no one
imposes trade restrictions (than in a world were all did) but, none the less,
each country has an incentive to impose restrictions regardless of what others
do. Thus there is a strong temptation for a war on free trade to commence
and that temptation must be resisted by means of some international
agreement which forces all countries to keep trade routes free. The recent
GATT is meant to serve this purpose.
Now that we have seen how the neoclassical theory of social welfare can be
readily extended to engender a free-trade agenda for the world, we can
examine what the critics of neoclassicism have to say on the matter. Those
who doubt the capacity of market economies automatically to achieve optimal
outcomes, would point out (as they did throughout Part 3 of Book 1) that it is
one thing to show that competitive markets in long-run equilibrium are
efficient and it is quite another to show that removing barriers to trade will
boost competition and increase world output.
For instance, many will argue that world markets are dominated by
relatively few, huge, multinational oligopolies. They dominate the markets in
smaller countries in particular in which they dump cheap imports until they
gain an unassailable monopoly. Then they restrict output (as all monopolies
do.see Section 5.2.3), raise prices and achieve high profit rates. In such cases,
if the government introduces a tariff on imports, the multinational firm may be
encouraged to produce locally (to avoid the tariffs). In short, for those who do
not believe that untrammelled markets are naturally competitive, carefully
selected tariffs and subsidies can have positive effects for those countries who
use them without posing a significant problem for world trade.
330 CONCLUSION TO BOOK 1
Finally those of a Marxist disposition understand international trade and
the development of Third World countries in ways which reflect their
fundamental model of capitalism. Briefly, they see capitalism as a system
which is riddled with contradictions and inefficiencies. Generally speaking
(and especially so during recessions) developed capitalism suffers from chronic
tendencies towards over-capacity; that is, the economy, spurred on by rapid
technological advances tends to produce more than it can absorb. As a result
western firms are desperate for new markets both for their commodities but
also for cheaper inputs (labour and raw materials). If they do not secure access
to such markets, the impending domestic profit crisis will hit them hard (see
Section 10.3.3). Consequently the Third World becomes the receptacle of
unwanted western commodities which are dumped at prices low enough to
ensure that no autonomous local capacity ever takes hold.
The excess capacity of the developed countries, in combination with free
trade, acts as a continuous restraint on local development. The only economic
activities encouraged by this combination are those involving the exploitation
of raw materials and labour. Because of limited competition, rudimentary
markets and the corruption of officials who are often on the payroll of the
western multinationals, Third World resources are bought by multinationals
for next to nothing. The result is the continuing dislocation of local
communities as badly paid workers coalesce in the industrial areas (usually in
slumps outside big cities). Because of the monopoly (and monopsony) power
of the multinationals, growth in such countries does not mean the
improvement of living standards, but the expansion of the slums around the
cities. The development of underdevelopment, as some economists have
labelled this type of growth. For them, free trade is the Third World�fs freedom
to lose and to descend into greater misery.
Of course, there are other developing countries which contradict this
picture (e.g. the countries of South East Asia). Marxists who do not espouse
this view of the �edevelopment of underdevelopment�f point to the minority of
developing countries which, for historical reasons, have recently experienced
serious industrial development (often because they were selected for that
purpose by multinational companies). Why have some Third World countries
(e.g. the South East Asian economies) taken off? One possible reason is that,
as new commodities are invented which require more hightech production
lines (e.g. super-computers), some of the older goods whose production has
become straightforward (e.g. television sets) are no longer economical to
produce in the West (or Japan). Thus the western (or, more likely, the
Japanese) production lines concentrate on the newer, more complex to
produce commodities with a higher market value, while whole production
lines of the older products are shipped out to these developing countries (e.g.
Malaysia, Korea).
Although such an export of older industrial sectors gives rise to significant
growth in the host nations, only a relatively small number of countries have
FOUNDATIONS AND BEYOND 331
benefited in this way. Those which did went through a period (about twenty
years long) of believing that growth had become a permanent feature of their
society (e.g. South Korea). Soon however they realised what the developed
world had been made to grasp, painfully, long before: The more a capitalist
economy develops the more crisis-prone it becomes. Moreover the
industrialisation of such countries was often accompanied by the
deindustrialisation of certain regions within developed countries; mainly the
older industrial areas in which the industrial revolution started one or two
centuries ago (e.g. the Midlands and the North of England). It is as if bits of
the Third World have been exported to the older industrial regions of the First
World. In the end, a rich elite of capitalists grows richer by tapping into wealth
created by workers in different parts of the world. However, their continuing
capacity to extract these �erents�f depends on a patchwork of highly
industrialising formerly underdeveloped countries which coexist with massive
Third World immiseration as well as the deindustrialisation of the older
industrial regions of the First World. Through this prism, international trade is
one of the planks of an international capitalist system which thrives on
exploitation and wastes monumental proportions of the world�fs human and
natural resources.
In the final analysis, economics is like music. Once you have become
familiar with a particular genre or composer, you can easily recognise a piece
written in that style or by that person even if you have never heard it before.
The purpose of this book was to give you enough of an insight into the
foundations of the main schools of economic thought so that, when you hear
some economist or politician tell you, using fancy terms, that their ideas are
apolitical, objective, free of any bias, and true, you will know better. You will, I
hope, see through their rhetoric and be able to pinpoint their underlying
philosophy, recognise where they are coming from (are they neoclassical, newright
followers of von Hayek and Nozick, Keynesians or Marxists?) and
unmask them. Of all the cliches, Knowledge is Power is the truest.
11.1 Criticising assumptions: useful appraisal or romantic
time-wasting?
From the very beginning, the Preface even, this book adopted a critical posture.
Chapter 4 dedicated page upon page to attacking the economist�fs favourite
assumption, namely that individuals are modelled best as utility maximisers. It
traded on the thought that human beings are far more complex and rational
creatures than the economics textbook would know. Chapter 7 took the fight to
the realm of firms and markets by arguing that the neoclassical assumptions on
what constitutes production, labour, capital and competition miss the mark.
Chapters 9 and 10 completed the crusade by suggesting that societies inhabited
by people whose behaviour and aspirations are compatible with the neoclassical
assumptions cannot have a common purpose. Could all this criticism be a
complete waste of time, even if not without a basis in truth?
Consider the following scene. A neoclassical economist enters the stage,
having read all the criticisms in this book, and with an ironic grin tells me in
front of all my readers:
�eWell done, well done. Congratulations on a brilliant attack on what
matters not one bit! Of course you are right. I would not want my
children, or indeed those of anyone else, to be utility maximisers in the
mould of those pathetic creatures in Chapter 2. And of course no real
market resembles what we call perfect competition in Chapter 5. You are
right about all these things. Unfortunately, my friend, you have missed
the point of all this quite badly. We are not philosophers, psychologists
or historians. Yes, philosophers have better ideas than we economists
about the human condition. So do psychologists. And future economic
336 ANXIETIES
historians will give us, in good time, better accounts on how actual
markets operate today than any economist�fs model.
What you seem to have forgotten however is that we economists are
in business in order to create, not philosophy, history or anything else,
but economics! Assumptions are just assumptions. Yes, I confess, usually
these are pretty silly. Nevertheless an economic theory needs them in
order to predict something tangible which can then be put to the test. At
the end of the day, however, the theory is as good as its predictions.not
its assumptions. It is, consequently, nonsensical to get all worked up
about the character of the individual in Chapter 2 (as you do in Chapter
4) or the assumptions about the competitive market in Chapter 5 (as you
do in Chapter 7). If these, admittedly stupid (or to be less emotive, these
simplistic) assumptions produce a theory that predicts the price of
lemons, cars and space rockets well, then this is all we need to know.
Intellectual attacks against assumptions are meaningless since theories
cannot be sustained by logical discourse: only facts and observation can
give credence to, or alternatively damn, a theory
Oops! This sounds like a devastating critique of all the criticisms that I have
exposed you to in this book. Have I over-reacted wasting time and space with
criticisms that, in the end, do not matter even if sound? Are assumptions just
convenient building blocks whose truth-status does not matter much? Is my
neoclassical colleague right in saying that an economic theory as such is
irrelevant and the only thing that matters is its predictions? Before we try to
answer these questions, let us look at the origins of the above argument.
My (hypothetical) neoclassical colleague�fs line of argument is consistent
with what is known in philosophy as Positivism. Positivism itself is a branch of
an older tradition called Empiricism and, for the purposes of our discussion, the
two terms may be used interchangeably (see the next box). The dominant trait
of both is a denial that anything can be known about the world a priori, that is
without the benefit of experience.
Historically, Positivism must be seen as a healthy reaction to the dogmatism
of the Church during the Middle-Ages. It countered the dictum have faith and
do not enquire into the eternal truths that the Church has exclusive access to with another
dictum, question everything and accept no thought as a priori truth (that is truth that is
not underpinned by experimentation and observation).
Effectively, Galileo�fs defiance of the Church and his discovery that the earth
revolves around its own axis is an early example of Positivism at work. A great
deal of knowledge was made possible by the emergence of Positivism. Summing
up, the history of the world appears to a positivist as a series of states in which
there exist discernible patterns. The denial of a priori knowledge implies that no
event is inevitable; everything could have been different. Logic and Reason on
their own are incapable of disclosing which of all possible worlds we live in.
Knowledge could be created a priori only if there was a single possible world.
DOES ECONOMIC THEORY MATTER? 337
Hence, since an infinity of possible worlds exists, we have to turn exclusively
to observation if we are to discover the universe. Moreover, although we can
observe that something is so, we can never claim that it must be so. For
instance, the so-called Law of Diminishing Marginal Utility is not at all a law.
It is just an observation of a relationship between consumption and marginal
utility that often happens to be of the inverse kind, although it could have
been a positive relation. The above can be summarised in two statements that
define the Positivist method:
1 Knowledge must be based on experience. Hence, a theory is to be judged only according
to the accuracy of its predictions.
2 Whatever we observe could have been different.
Therefore prediction is, according to Positivism, the only weapon we have in
our struggle against ignorance: To predict is to explain or Truth is what works!
So far so good. The problems begin when Positivism is transplanted from
early physics (i.e. classical mechanics) to modern physics (e.g. optics, quantum
mechanics) and, more so, to the social sciences in general and economics in
particular. The relevance of Positivism to economics is highlighted by the freemarket
enthusiast Milton Friedman (whose Nobel Prize-winning attacks on
Keynesian ideas, as well as the setting up of a whole school of like-minded
economists at the University of Chicago, have made him a guru of right-wing
economics).
Friedman points out that: �ePositivism provides a system of generalisations
that can be used to make correct predictions about the consequencesof any
Empiricism and posivitism defined
Empiricism
A family of theories to the effect that experience, mainly sensory, rather
than reason or innate ideas, as claimed by rationalists (see the boxes
on pp. 346.7), is the source of knowledge. Radical empiricism, which
limits our knowledge strictly to the contents of our experience, is
sceptical about even our most ordinary claims to knowledge.
Positivism
A philosophical offshoot of empiricism, traceable to Auguste Comte
(1798.1857), that all genuine knowledge is based on sense
experience and extended by means of systematic experimentation
alone.
338 ANXIETIES
change in circumstances.�f In other words, a theory of consumer choice has
only one intention: to predict how various changes will affect consumer
demand. And how is it to be judged? Adopting an impeccable positivist line,
Friedman adds that �eit is to be judged by its predictive power for the class of
phenomena which it is intended to explain�f (Methodology of Positive Economics,
1953).
On positivism
In favour
Each branch of our knowledge passes successively through three
different theoretical states: the theological or fictitious, the metaphysical
or abstract, and the scientific or positive�cSince Bacon,
all good intellects have agreed that there is no real knowledge
save that which rests on observed facts.
Auguste Comte, A General View of Positivism, 1848
Against
Empiricism used to mean reliance on the past; now apparently all
empirical truth regards only the future, since truth is said to arise
by the verification of some presumption. Presumptions about the
past can evidently never be verified; at best they may be
corroborated by fresh presumptions about the past, equally
In favour of empiricism
As an empiricist I continue to think of the conceptual scheme of
science as a tool, ultimately, for predicting future experience in the
light of past experience.
Willard Quine, From a Logical Point of View, 1961
Indeed, such inadequacies as we have seemed to find in
empiricism have been discovered by strict adherence to a doctrine
by which empiricist philosophy has been inspired: that all human
knowledge is uncertain, inexact and partial. To this doctrine we
have not found any limitation whatever.
Bertrand Russell, Human Knowledge: Its scope and limits, 1948
DOES ECONOMIC THEORY MATTER? 339
dependent for their truth on a verification which in the nature of the
case is impossible. Consistency is a jewel; and, as in the case of
other jewels, we may marvel at the price some people will pay for
it. In any case, we are led to this curious result: that radical
empiricism ought to deny that any idea of the past can be true at
all.
George Santayana (1863.1952), Character and Opinion in the
United States, 1921
In other words, forget about the implications of assumptions and ignore the
despicable character of Homo economicus; neither the former nor the latter
matter. What is important is the ability of the theory to predict prices and
quantities correctly. If it does not, then Friedman would, presumably, agree
that the model must go. But if it is accurate, then regardless of its assumptions,
we must accept and use it. Unfortunately for positivists, things are not that
straightforward.
11.2 The impossible task of separating the facts from the
theory
Suppose we accept the positivist approach and set out to put a theory to
the test. Surely, we must determine what the theory predicts, compare it
with reality and come to a conclusion. Alas, this is not as good an idea as
it sounds. For if we followed such a practice, many a good theory would
have been unfairly discarded. Take the hypothesis that the demand curve
for milk is downward sloping (i.e. the lower the price the greater the
quantity sold). Now imagine that I gave you data from Europe in the mid-
1980s showing that over a prolonged period of time, both prices and sales
of milk were falling consistently. What conclusion do you draw? Do you
surmise that the demand curve is upward sloping and thus reject the
theory?
That would be unfair. If you had looked more closely at the time-frame of
the data-set, you would have discovered that it was marked by the Chernobyl
nuclear disaster in April 1986, which spread a radioactive cloud over Europe,
causing anxiety about the quality of milk for years afterwards. Prices and
quantities were falling because the demand curve began to shift down and to
the left (and not because it was upward sloping). Clearly, a theory under test
must be given a fair chance. But what is a fair test?
Positivists use the ceteris paribus (Latin for �eother things being equal�f) clause
in order to deal with this problem. This means that we are not supposed to
compare experience with what a theory predicts but, instead, with what the
theory predicts if ceteris are paribus, that is, provided everything the theory
340 ANXIETIES
assumes to be constant remains constant (e.g. that no nuclear contamination
takes place between changes in the price of milk, that the supply of milk is
constant, that people�fs taste for milk is unchanged, etc.).
But even this amendment to the positivist test is not enough. Consider the
simple theory that a rational pedestrian who wishes to cross a road does not
knowingly jump in front of a moving bus. If we happen to witness an incident
where a person did exactly that under the influence of LSD, it would again be
silly to reject the theory. So we must revise our testing ground further; we
must compare experience not with what the theory predicts, nor with what it
predicts if everything else is constant (the ceteris paribus clause), but with what it
predicts if everything else is constant and the individual(s) concerned is (are)
rational.
Heisenberg�fs principle of indeterminacy (1927)*
Modern physicists are sceptical about positivism. They have
discovered that on many occasions �eobjects�f behave differently in
the laboratory depending on the type of questions (or theories) that
scientists ask (test). For example, in experiments designed to test
the wave properties of light, light behaves like a wave. But in
experiments designed to test its particle properties, it behaves as if
it is made out of particles (instead of being a wave). Thus the
theory�fs assumptions are not independent of the phenomenon
observed and therefore it is not straightforward to test the theory
by means of observation of how well it predicts behaviour.
(*Werner Karl Heisenberg (1901.76))
The above warns that positivism may be more problematic in the social
sciences than in the natural sciences. In classical mechanics or chemistry
(although not in quantum mechanics or optics: see box above), a theory�fs
predictions on the properties or behaviour of some object (e.g. a pendulum or
a chemical) can be compared fruitfully against the observed properties or
behaviour of the object under study. If the two concur, the theory passes the
test. Otherwise the theorist returns to the drawing board. Why is laboratory
experimentation a legitimate means of getting to the truth about a theory�fs
merits? The answer is because
1 the theory is not compatible with all possible experimental results (e.g. if
no heat is produced, there is no way the chemist can claim that her theory
predicted that outcome), and
DOES ECONOMIC THEORY MATTER? 341
2 the phenomenon under observation is independent of the theory�fs
predictions. For example, when the chemist predicts that heat will be
generated if substance X is mixed with substance Y, these substances do
not care! They will produce heat (when mixed together) only if this is
what they always do (when mixed together) and totally independently of
the chemist�fs theories.
So because of (1) and (2) the chemist�fs theory can be tested effectively (that is,
deemed plausible, proved right or rejected) in the laboratory.
Can economists test their theories as effectively as our chemist above? It is
unlikely that they can, for the simple reason that their theories are so
structured that no observation can contradict them. To see this, consider again
the simple theory: �eIf rational, Jill will wait until the bus passes before crossing
the road�f. If Jill gets run over by the bus, the economist can retain the theory
but blame its predictive failure on Jill�fs irrationality. Thus because the
economist�fs definition of what a rational Jill will do is assumed (rather than
tested), the observed facts cannot possibly pass straightforward judgment on
the theory. In terms of the previous paragraph, economic theories respect
neither of the two conditions (1) or (2) for fruitful empirical testing.
Social predictions and social reality: a science-fiction
perspective
In his brilliant science-fiction novel Foundation (1951), Isaac Asimov
told the story of a scientist who created a new discipline called
psychohistory. His achievement was a capacity to predict human
history with remarkable accuracy. However, he soon realised that the
theory could never work if people had access to it. For if the rulers (or
whoever) could use it in order to predict the future, they would act on
these predictions and ensure that events would unfold in a manner that
the theory had not predicted. So Asimov�fs hero, in order to guarantee
that future generations of his disciples would have the advantage of
accurate predictions, set them up on a planet in some isolated corner
of the universe and prevented them from having more than minimal
access to psychohistory�fs predictions. Their capacity to see the political
and economic future depended on not being able to see too much of it.
Asimov�fs psychohistory offers us an excellent parable of the
impossibility of modelling empirical testing in social science on the
practices of natural scientists. In classical physics, meteorology and
chemistry, the theory and the predictions of the scientists does not
affect the phenomenon under observation. For instance, if the best
meteorologist in the world predicts that there will be a hurricane in
New York tomorrow, the probability of that event occurring will not be
342 ANXIETIES
influenced by the fact that the meteorologist made this prediction.
However, in social science, it may well do. If a celebrated stock
exchange analyst predicts that the New York stock exchange will
collapse tomorrow, it may very well collapse. However, this does not
mean that the underlying theory was correct because the prediction
was accurate; the analyst could have been joking!
In conclusion, in the social world, predictions are an integral part of
the world (and the facts) we try to explain. Asimov�fs interesting story
illustrates how an excellent social theory can become so intertwined
with the social world that it fails to predict because it is so good. Thus
a social theory is not necessarily as good as its predictions.
Looking at the same problem from another angle, the argument that
assumptions do not matter (i.e. what really matters is how good the predictions
are) is plainly false since, in economics, the assumptions are an integral part of
the prediction (which is not the case in early nineteenth-century physics). We
already saw how the prediction about Jill was conditional on her being
something called �erational�f: �eIf Jill is rational, her preferences stable, and her
purchasing power was maintained constant, she will choose more milk when
its price declines.�f Suppose now that the price declines and she buys more.
Has the prediction been proved wrong? Not necessarily.
For instance it could be that, just before the price fell, she changed her
mind about milk, deciding that she did not like it as much anymore. Thus the
fact that she bought less does not contradict the prediction in the previous
paragraph, which was conditional on Jill�fs preferences remaining unchanged.
However, this means that such predictions can never be proved wrong since
there is always some explanation of why the hypothesis could be valid but the
subject failed to behave according to it (e.g. her preferences changed, or she
experienced a momentary lapse of reason, etc.)
In conclusion, we have reason to fear that in economics it is difficult to
take theories (e.g. the Equi-marginal Principle) and create predictions out of
them which, when compared with the �efacts�f, will tell us whether the
theory is good or false. The reason is that predictions in economics are
impossible to separate from the assumptions that we want to assess.
Whereas in physics a theory of electro-magnetic fields gives rise to
predictions which can be tested in the laboratory in a manner that can
verify or refute the theory, in economics no such tests exist. Why? Because
if human beings do not behave according to the theory�fs predictions,
economists are forced to do something that chemists cannot do: blame the
humans, or their beliefs for the theory�fs predictive failure. Then they can
modify predictors accordingly in order to accommodate the observed
behaviour. By contrast, chemists and physicists cannot blame molecules
DOES ECONOMIC THEORY MATTER? 343
and atoms for failing to behave according to the rules which ought to
govern their behaviour. The downside for economists is that, even though
no one can prove them wrong, they forfeit any claims to empirically
verifiable positions.
11.3 Why economic theories cannot be judged by the facts
Consider the basic hypothesis of the neoclassical approach: �eAll rational
people are maximisers.�f In this book I have spent many pages debating the
merits of this theory as well as its political implications. Why do we not
skip all this talk and find out whether this proposition is true or not? How
do we do this? There are indeed many tests we can conduct in laboratories
to find out if people behave in a manner consistent with the principles of
utility maximisation. The problem is that such tests are not likely to settle
the debate in favour or against the neoclassical hypothesis that people are
maximisers. We have already had a glimpse of this problem in Section
11.2.
If people turn out not to maximise utility, neoclassical economists can
modify their hypothesis subtly, for example they may put forward the
amended hypothesis: �eThere is something that people maximise.�f Perhaps there
is. The problem is that this hypothesis can never be refuted, nor can it be
verified (see box below). If we establish that people do not maximise utility,
the defender of neoclassical economics can always turn around and say: �eBut
how do you know that there is not something that they maximise?�f The answer
is: we cannot know. Thus the hypothesis that people maximise cannot be
proved wrong (i.e. refuted) in which case we have a theory motivating all
economic textbooks which is beyond the empiricists�f and positivists�f method
of theory appraisal.
Verifiable and refutable theories
A theory is verifiable if it can be proved true when true. For example,
the theory that �ethere are some firms which have no capacity to alter
prices�f is verifiable. If we find one such firm, the theory has been
confirmed.
A theory is refutable if it can be proved false when false. For example,
�eall firms can substitute labour for machines without losing output�f. If
we find one firm for which this is not so, the theory has been refuted.
The theory �eall people maximise something�f is neither verifiable nor
refutable.
344 ANXIETIES
Actually it is no accident that the foundations of neoclassical economics
cannot be tested. Shielding one�fs theory from empirical testing is one way of
defending it, of making it immune to criticism. And it is not only neoclassical
economics that has done this. Marxist economics is also founded on
propositions which are untestable in the laboratory or statistically (e.g. the
claim that the source of profit is the difference between the value of labour
and the value of labour time). In general, the most important aspects of
different schools of thought are assumptions which are deliberately put
beyond empirical testing.
Let us examine three examples which illustrate the main point: economic
debates cannot be settled empirically, that is by observing the facts through
experimentation or statistical analysis. Consider the following three economic
hypotheses, two neoclassical and one Marxist.
11.4 Three examples of untestable economic theories
11.4.1 Theory 1: the Equi-marginal Principle in consumption
Consider the case of optimal individual choices as modelled in Chapter 2. Jill
is supposed to purchase more apples if their price drops and her income is
adjusted in a way that her utility level has remained constant (that is, she
remains on the same indifference curve). Neoclassical theory predicts
unequivocally that, because her indifference curve between apples and all
other goods is downward sloping, she should increase her consumption of
apples. (This is also known as the substitution effect.)
What if Jill does not buy more apples under these circumstances? Do we
reject the theory, or do we defend the theory by suggesting that her behaviour
was due to the fact that either Jill actually dislikes apples (i.e. her indifference
curves between apples and all other goods are not convex to the origin and
downward sloping), or Jill has had a bad day at the office and did not really
think about her purchase carefully (that is, she did not choose rationally)?
Our capacity to defend the theory even if it fails to predict Jill�fs behaviour
makes the theory untestable: if it is proved correct then it is accepted, but if it
proved wrong then it is the fault of the economic agent. Heads I win, tails you
lose. The positivist approach leads to the recommendation of a test that is
decisive only when sympathetic to the theory. It is like establishing a system of
justice which would treat verdicts as just only when they are favourable to the
defence!
DOES ECONOMIC THEORY MATTER? 345
11.4.2 Theory 2: the Equi-marginal Principle in production
Economics textbooks build their theory of the firm on a proposition which has
proved rather contentious: firms maximise profit! Volumes upon volumes have
been written as to whether this is a wise approach to what firms do. Is it all a
waste of space and time? For instance, a positivist would argue that this is an
empirical issue. Let us examine how we could put the neoclassical hypothesis
to the test.
We need to test the hypothesis that All firms tend to maximise profit
(statement 1). Neoclassical theory, as we saw in Chapter 5, derives from
statement 1 a second analytical statement: profit is at a maximum when marginal
cost equal marginal revenue (statement 2). The problem is that we cannot test
both statements simultaneously. For example, if we assume that profit is
maximised when marginal cost equals marginal revenue, we can test by
means of careful measurement and observation the hypothesis that all firms
maximise profit. Similarly, if we assume that firms tend to maximise profit,
we can test the hypothesis that firms set marginal cost equal to marginal
revenue.
Evidently, in order to test one of the statements we must assume the other.
But that means that we either take for granted that firms maximise profit (in
which case we do not put the maximisation hypothesis to the test), or we
assume that marginal cost and marginal revenue are equal at the level of
output that maximises profit (in which case we cannot test the Equi-marginal
Principle in production).
The problem with the inability to test the two statements simultaneously is
that when the facts do not fit one statement then we can blame that failure to
predict on some problem with the second statement which is not being tested.
For instance if firms assumed to set marginal cost equal to marginal revenue
are shown to act in a manner that does not maximise profit, then the theorist
can argue that the reason why this is so may have to do with uncertainty over
(for example) marginal revenue which prevented the firm from setting
marginal cost equal to marginal revenue.
In the final analysis, the thought that firms set marginal costs equal to
marginal revenue, and by so doing maximise profits, is not testable.
11.4.3 Theory 3: Marx�fs theory of profit
As we saw in previous chapters, according to Marx, under capitalism all
economic value springs from human labour and therefore all profit comes from
the difference (retained by employers) between the value of workers�f labour and
the value of their time. Ostensibly this sounds like a hypothesis that can be put
to the test. However this is not as straightforward as it seems. The reason is that
Marx�fs theory comprises two (or more) hypotheses that cannot be tested
346 ANXIETIES
simultaneously (just like we could not test the two statements together in the
case of the Equi-marginal Principle in the theory of the firm above).
In the case of Marx�fs theory, the two statements are: All economic value comes
from human labour (statement 1) and All profit comes from the difference between the
value of labour and the value of labour time (statement 2). Again perhaps we can
study the extent to which the second statement is true empirically by
constructing measures of profit and observing how they fluctuate in time or
from industry to industry.
Suppose however that the second statement is predicting badly, e.g. we find
that profit increased when the difference between the value of labour and the
value of labour time shrunk. Do we reject the theory? Its opponents would
want us to. Its defenders, on the other hand, might blame the profit measures
used for not having been constructed in accordance to the theory�fs
assumptions (e.g. that profit reflects values determined in competitive capitalist
markets). Again one cannot pin down the theory by testing one of its
hypothesis if empirical failure (i.e. failure to predict) can be blamed on other
hypotheses of the theory that are not, at that time, being tested.
In conclusion, we cannot test both statements simultaneously which means
that Marx�fs vision of capitalism (just like the neoclassical views above) cannot
be proved right or wrong by empirical means.
11.5 How do we find out the truth when the �efacts�f are too
compromised?
In Chapter 1 I drew a comparison between the research agenda of classical
mechanics and neoclassical economics (see the boxes on p. 33). The last step
in each (Step 4) was to discover the worth of the theory by putting it to the
test. However, as we discovered in this chapter, this step cannot be taken in
economics with the aplomb that physicists are used to.
On the one hand, we have no laboratory in which to control the
conditions under which our economic data is usually derived. But even
when, as economists, we do perform experiments in a laboratory (an
increasingly fashionable pursuit) we are still stuck with human beings who
bring all sorts of ideas with them in it; ideas that we cannot control in the
same way that physicists do. Moreover, because economics deals with
people, any test of economic theory must be based on the presumption that
our subjects (i.e. the people whose behaviour we are observing) are rational.
The problem is that we are not sure ourselves what that means (see the
debate in Chapter 4). Even if some of us are confident that we know what
rationality means (e.g. the neoclassical economists who are content with the
idea of instrumental rationality in Chapter 2), we cannot put these ideas of ours
to the test.
The reason is that the neoclassical view of rationality is too sketchy, based
as it is on the assumption that objectives are fixed and that all that it takes to
DOES ECONOMIC THEORY MATTER? 347
be rational is that one deploys one�fs means efficiently. Hence if the facts do
not support the theory it is very easy to assume that subjects, after all, had
different objectives. One can always concoct a set of objectives that will
explain any observed behaviour. Moreover whereas a physicist cannot
normally blame atoms for not behaving as they should, or for not obeying the
rules governing their own behaviour, the economist can always salvage a
theory by blaming its failure on irrationality.
Politically inspired facts
During the 1980s, the British Conservative government changed the
definition of an �eunemployed person�f dozens of times. With every
redefinition, the rate of unemployment �efell�f.
In Australia in 1997, the newly elected conservative coalition
government considered changing the official measurement of inflation
by excluding interest payments and other prices �enot determined by
consumer markets�f. The reason was that doing so would reduce the
reported inflation rate and the government would save about A$400
million as the inflation-linked benefits to unemployed, pensioners,
mothers, etc. would not grow as fast. The moral of the story is that
macro-economic variables are not only difficult to measure objectively;
governments do not want them to be measured objectively either!
On the other hand, it is not just the problems that we encounter in an
economic laboratory which stop us from assessing economic theories by
looking at how well they predict. As economists we cannot even agree on the
economic facts �eout there�f (e.g. data on inflation, unemployment, etc.) because
they are based on untested, controversial, and politically motivated economic
theory. So, what do we do? How can we approach economic reality? If we
cannot appeal to the �efacts�f as the adjudicator between different economic
theories, how can we decide which theory is right and which wrong?
Rationalist appraisal of economic theories
What assigns economics its peculiar and unique position�cis the
fact that its particular theorems are not open to verifications or
falsification on the grounds of experience�cThe ultimate yardstick
of an economic theorem�fs correctness is solely reason unaided by
experience.
Ludwig von Mises, Human Action: A treatise on economics, 1949
348 ANXIETIES
The preliminary answer is that my neoclassical colleague who opened up this
chapter by pouring scorn on this book�fs commitment to theoretical debate
(e.g. discussing and scrutinising assumptions in order to assess different
theories) must have been ill founded. If a theory cannot, after all, be judged
according to how well it predicts the �efacts�f, then the substance of theory (that is,
its logical structure, its assumptions, the realism of the picture of men and
women that it is painting, etc.) must be important.
Indeed there is a long tradition in western social science and philosophy
which argues exactly the opposite case from that of my neoclassical critic:
different theories must be compared and judged according to how logically
they are structured and how much sense they make when we study them
(note the complete contrast between this approach and that of empiricism/
positivism). The following boxes illustrate such a view for economics. Its roots
can be found in the philosophy of Rationalism.
Rationalism defined
The view that reason rather than experience is the only or the main
source of knowledge, and hence that we have innate ideas, that is
concepts which pre-exist or shape our first encounters with the
world.
Rene Descartes: I think therefore I am!
When we become aware that we are thinking things, this is a
primary notion which is not derived by means of any syllogism.
When someone says �eI am thinking therefore I am, I exist�f, he does
not deduce existence from thought by means of a syllogism, but
recognises it as something self-evident by a simple intuition of the
mind.
Rene Descartes, Second Set of Replies, 1641.
Thus, Descartes suggests that the important truths are not a matter of
observation (accumulation of facts) but of logic and intuition.
The view of Ludwig von Mises in the box on p. 347, namely that we must
select between competing theories using judgment and reason alone, can be
traced back to the ideas of the French rationalist philosopher Rene Descartes,
who famously ended speculation as to whether we can prove that we exist by
saying: �eI think therefore I am�f. Descartes believed that a hypothesis or theory
can be judged by the use of reason and logic (see above box). It can be refuted
DOES ECONOMIC THEORY MATTER? 349
by showing that it was wrongly deduced or by refuting whatever it was
deduced from.
In contrast to the positivist/empiricist who argues that when a
hypothesis is opposed by the facts it is too bad for the hypothesis, the
rationalist would argue that when logic and mathematics contradict the
facts then we must rethink the way in which we compiled our �efacts�f.
Descartes believed in the unity of knowledge. He saw knowledge as a tree;
philosophy was its roots, mathematics and physics its trunk and the social
sciences its branches.
According to this account, a hypothesis (such as utility maximisation)
ought to be judged, not by its predictions, but by its logical coherence.
Descartes described a hypothesis as projectible (that is, convincing) if one
could show that it was formally deduced from a theory correctly lodged
further down the tree of knowledge. The first step would be to look at the
�eroots�f, that is the philosophy underpinning the theory. Is it appealing? If it
is, then go up the trunk of the knowledge-tree and examine its logical/
mathematical coherence. Finally end up at the tree�fs branches (the social
science descriptions and prescriptions that results from the theory): do they
contain wholesome suggestions about the world we live in? A theory that
passes these conceptual tests is accepted. Otherwise we are asked to return to
the drawing board.
In a sense this is the approach I followed in the critical chapters of Book 1
(i.e. Chapters 4, 7 and 10). The first question asked was: what is the
philosophy of the economics textbook models of individuals, firms, markets,
etc. Are they appealing? Later on I looked at the logical coherence of these
models (e.g. does it make sense to assume that having many competing firms
will necessarily lead price to average cost? .see Chapter 7). Finally I examined
the social implications of the models (e.g. what will a free-market society
populated by utility maximisers be like? Will it constitute the basis for the
Good Society?).
So, have we discovered, at long last, a way for deciding unequivocally
which theory is worth our while and which deserves to be discarded? No
such luck I am afraid. First, we are likely to disagree as to what
philosophical foundations (roots to the tree of knowledge) are desirable and
sound. Different views on human nature will spawn different social theories.
Second, many will insist that empiricism/positivism remains our best bet
even if the �efacts�f are contaminated or rely too heavily on theory. Just like
rationalists accuse them of being unable to construct meaningful tests in
order to distinguish between good and bad theory, they will return the
compliment by accusing rationalists of being impervious to the actual reality
surrounding them, too caught up with their �ereasoning�f to notice what is
happening in the world.
Of course the truth lies somewhere in the middle. It is just as silly to argue,
like committed positivists/empiricists do, that theory by itself does not matter
350 ANXIETIES
at all and human reason cannot arrive at the truth as it is ludi-crous to argue,
as fanatical rationalists would, that observation is unimpor-tant. One way of
blending the importance of reasoning and the pertinence of observation is to
say that, although facts have to be discerned from the world around us, they
can only be understood by means of judgment of the evidence in the context
of a theory which is soundly placed on Descartes�f tree of knowledge; not by
means of mechanistic calculation or observation.
In any event, it is by now clear (I hope) that every debate in economics,
even debates about how to settle debates, are highly political, philosophical
and ideological contests which reflect ancient differences between humans on
what social life is like and how it should be changed. It would be too
presumptuous and downright boring to think that all this can be solved by
some simple means (either by some empirical test or a pre-ordained rationalist
Is there anybody out there?
David Hume, the great empiricist philosopher who also had a hand in
creating the model of men and women in economics texts (see
Chapters 1 and 3), went as far as to argue against the existence of an
external world; one that exists beyond our perception. With this grand
claim he sought to impress upon us that our only chance of knowledge
is by trial and error. Modern doubts about empirical (e.g. laboratory)
tests give another spin to this claim. Consider the Heisenberg principle
on p. 340. Physicists have concluded that in so far as a quantum entity
behaves as either a wave or a particle, it does so in response to the
kind of question we ask of it. In an experiment testing its wave
properties, a quantum will behave as a wave. And in an experiment
testing its particle properties it will act as a particle. But since
everything in the cosmos consists of quantum entities, and since they
cannot be proved to exist �eobjectively�f, or to be �ereal�f, then there is a
temptation to conclude that the world exists because we are watching
it. Against this dead-end of empiricist thinking, Descartes�f contribution
is a breath of fresh air: I think therefore I do not need to prove to
myself or to anyone else that I exist. And if this is so, I can (through the
power of my reasoning) understand the world and the fact that it exists
independently of my senses.
The man who insists on proof is the man who never learns how wrong
he is
Karl Popper, Objective Knowledge, 1972
DOES ECONOMIC THEORY MATTER? 351
thought process). The theoretical battles in the social sciences, and in
economics, are old, fascinating and echo the skirmishes that have
characterised philosophical and political thought for centuries. As long as
there is more than one perception of human nature, they will continue. The
question then remains: how do we pursue knowledge? The English
philosopher Francis Bacon (1561.1626) answered this monumental question
metaphorically. In his First Book of Aphorisms he wrote:
those who have handled sciences have been either men of experiment
[NB empiricist or positivist] or men of dogmas [NB rationalist]. The
men of experiment are like ants, they only collect and use; the reasoners
resemble spiders, who make cobwebs out of their own substance. But
the bee takes a middle course: it gathers material from the flowers of the
garden and of the field but transforms and digests it by a power of its
own.
The trick is to know how to be a bee in social science.
11.6 So, do economic theories matter?
For positivists (or empiricists) especially those who like Milton Friedman take
instrumental rationality to its logical extreme, theories are useful tools only to
the extent that they generate predictions. Nevertheless the theory and its
assumptions as such do not matter at all. It does not matter whether we think
the assumptions are sound or realistic, whether the portrayal of human beings
by the theory resembles angels or devils, whether the models of production
offer an accurate picture of what happens in factories. All that matters is
whether these theories help us predict prices, quantities produced and sold,
wages, profit, and so on.
This positivist line is often used by neoclassical economists to scuttle
criticism of the realism and substance of neoclassical economic theory like that
in Chapters 4, 7 and 10. If it were correct, the life of economists (and of
students of economics) would be made easier. We would all compile our
theories, squeeze predictions out of them and then see which set of predictions
did better in the laboratory of social life. The ones that performed better
would be selected and the rest would be confined to the dustbin. Moreover as
a profession we would be in a position to move in unison and present the
world (and our students) a common position. Just like physicists, we would all
agree on the basics of our discipline reserving disagreement for new
hypotheses about esoteric matters (such as black holes on the other side of the
universe) which we have not had a chance to put to the test as yet.
Unfortunately economics is condemned (or perhaps blessed) to be
perpetually messier. As we saw in this chapter, there is no way we can conduct
ourselves like physicists. Given that our object of study (the human being and
352 ANXIETIES
human society) is not an object at all but the most subjective of subjects, our
theory is part of the world we are trying to explain, our predictions cannot be
tested and our data are heavily contaminated by our theories and ideas. This
messiness ensures that the core of our competing theories is beyond testing.
Thus no grand theoretical perspective (e.g. Keynesianism, neoclassicism,
Marxism, etc.) can be proved either right or wrong.
The result is that almost no economic theory has been abandoned in the
past 300 years. Unlike physicists who collectively laugh at some of the earlier
attempts to understand nature, long lost economic ideas can make thoroughly
legitimate comebacks. The popularity of economic theory (as argued
elsewhere in this book) has little or nothing to do with a confirmation of its
�escientific�f value and everything to do with the political and ideological twists
and turns. Meanwhile theories which have gone out of fashion retain their
following in economics departments and await for a comeback. For instance
the current in-vogue perspective (a neo-liberal, neoclassical based, faith in free
markets) used to be, in the 1950s, 1960s and up to the mid-1970s, a pariah
supported by economists who were considered either extreme or eccentric.
Today it is the turn for the more interventionist, Keynesian or socialist-leaning,
theorists to lie low and be branded as the eccentrics of the profession.
So, does economic theory matter? Enormously, is my answer. The reason
is, of course, political. Every prime minister, president, chancellor, treasurer,
even education minister, who wants to change our lives in accordance with his
or her political dogmas, utilises some economic theory in order to justify their
intervention (or non-intervention) in our lives. In centuries past, rulers used
religion in order to legitimise their deeds. Today they use economic theory.
Once upon a time, the greatest enemy was sin. Today it is economic
inefficiency. In the name of fighting against it, all sorts of policies are
introduced to save us from it. Behind the talk of expunging inefficiency,
however, lies a web of vested interests which we are never shown, blinded as
we are by the complex language of economics which is used to dress up those
interests and keep us in the dark. To recall Keynes�f words from the box on p.
280, �ePractical men, who believe themselves to be quite exempt from any
intellectual influences, are usually the slaves of some defunct economist.
Madmen in authority, who hear voices in the air, are distilling their frenzy
from some academic scribbler of a few years back�f.
This is the reason why we need to understand, scrutinise and demystify
economic theory: in order to prevent economists from confusing us and, in so
doing, assisting �emadmen (and madwomen) in authority�f from toying cruelly
with our lives; from impeding our participation in the shaping of society. In
short, economic theory matters because it is a huge political weapon if
understood by the few and looked at with ignorant fascination by the many.
In this sense, those who dislike economics (and economists) perhaps have
greater cause than anyone else to study economic theory carefully; at least
Voltaire would think so.
DOES ECONOMIC THEORY MATTER? 353
Voltaire and the Bible
Voltaire, the eighteenth-century atheist French writer, used to keep a
copy of the Bible on his desk. Asked why an atheist would want to do
that, Voltaire remarked that, being an atheist, he needed to understand
the Bible better than the faithful.
There is one final reason why economic theory matters: because it meddles,
quite violently, with our idea of ourselves and of the world around us. In
short, after we have studied economics we are unlikely to be the same person.
That is also true for physics or literature which have a profound civilising
effect on those who make an effort to plough through novels, poetry and texts
on quantum mechanics. The tragedy and travesty of economics is that
exposure to it is often detrimental to the character of the student. The last
chapter addresses this final anxiety.
Chapter 12
The curse of
economics
12.1 Economics can seriously damage your character!
It used to be said that for every school that is built, society can afford to
demolish one prison. The civilising influence of education is, happily,
universally acclaimed. Not only does it reduce violence but also it is a welltried
antidote against deprivation and discontent. An educated society is better
off even if (monetarily) poor. And yet there seems to be one type of education
which has the opposite effect on those who receive it: a modern training in
economics!
The experiments structure
Two players are asked to choose between (1) acting �eaggressively�f and
(2) acting �ecooperatively�f. They choose simultaneously and without
knowing who they are playing against. They are told that their rewards
will be determined as follows:
. If you play aggressively and your opponent cooperates you
get $10
. If both of you cooperate your payoff is $5
. If both of you act aggressively you receive $2
. If you cooperate when your opponent acts aggressively you
get nothing
Finally they are told that the same applies to their opponent.
THE CURSE OF ECONOMICS 355
Experiments have confirmed what some of us have suspected for a long
time: the way in which undergraduate economics is being taught has illeffects
on the character of the students. Robert Frank, an American
economist, conducted a series of experiments on the effect of an economics
training on our students and published the bleak results in the Journal of
Economic Perspectives (1993) (later reported in The Economist). The
experiments involved interactions between students which had the
structure of the free-rider problem (also known as the prisoner�fs dilemma)
in the previous box.
In brief, each subject had a choice between two strategies: be cooperative or
be aggressive. Both players would be better off financially if they cooperated
(i.e. if each played cooperatively) than if they both acted aggressively.
However, the best monetary payoff for each player was due if she played
aggressively when her opposite number cooperated. Equally, the worst
outcome for one occurred when she cooperated only to find out that her
opposite number played aggressively. The box summarises the structure of
this experiment.
Evidently both players would be better off if they cooperated than if they
clashed (each would receive $5 rather than $2). And yet neoclassical
economies�f definition of instrumental rationality recommends that players play
aggressively because one is better off doing so whatever one�fs opponent does.
Does this mean that economists recommend to their students that, given a
chance, they ought to cheat and be aggressive rather than take the risk of
cooperating?
Neoclassical economists will protest that this is not what they recommend.
As �escientists�f they simply point out that in games such as this, if players care
about money only, they are better off from an individual perspective being aggressive.
Of course, they would continue, it is better if people care about things other
than money; e.g. if they derive �eutility�f from the benefits reaped by others,
from achieving cooperation, etc. Nevertheless, if people care only about the
monetary payoffs, it is (instrumentally) rational to be aggressive even though
the end result is bad for all.
Robert Frank and his collaborators invited students to play this type of
game and observed their behaviour. They were seated in front of computer
terminals which explained the game to them and, shielded behind the
anonymity made possible by the computer, played these games against
opponents whom they could not see. To cut the story short, the experimenters
discovered that students of economics were significantly more aggressive (and
less cooperative) than students of other disciplines. Moreover they were more
pessimistic about the prospects of cooperation than all the rest and more prone
to cheating.
The question then arose: is it that economics attracts the less cooperative,
more ruthless young persons or is it that exposure to economics makes them
relatively more ruthless, pessimistic and aggressive? To find out, the
356 ANXIETIES
experiments were repeated as follows. First, they were conducted amongst
first year undergraduate students at the beginning of their studies. The
sample comprised students who had chosen to major in economics and
students who had chosen some other field of study. The experiments
showed that there was no difference between the two cohorts in terms of
their propensity to cooperate. Therefore no evidence was found supporting
the hypothesis that economics attracts misanthropes. Years later, when the
same students were about to graduate, the experiments were repeated. It
turns out that the economics students stood out from the rest: they were
more pessimistic, less cooperative, more aggressive. The conclusion is
inescapable: a training in economics significantly increases the probability
that a person becomes less sociable, more aggressive, less cooperative.in
short, miserable.
Should we worry about this? A neoclassical economist might defend
economics by arguing that we ought not to blame economics for making
students smarter in their pursuit of monetary gain. This is exactly what it
means to be instrumentally rational: a capacity to get what you want by
cleverly deploying the means at your disposal. What is wrong with that? A
number of things, is the answer. First, economics students playing the above
game against economics students will end up receiving much less money
than a group of otherwise educated students (e.g. philosophers or engineers)
who are more cooperative (notice that mutual defection, which is more likely
amongst economists yields $2 for each player as opposed to the $5 from
mutual cooperation). Thus if a training in instrumental rationality fails to
maximise the group�fs payoffs, surely it must be registered as a failure
according to its very own standards (which are all about getting more for
less).
Second, it seems to me that as economists we have done a major
disservice to our students by pretending that we have nothing to say about
what people ought to want and that we concentrate only on how they will get
whatever it is that they crave (recall that this was the main theme of Chapter
4). For instance in the context of the game above, we saw that neoclassical
economists would wash their hands of any blame concerning the
aggressiveness of players and claim that, though it is better if people care
about things other than money, if it is money that they want, it is
instrumentally rational to be aggressive. Where is the disservice? By labelling
the strategy �ebe aggressive�f instrumentally rational (and hence the strategy
�ecooperate�f instrumentally irrational), we signal to students that being a
miserable aggressor is somehow worthy while to be cooperative is to be a
�esucker�f (after all who wants to be irrational?). As teachers we are guilty of a
major assault on our students�f character; of indirectly (and thus in a most
cowardly way) influencing their motivation. We should be condemned by
educational authorities the world over.
THE CURSE OF ECONOMICS 357
12.2 Economics courses as indoctrination
12.2.1 Example 1: the economists�f narrative against cooperation
Consider again the game of the previous section. As we saw, students of
economics are trained to see the aggressive strategy as the rational choice. Is it
any wonder that they learn to cooperate less and become more suspicious of
others? When we ask people to play this game once against anonymous
opponents (whom they will never meet or be recognised by) neoclassical
economists, as we have already seen, expect that people will learn to act
aggressively (since this is the instrumentally rational) strategy.
Suppose however that we gave players a second chance. After having made
their selection, and after having found out what their opponents have chosen,
we give them a chance to change their minds. How should one play then?
According to neoclassical economics, a player should do the following: initially
one should select the cooperative strategy in the hope that, when one�fs
opponents find out, they will switch to the cooperative strategy. But then,
during the second round, one should switch to the aggressive strategy in order
to receive the maximum payoff of $10. Under no circumstances, the theory
continues, should the cooperative strategy be anyone�fs final choice (given that
�eaggressive�f remains the most profitable strategy regardless of what one�fs
opponent selects).
Consider what we teach our students: we teach them that deceit, cheating
and aggression are instrumentally rational while everything else is irrational. Is this
not a course in how to become a sad person? In reality we find in the
laboratory that people demonstrate a remarkable tendency to switch to the
�ecooperative�f strategy if they find out that their opponent chose �ecooperation�f
in the first instance. Not economics students though. How could they when
their teachers judge them according to how well they understood that not
cheating and cooperating is reserved for the unschooled and the irrational? Do
we really want to claim as a profession that we are not messing with the
character of our students?
12.2.2 Example 2: the economists�f dilution of the concept of social
responsibility
Imagine you are walking down the street when suddenly you spot an empty
can of beer on the pavement. You have a choice: (1) Take the trouble to pick it
up and carry it for about 500 metres until you come across a bin. Or (2) leave
it there. How do you decide? As economists we tell our students that, in such
cases, people rank (1) and (2) according to the net utility (i.e. utility minus disutility)
these options offer them (see Chapter 2). Option (1) gives a person
utility from knowing that she helped clean the city up, from doing the right
358 ANXIETIES
thing, etc. while it takes utility away because of the effort she needs to expend
to remove and dispose of the empty can. Option (2) does not provide her with
utility from doing good but, on the other hand, it involves no effort (and thus
dis-utility) on her part either. The decision between (1) and (2) will depend on
which of the two options generates most net utility.
Put yourself in the shoes of that person. Remarkably, it makes no difference
whether the can is there because you dropped it accidentally or you found it
lying there. The calculation of the utility from (1) or (2) is not affected by the
history of the can and your involvement in its current location; bygones are
bygones when it comes to utility calculations (since it is only current utility
that matters). You will choose (1) if you value a clean pavement and you
derive net utility from putting an effort into keeping it clean. And you will
choose (2) if moving on without delay or effort is a greater priority. Notice
once more that the balance of utility from the two options is the same
regardless of whether you dropped the can in the first place or someone else
did. The reason is that utility maximisation is a member of a family of
theories which philosophers refer to as consequentialism; that is, a theory of
action and choice which is based on the consequences (as opposed to the
history or character) of actions.
Briefly, the consequentialism of utility maximisation (and instrumental
rationality) demands that decisions are based solely on the basis of the
consequences of the various options under consideration. So, in this case,
the only relevant information is how much utility you will get from a canfree
pavement and how much effort (i.e. dis-utility) is involved in its
disposal. Nothing else matters other than the utility consequences of your
actions.
When we teach our students these ideas (especially when we do so
uncritically), we cannot avoid telling them indirectly yet powerfully that there
is no such thing as responsibility. It matters not whether we have littered the
From empty cans to exploitation
Extending the empty can example to more disturbing cases is
straightforward. Consider a person who is wretched and poor. Do
we help him financially? Yes, is the neoclassical economist�fs answer,
if we get utility from so doing which exceeds the utility lost when the
money is handed over. However, in this utilitarian logic it does not
matter whether this person is poor because of reasons external to us
or whether he is in such a pathetic state because we exploited him,
stole his assets and set him out on the street. In effect it recommends
that the exploiters bear no responsibility for the hardship that they
fashion.
THE CURSE OF ECONOMICS 359
street, or polluted the river, when it comes to doing something about it. What
matters is solely how much utility our actions will entail. The notion that
individuals must pick up their own rubbish because it is their duty to do so, is
a notion totally alien to neoclassical economics. By distancing our students
from such a notion, we do them another disservice.
12.2.3 Example 3: teaching that value exists only if it can be
quantified
Economists pride themselves as practical people. They like to talk in facts and
figures and leave fluffy notions for the philosophers, the psychologists and the
political scientists. Theoretically speaking, economists accept that the value of
things cannot be quantified fully since things have value to the extent that
they give people utility but utility cannot be quantified. However, entranced
by the idea of the market as the great mechanism which assigns things their
correct value, they tend to assume that market prices are a faithful guide to the
value society attaches to various things.
This is all understandable. How else can value be measured if one accepts
the main premises of neoclassical theory? Understandable it might be yet it is
also worrying from a pedagogical point of view. Consider a major bush-fire
which destroys acres upon acres of an ecologically vital forest. Following such
devastation, the country�fs national accounts will register an increase in
national wealth: the reason is simple. The trees, as well as the fauna and flora,
which were burnt to oblivion have no market price and thus their loss would
not appear in the deficit column of the nation�fs accounts. On the other hand,
the expenditure on petrol for the fire-fighting vehicles, the fire-fighters�f
overtime payments, etc. will be counted as additions to someone�fs income and
will, thus, boost the nation�fs total income.
What are we saying to our students? Directly (and correctly) we tell them
that ecological catastrophe cannot be evaluated since the ecosystem, however
valuable to humanity, has no market price. Indirectly, we tell them that as
economists we care more about the fluctuations in the price of oil than about
an oil spill capable of destroying the marine life of a whole ocean. Of course
economists should not be blamed for the way our society is structured. If it
fails to assign economic value to valuable things, it is not the messenger�fs (i.e.
the economist�fs) fault.
However, economists are to blame for not impressing sufficiently upon
students the inadequacy and irrationality of a society which is too stupid to
find a way of valuing things that are evidently of monumental value to
humanity, until they become someone�fs private property. We are also guilty of
idiocy of a grand scale when we pretend that these problems can be sold by
privatising the environment (that is, distributing property rights to individuals
or firms). In reality all we are doing is to concoct �esolutions�f compatible with
360 ANXIETIES
mainstream economic analysis not because of their merit but because of the
fact that they are consistent with the way we have been trained to think.
More generally, economists have been responsible in recent years for
promoting a free-market ethos in non-market institutions and areas of social
policy (schools, public hospitals, universities, etc.) whose purpose, ostensibly,
is to measure the value of hitherto non-quantifiable things (e.g. the
performance of teachers) in a bid to enhance efficiency but its result, very
often, is to devalue those practices. In Section 10.2.2 I gave an example of how
attempts (inspired by neoclassical principles) of quantifying valuable
contributions in education frequently end up demoralising teachers and cheapening
the educational process. As some Greek politician said in the 1960s, the
numbers prosper and the people suffer. Students of economics, raised in such
an environment, are trained as the apostles of this crusade for quantifying the
unquantifiable and devaluing the invaluable.
12.2.4 Example 4: the economists�f apology for inexcusable social
failures
In March 1995 the New York stock market suffered a sharp decline. Why?
Economists blamed it on the fact that too many people had jobs! Disturbing
figures from the US Commerce Department showed a fall in the rate of
unemployment from 5.5 per cent to 5.3 per cent and, horror of horrors, an
increase in the number of jobs by 705,000. �eMany economists believe that this
is dangerously close to full employment,�f wrote the International Herald Tribune.
We saw on p. 287 that neoclassical economists, having failed to artic-ulate a
believable theory of persistent involuntary unemployment, decided that
whatever unemployment exists must be natural. By baptising an
unemployment of 10 per cent natural, somehow it became acceptable. After all
who are we to go against nature and the natural order? This mentality is not
too dissimilar to that mocked by Voltaire in his Candide, which features a
character named Pangloss who was a committed follower of the creed that the
world we live in could not be better; that it is the best of all possible worlds
and, therefore, that any attempt to improve upon it is doomed and likely to
make things worse.
In pure Panglossian form, the economics profession seems to have
concluded (by majority rule) that, as long as inflation is kept under
control, the labour market cannot be improved without a fall in wages
and/or an increase in the intensity with which workers labour for their
employers�f benefit; that the observed rate of unemployment is natural as
long as the price system works decently (i.e. inflation is not accelerating)
and that any government attempt to reduce it is doomed. As economists
we can spend years debating these matters. However, as teachers, we must
pause and think about the effect of such theories on our students. Should
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we not be telling them: �eUnemployment is a waste and a scourge which, as
economists, we have failed to understand properly; it is your job, as the
next generation of economists, to help crack it�f? What are we telling them
instead? We tell them: �eUnemployment is natural (provided inflation is
kept on a leash).�f Are they to blame if, by deduction, they conclude things
could not be otherwise?
Selective sensitivity
In Chapter 3 we saw how economists, worried that interpersonal utility
comparisons would, perhaps, license authoritarian interventions in
people�fs lives (e.g. if it were possible to show that Jill would get more
from an apple than Jack, the State could be excused grabbing Jack�fs
apple in order to hand it over to Jill), took the step of abandoning
cardinal utility and declaring that one person�fs utility gains should
never be used as an economic excuse for another person�fs utility loss.
Commendable sensitivity to liberal ideals, one may conclude.
However, contrast this sensitivity to the ease with which the economics
profession is happy to support the misery of countless people following
�edown-sizing�f drives by governments and big business alike in pursuit
of �eefficiency�f. What happened to their reluctance to sanction, through
their economics, interventions in people�fs lives which cheat them of
sizeable �eutility�f?
12.3 The economics profession as a priesthood
Why do we teach economics the way we do? Why do we pollute the mind
of the young with the indirect indoctrination sketched out in the previous
section? To answer these questions it is important to understand how
disciplines evolve. They progress and establish themselves in a manner
reminiscent of ant colonies or human cults. Not just economics, but every
discipline (physics, mathematics, medicine, etc.) develop their institutions in
a manner which reflects only partly the quest for scientific truth. It is as if
the profession develops a strong collective interest which it pursues just like
bee or ant colonies pursue their species interest. Ironically, the idea of a
common interest, which proved so elusive within neoclassical economics in
Part 3 of Book 1, returns here to explain the evolution of the economics
profession.
Every profession succeeds if it manages to convince society in general and
university authorities in particular that it has valuable knowledge to
contribute. More precisely, to succeed a profession must establish mechanisms
which do three things:
362 ANXIETIES
1 fence out the charlatans who masquerade as �eexperts�f (that is, create
some monopoly power)
2 evaluate and rank each contribution according to its value (that is,
form a value-system)
3 convince society of its importance (that is, create a strong demand for
its wares).
Traditionally scientific societies, such as the British Royal Society, put into
place systems of peer review to ensure (1) and (2). Barriers to competition
from non-scientists were erected by testing younger scientists�f capacity to
replicate the work of more established ones. Later they were assessed on
their capacity to create new knowledge and different ranks were
apportioned (e.g. assistant, research fellow, professor, Nobel Prize winner).
Working their way through the hierarchy of their profession, eventually
they were recognised as experts in particular fields and went on to
scrutinise the next generation. Thus the professions evolved as social
hierarchies with their internal codes of conduct and their overall
objectives.
Of course the evolution of such hierarchies does not, by itself,
guarantee the profession�fs success. Society must be convinced that there
are gains to be had from subsidising a professional hierarchy. There
must be a significant demand for the profession�fs ideas. Prior to the
industrial revolution, scientific discoveries had little value. Indeed they
were valued only by royalty as a provider of interesting topics for
discussion around the dinner table. When social power shifted in the
direction of manufacturers (and away from the aristocracy), the natural
sciences became, for obvious reasons, all the rage. Once they established
their systems of peer review for inventions and discoveries, they became
their own advertisement and did not need to worry about marketing
their wares (i.e. task (3) in the list).
The building of bridges, the invention of the steam engine and the
telephone, all the magnificent developments made possible by the new
scientific disciplines, ensured that society at large apportioned enormous
value to those professions. Moreover their image was kept clean and
glorious by the public understanding that all those slightly weird
professors and engineers had the cruel laboratory to contend with.
However, far-fetched or monumental their theories may have sounded in
the lecture theatre (recall that back in the nineteenth century scientific
lectures were attended not only by scientists but also by socialites), their
legitimacy would be proved or disproved initially in the laboratory and
later at the construction site.
Unfortunately economics, in spite of the hopes of neoclassical
economists, could never emulate the social evolution of the natural
sciences. The main reason is that neoclassical economics was, let�fs face it,
THE CURSE OF ECONOMICS 363
merely a pretend natural science. We saw in Chapters 2, 5 and 8 how
economists have been trying their damnedest since the end of the
nineteenth century to turn economics into a kind of social physics; to
share in the glory of the natural sciences. They ingenuously adopted
instrumental rationality and utility maximisation in order to cleanse economics
of as much philosophy, politics, psychology and sociology as they could
and modelled its foundations along the lines of the queen of the natural
sciences at the time: classical mechanics (see Section 1.3). Then they set
up mechanisms, not dissimilar to those of the scientific societies, for peer
review and assessment of the economists�f work.
This is where the similarity with the splendour of physics, chemistry,
engineering and biology ends. The way neoclassical economics was
wrenched out of the rest of the social sciences and the political economy
tradition of Smith, Ricardo and Marx (i.e. the purge of all politics, history,
philosophy, psychology) meant that many highly intelligent students of a
society�fs economy were not interested in becoming part of the new
professional economics. Unlike physics where all physicists, regardless of
whether they liked or agreed with each other, belonged to the same
societies and argued in the same halls, professional economists were cut
off from economists unwilling to follow them down the road of
neoclassical economic theory. Moreover the new structures for peer
review, set up as they were to pursue and promote the new social physics
(i.e. neoclassical economics), erected a huge fence separating neoclassical
economists from everyone else who had interesting ideas about how
society works but disagreed with the neoclassical model of individuals and
of society.
This gulf between neoclassical economists and all other social theorists
with an interest in how economies work, could not be mediated in the
way that disputes were mediated in the natural sciences. In physics or
biology, experiments and the gathering of impartial data eventually settled
even the hottest of disputes. In economics the facts could not adjudicate in
the same way, for reasons amply discussed in Chapter 11. The result was
that the gulf between neoclassical economists and other economists grew
inexorably. It grew to the extent that the two camps did not even ask the
same questions about how societies and economies function.
Cordoned off from anyone who did not take kindly to its assumptions
and foundations, neoclassical economics faced the task (described as (3)
on p. 362) of impressing the world with its discoveries and contribution to
society. It lacked the persuasive power of the natural sciences; there were
no bridges, cars, aeroplanes or cures to promote the economics profession.
All they had was models of spiralling complexity which, at the end of the
day, promoted, by increasingly clever means, the view that the market
knows best. Especially in the mid-war period, when the public knew that
364 ANXIETIES
there was something wrong with the free-market economy, the economics
profession was finding it hard to sell itself to lay-people.
Nevertheless that same period was one of political turbulence. Capitalism
was in deep crisis, while the attempts at creating a socialist alternative in the
Soviet Union, as well as the encroachment of fascism in Europe and elsewhere,
gave economics a special place on the public stage. Neoclassical economics
appeared as the defender of �eliberal�f capitalism. Even if it could offer no cure to
the gigantic problems of the times, its value as the �escientific ideology�f of
capitalism was appreciated by universities and large parts of the social hierarchy.
The economics profession survived those lean years. Moreover it prospered later
when the iconoclastic Keynes imbued it with some of the forgotten political and
philosophical ideas of the nineteenth century and, in so doing, raised hopes that
economists could actually help society avoid many pitfalls.
And so the profession continued in the post-Second World War era (see
also Section 10.1 for more on the historical path of economics since the war).
The 1950s saw the development of the most important mathematical results of
neoclassical economics (e.g. the complex theorems on which the welfare
theorems discussed in Chapter 8 are founded). Their creators (economists like
Kenneth Arrow, Gerard Debreu and later Frank Hahn) did not live under the
illusion that their mathematics described the economy. They knew perfectly
well that they were simply discovering the mathematical conditions under
which certain theorems could be proved. Frank Hahn (b. 1925), to give one
example, wrote:
The great virtue of mathematical reasoning in economics is that by its
precise account of assumptions it becomes crystal clear that application
to the �ereal world�f could be at best provisional�cthe task we set ourselves
after the last war, to deduce all that was required from a number of
axioms, has almost been completed, and while not worthless has only
made a small contribution to our understanding.
(Hahn, �eRerum cognescere causas�f, 1996)
No matter what the real creators of neoclassical economics thought, this
brand of theory was unstoppable. By the time the heretical ideas of Keynes
An economist�fs confession
The 1996 Nobel Prize winner in economics, William Vickrey, when
asked by a Times reporter about his 1961 paper for which he was
awarded the Prize, commented: �eAt best, it is of minor importance in
terms of human welfare�f.
THE CURSE OF ECONOMICS 365
had been expunged from the profession (following the political and
economic developments of the 1970s and 1980s), and the socialist
alternative in Eastern Europe had collapsed (in the early 1990s), the
neoclassical project had succeeded almost totally. Its mathematical
theorems, which even its creators dismissed as inappropriate for assessing
the economic reality of capitalism, were hailed as the biblical scrolls on
which the free-market faith was founded. Taken totally out of their
mathematical context, the first two theorems of welfare economics (see
Chapter 8) have been underpinning every right-wing political turn. The
neoclassical orthodoxy�fs opponents are marginalised, all textbooks are
written in the spirit of neoclassicism, students are taught nothing else the
world over and journalists interview neoclassically trained (yet not
necessarily educated) economists (who lack the subtle understanding of
neoclassical theory�fs limits of an Arrow, a Debreu or a Hahn) every time
the stock exchange goes into a spin or inflation figures come in. Even
though neither the journalist, nor our students, like the neoclassical
economists (who have very little of interest to say about the real world
journalists must report on or students are interested in), they are immersed
in neoclassical rhetoric to the extent that they find it hard to think
differently or to engage with ideas which do not simply reduce to �emore
markets�f. This political tide silenced the voices not only of the opponents
of neoclassical models but also of their creators (see box below) whenever
the latter cautioned that their economic theories could not be used to draw
conclusions about the economy.
A creator ignored by the worshippers of his creation
Gerard Debreu (b. 1921) who, with Kenneth Arrow, proved some of
the most significant welfare theorems of neoclassical economics says
that �ethe theory�cis logically entirely disconnected from its
interpretations.�f Yet those practising neoclassical economics seem to
forget this and issue all sorts of recommendations on economic policy
(e.g. reduce wages, cut government expenditure, etc.) claiming that
this is what Debreu�fs theory suggests!
The victory of capitalism over socialism during the 1980s and 1990s was
echoed by another smaller victory in the corridors of social science faculties: the
domination of (neoclassical) economics over the rest of the social sciences.
Nowadays even sociologists, political scientists, anthropologists and historians
learn the model of human behaviour in Chapter 2 and try to use it in their
disciplines. Why? Neoclassical economists would argue that the reason is the
superiority of their analysis. As my critical chapters suggest, I do not agree.
366 ANXIETIES
More likely, the one feature of neoclassical economics which makes it successful
in today�fs society is the fundamental claim to be offering an apolitical, totally
objective and rational theory of society. Some of us may think that these are
false claims but they are, none the less, significant ones. Indeed I am convinced
that the popularity of neoclassical economics has nothing to do with its
contribution in helping us understand or improve society (which I think to be
non-existent) and everything to do with its image as a scientific, mathematised
and therefore apolitical defender of the social status quo.
To illustrate this point, suppose that limited funds are to be distributed
amongst sociologists, philosophers or economists. The sociologists, in their
application, promise to use the money to investigate the evolution of different
layers within the middle classes with a particular focus on the effect of internal
migration. The philosophers propose to organise an international conference,
with taxpayers�f money, to debate the concept of the Good Society. Finally the
economists outline their plan to measure the effect of a change in local
government taxation schemes on the productivity of exporting industries.
Which application is most likely to succeed? The economists seem to have
the best chance. Notice however that their success has nothing to do with the
value of the research itself. Instead it is determined by two things: first, their
application seems comfortably apolitical (and thus uncontroversial from the
point of view of the ministry). Second, the capacity of economists to market
their wares as scientific and practical. Even if totally useless to all intents and
purposes, the report on the effect of the structure of local taxes on export
performance sounds valuable in terms of dollars and cents in a manner that the
sociologists and the philosophers cannot compete against. What gives
economists an even sharper edge is the fact that all their theory is based on a
scientific-looking, yet simplistic, theory of individual behaviour. By
comparison the views of philosophers and historians seem (to governments
and grant councils) too muddled for words. In the end, the government
officials responsible for allocating taxpayers�f money think that they will find it
easier to explain why they gave the money to the economists if they are ever
asked to explain their decision. This is all that matters!
To recap, the success of neoclassical economics has been based on two
achievements: first, it erected a fence which kept out of economics
departments social scientists who doubted its foundations (e.g. utility
maximisation as a basis for building a theory of society). Second, it built a
narrative which appealed to governments, to business and, generally, to the
strong and powerful in society. Based on that narrative, it marginalised the rest
of the social sciences and became their undisputed queen. The result was that
most of the funds for the social sciences were being appropriated by economics
departments. To give you a tangible example, in my university economists
until recently received a salary bonus (unlike philosophers, sociologists and
other social scientists) as recognition of our �emarket value�f. Effectively, the
economics profession has succeeded, on the back of the neoclassical approach
THE CURSE OF ECONOMICS 367
to social theory, to convince the powers that be that we are the only �ereal
scientists�f amongst the social sciences.
Indeed the more neoclassically inclined a department, the greater the funds
that it attracts from other sources (e.g. ministries, business, research councils).
In a never-ending circle, the greater the success at attracting funds, the more
likely that aspiring economists will want to join them. Predictably, ambitious
young economists would be mad to do anything other than acquire a solid
training in neoclassical economics and attempt to become successful
neoclassical practitioners. The icing on the neoclassical cake came when
sociologists and other non-economists paid neoclassical economists the highest
complement by borrowing their models (mainly those of Chapter 2) in order
to share a piece of the action (and the funding). Thus economics became the
grand imperialist within social science faculties.
What I find fascinating is that this momentous success is so disproportional
to the �escientific�f contribution of the economics discipline. In the
natural sciences, the output of research can be judged simply: did the
aeroplane you promised to design fly or did it hit the ground at enormous
speed? In economics, however, there is no such simple test. Indeed,
throughout this book we have encountered weakness after weakness and
(conceptual) problem after problem. As we saw in Chapters 4, 7 and 10,
economists�f views on the individual, the firm, markets and the State are
rudimentary and full of contradictions. Moreover Chapter 11 explained that,
unlike engineering or chemistry, the theories cannot be discarded or celebrated
on the basis of their performance (the reason being that their performance
cannot be assessed independently of the theory). So, how come economists�f
views have been so successful?
The answer is that the profession has managed to weave a web of interlocking
explanations of all sorts of phenomena and to market that web
effectively After a while, professional economists have stopped caring altogether
about the truth-status of their theories. What they do care about is that their
theories are seen by others (e.g. the government, the public, business, etc.) to hold
water. In the words of economist Alan Kirman (1987), economists do not care
enough about the seaworthiness of their vessel (i.e. of their theory). As I
Much ado about nothing
There is something scandalous in the spectacle of so many people
refining the analysis of economic states which they have no reason
to suppose will ever�ccome about�cIt is an unsatisfactory and
slightly dishonest state of affairs.
Frank Hahn, addressing the Econometric Society, 1968
368 ANXIETIES
mentioned in passing earlier, economists care about success and their success is
best understood in sociological, or perhaps anthropological, terms. The
English social anthropologist E.E.Evans-Pritchard (1902.73) analysed the
social success of the priesthood within the Azande society, as well as their
continuing dominance, in spite of the fact that the priests and the oracles failed
to predict or avert disasters. His explanation of the Azande�fs unshakeable
belief in witchcraft, oracles and magic goes like this:
Azande see as well as we that the failure of their oracle to prophesy truly
calls for explanation, but so entangled are they in mystical notions that
they must make use of them to account for failure. The contradiction
between experience and one mystical notion is explained by reference to
other mystical notions.
Evans-Pritchard, Witchcraft, Oracles and Magic among the Azande, 1937
Economics is not much different. Whenever it fails to predict properly some
economic phenomenon (which is more often than not), that failure is
accounted for by appealing to the same mystical economic notions which
failed in the first place. Occasionally new notions are created in order to
account for the failure of the earlier ones. For instance, the notion of natural
unemployment was created in order to explain the failure of the market to
engender full employment and of economics to explain that failure. More
generally, unemployment and excess demand (or supply) is �eproof�f of
insufficient competition which is to be fought by the magic of deregulation. If
deregulation does not work, more privatisation will do the trick. If this fails, it
must have been the fault of the labour market which is not sufficiently
liberated from the spell of unions and government social security benefits.
And so on.
In conclusion, the success of neoclassical economics, just like the success of
the Azande�fs priesthood, is due to the fact that it offers full explanations of its
failures. It is also due to the capacity of its priesthood to maintain its position
of monopoly on economic witchcraft by ensuring that only neoclassical
The rituals of economics
Every cult has its rituals. This is how Ronald Coase, a Nobel Prize
winner in economics, describes those that economists subject their
students to: �eThe new theoretical apparatus had the advantage that one
could cover the blackboard with diagrams and fill the hour in one�fs
lectures without the need to find out anything about what happened in
the real world.�f
Ronald Coase, The nature of the firm, 1978
THE CURSE OF ECONOMICS 369
economists are listened to. All that it takes for this to be so is that those who
want to become economists feel the need to become part of the priesthood.
Another fascinating aspect of the profession is that, unlike the Azande, in
the economics profession there are no head-priests with the capacity to
silence the infidels. Anyone can write a book which criticises neoclassical
economics. Indeed, many do. However, as I claimed earlier, in an academic
environment in which financial success (and by extension fame and power)
comes to the departments of economics which are more central to the
neoclassical project, economists have a strong vested interest to publish in
journals and book series which specialise in neoclassical economics. Even
economists who disagree strongly with the neoclassical approach are under
enormous (often self-imposed) pressure to publish articles which are
acceptable to the neoclassicists because, otherwise, they will not be helping
their department in the quest for funding (and by extension they will be
undermining themselves).
In the end, the non-neoclassical (or anti-neoclassical) books and articles
either will not get published (since publishers find that the market value of
their products is positively linked to their neoclassical content) or will be
assigned a lowly notional value by the profession. Why? Because if, as an
economist, you are agonising about how you will manage to write and publish
in the neoclassical genre, reading an anti-mainstream piece does not help.
What you need is some neoclassical text which will give you ideas about how
to alter your neoclassical model so as to make it more marketable. Thus the
demand for non-neoclassical work is low. There is nothing like low demand to
reduce quantity and economic value. In the end the non-neoclassical voices
are silenced without ever being persecuted.
Turning to students of economics, if one wants to become an academic,
one is likely to want to be considered a successful economist. Given the
dominance of neoclassical economics, this means that the aspiring student will
have to go through rigorous induction into neoclassical techniques; through
many years of positing utility and cost functions, maximising or minimising
them and then inspecting the various equilibrium solutions given different
assumptions about information, preferences and the like. On graduation, one�fs
Truth in teaching
It seems paradoxical beyond endurance to rule that a manufacturer
of shampoos may not endanger a student�fs scalp but a premier
education institution is free to stuff his skull with nonsense.
Judge Howlson, quoted by Robert Clower, �eEconomics as an
inductive science�f, 1994
370 ANXIETIES
chances of getting a job will depend on one�fs ability to add a small patch to
the neoclassical web of explanations. Approximately ten years after the first
fledgling steps as an economist, he or she will have become part of the
priesthood.
By contrast if a bright student decides that the neoclassical way of thinking
has little merit, it takes a heroic disposition to decide to submit oneself to
many years of neoclassical training in the hope of becoming established
professionally and only then articulating one�fs objections. Such intelligent
students will either abort their anti-neoclassical sentiments or move to another
department, e.g. history, mathematics, sociology or anthropology. Either way,
the norms of the economics profession will have been perpetu-ated even
though no individual or group of individuals has conspired to perpetuate them
(i.e. a version of Adam Smith�fs invisible hand.see p. 17 .determining the
character of economics).
12.4 Payback time: economics departments in crisis
Despite its decisive victory over the rest of the social sciences, economics is
gradually becoming the victim of its own success. In most universities, student
numbers have fallen drastically and, as a result, economics departments are
facing significant cuts in their funding. Management, accounting, marketing,
advertising and public relations are emerging as competing �edisciplines�f and
find it extremely easy to persuade students to abandon economics. Between
1992 and 1994 the number of undergraduates majoring in economics fell by
15 per cent in the USA. At elite liberal arts colleges the drop was more than
30 per cent. Whereas until recently social science students had a basic choice
between political science, philosophy, sociology or economics, now that freemarket
ideology has prevailed, those who want to succeed in the free-market
find courses in economics rather unhelpful (compared to marketing or
accounting courses). It is as if neoclassical economics fought the intellectual
and ideological war on behalf of markets and, now that it has been declared
the victor, it is being discarded.
The major threat to the economics profession is the mushrooming of
these new �edisciplines�f. Nevertheless this development is not independent of
Drifting
Two balloonists, after drifting for days in stormy weather, see a house.
They descend over it and ask a man who came out to see what they
wanted: �eWhere are we?�f they ask. �eIn a balloon�f, the man replies: �eHe
must be an economist�f remarks one of the balloonists. �eTotally rigorous
and utterly useless.�f
THE CURSE OF ECONOMICS 371
the evolution of economics. Back in the 1920s and 1930s, the great question
was: should a society rely on the market for coordinating economic activities
or should we plan them centrally? In other words, the debates were heated,
interesting, politically crucial. Neoclassical economists fought the pro-market
corner fiercely. Later on, in the 1960s and 1970s, the focus shifted somewhat
but the essence remained: should governments try to strike some balance
between inflation and unemployment or should they combat inflation at all
cost? Again, the debate was highly charged and the battles central to
political life.
With these debates raging, and before they were won conclusively by
neoclassical economics, the latter was recognised as essential. Once,
however, it won these debates hands down (that is, by the late 1980s), the
lack of serious opposition to the ideology of the market meant that the
neoclassical defence of that ideology also lost a great part of its importance.
Government departments and employer organisations no longer needed to
recruit (as they did in the past) graduates with a rigorous training in
theoretical defences of the market mechanism. Instead they turned to those
with practical skills. Most companies demanded that their recruits know
about advertising, marketing and accounting rather than about the
mathematics behind neoclassical theory�fs welfare theorems. Add to that the
fact that these disciplines (e.g. marketing) are far less demanding on
students�f brain cells, and you will see why the demand for economics
courses dropped spectacularly.
As for large banks and government departments which need economists for
forecasting purposes, they are disenchanted by academic economists and
econometricians. Why? Because the latter are highly rigid, indeed almost
fanatical, in their assumptions about how well markets behave, how
instrumentally rational people are, how incompetent governments must always
be, etc. Students who are trained to think in this manner are simply not very
good at predicting real events brought about by the actions of real people. A
past chairman of one of the largest commercial banks (Morgan Stanley in
Wall Street) recently explained that when they look for new staff �ewe insist on
at least three to four years�f cleansing experience to neutralise the brainwashing
that takes place in these graduate programmes�f. In short, neoclassical
economics is on the decline not only in terms of student demand but also in
terms of respectability. An article in the New Yorker magazine (December
1996), entitled �eThe decline of economies�f, proposed that the Nobel Prize be
scrapped. Its opening line read: �eJohn Maynard Keynes was one of the most
revered men of his time. Fifty years later, where are his successors?�f
12.5 In defence of economics
The British author Iris Murdoch once wrote (in her excellent Gothic novel
The Unicorn, 1963) that �eit is the punishment of a false God to become unreal�f.
372 ANXIETIES
This seems to be the unfolding fate of economics. Yes, it succeeded in
becoming the queen of the social sciences, but it ended up holding a poisoned
sceptre. With its success founded not on undisputed scientific truth but,
instead, on the late-twentieth-century historical and political victory of the
ideology of the market, its students are now abandoning it and its dominance
is becoming increasingly irrelevant.
Economists all over the world are wondering why students are leaving our
courses in droves. Why it is that we are becoming �eservice�f teachers for other
courses (that is, we increasingly teach compulsory introductory economics
courses to unwilling accounting and marketing students, rather than courses
in advanced economic theory to students who make it their choice to study
economics) and have a thousand students in our first year but only twenty in
our final year. The answer is to be found in the intellectual aridity of
economics textbooks. Reread Section 12.2 and ask the question: do intelligent
students not feel short-changed by such a callous approach to social life? Of
course they do and this, together with the ill-explained emphasis on highly
complex techniques, is why they abandon economics. In my experience (and
that of most of my colleagues), the vast majority of our students have a
particularly low opinion of economics. Indeed there is no other discipline I
know (save perhaps accounting) which is so despised by its students. How can
they think otherwise when we peddle ideas such as those in Section 12.2
incessantly?
Some may ask: but why did hordes of students take economics in the
early 1980s? Were we not teaching the same things? The answer is that,
although our textbooks are more or less the same, back then economics
was still a contested terrain. There was still a socialist Eastern Europe to
pose as an alternative (however miserable) economic system. Nonneoclassicists
and market-sceptics still had a discernible voice within
From students of rational allocations under scarcity to
idiots savants
In 1991 the United States�f Commission of Graduate Education in
Economics, a group of twelve eminent (mostly neoclassical)
economists, issues a report expressing the fear that the universities
were churning out a generation of �eidiots savants, skilled in technique
but innocent of real economic issues�f. Anne Krueger, Economics
Professor at Stanford University, who headed the Commission, later
wrote: �eThat report took a lot of time and energy on the part of
everyone involved. Yet, basically, if only the report and a pin had
dropped at the same time, the pin would have sounded noisy.�f
THE CURSE OF ECONOMICS 373
economics departments and prompted interesting debate. Thus economics
was an extension of crucial political disagreements and there was a
demand for neoclassical defences of free-markets. In a sense, economics
was the highest form of political debate. The complete domination of
neoclassical economics ended all this. Economics became a set of
techniques that students were asked to emulate mechanistically. Why
should they bother, especially when other simpler and practical techniques
were on offer (e.g. marketing)?
In summary, economics built its success on the claim that it had
expunged politics, philosophy, sociology, psychology and history from a
theory of society. This was, as we have seen in this book, a clever political
strategy. However, once it succeeded, what was left was a colourless and
complicated economic theory, foundationally disconnected from economic
reality, which could neither address the big issues (e.g. which ecological
strategy is in the public interest) nor stir the passions amongst the young.
The moment �epractical�f competitors (e.g. marketing) with greater market
value (fewer demands on one�fs brain) appeared in universities and colleges,
the game was lost.
A forgotten prescription for on education in economics
The study of economics does not seem to require any specialised
gifts of an unusually high order. Is it not, intellectually regarded, a
very easy subject compared with the higher branches of
philosophy and pure science? Yet good, or even competent,
economists are the rarest of birds. An easy subject at which very
few excel! The paradox finds its explanation perhaps, in that the
master-economist must possess a rare combination of gifts. He must
reach a high standard in several different directions and must
combine talents not often found together. He must be
mathematician, historian, statesman, philosopher.in some degree.
He must understand symbols and speak in words. He must
contemplate the particular in terms of the general, and touch
abstract and concrete in the same flight of thought. He must study
the present in the light of the past for the purposes of the future. No
part of man�fs nature or his institutions must lie entirely outside his
regard. He must be purposeful and disinterested in a simultaneous
mood; as aloof and incorruptible as an artist, yet some-times as
near the earth as a politician.
John Maynard Keynes, quoted in Robert Heilbroner, The Wordly
Philosophers, 1953
374 ANXIETIES
What should happen now? I have already expressed my view on this in the
book�fs preface: we should give the passions another stir; rediscover the politics
and the philosophy which are already lurking in between the lines of
economics textbooks. Only if we do this will we revitalise economics and
attract students to our ever so complex and dull discipline.
Should we bother? Has the time not come to admit that economics overreached
itself? That, following the wonders of the industrial revolution and
the elevation of the economy to a privileged position in our collective psyche,
society no longer needs grand stories like those of Adam Smith or Karl Marx
or even of the neoclassical economists? Perhaps what societies now need is
technicians (e.g. experts in marketing, finance, accounting, etc.) rather than
story-tellers.
The above would be the right conclusion if we have, as claimed by some,
arrived at the end of history; at a historical juncture where all the great
conflicts are settled and all the great questions answered, leaving behind a
series of smaller problems which can be resolved by technical means.
This view of humanity at the end of history gained credence after the
collapse of the Soviet Union and its allies. If correct, it would mean that
everyone has become part of the same world-system and ruled by the laws of
the market, concerned only with how to increase their efficiency and market
value. Under such circumstances, with societies totally embedded in markets,
and with each one of us featuring solely as buyers and sellers in a
homogeneous international market, there would be no need for grand stories
(save perhaps the occasional reciting of Adam Smith�fs invisible hand) to help us
conceive of our world. Economics, as imagined by the great economists,
would give its place to localised specialists in finance, insurance, taxation,
marketing, and so on.
But have we �earrived�f? Or is it that we live in a new �eMiddle Ages�f, a period
devoid of clarity but pregnant with new tectonic shifts of economic and social
relations which will lead to new heated debates (note how stagnant the Middle
Ages were before the eighteenth-century revolutions)? Only history will tell.
For my part, I know two things.
First, a false feeling of having �earrived�f at our destiny threatens to lead us
to the most idiotic of servitudes. To a life of constant recapitulation of
textbooks, to a slavish acceptance of whatever is as the best of all possible
realities, and to the demise of the natural human curiosity about how the
world really works.
Second, if the current state of things is our destiny, it is a pretty miserable
one. We live in a world capable of feeding itself many times over and yet this
increasing capacity goes hand in hand with accelerating misery for the many
and spiralling opulence for the few. This contradictory coexistence of (1) an
ever-developing technical capacity to make everyone better off and (2) a
constant worsening of the living conditions of the majority, signals a
fundamental irrationality in the way society is structured.
THE CURSE OF ECONOMICS 375
These two points combine in the following simple conclusion: economics
must become once again a vibrant terrain on which armies of different ideas
about how social and economic relations, the State, markets, institutions, etc.
clash. Without such a debate about the big issues the totalitarianism of
privilege and idiocy beckons.
The only antidote to such totalitarianism is to delve into time-honoured
economic, political and philosophical debates. This book was based on this
philosophy. The gallant reader who has reached thus far will have gathered
that I am not one of neoclassical economies�f greatest fans. Nevertheless I wish
to urge you to study neoclassical economics carefully and enthusiastically. It is
a magnificent edifice, beautifully constructed and full of well-hidden politics
and philosophy. By approaching it critically, the student will gain an
unmissable glimpse of the highest form of defence of the capitalist society we
live in. Does it tell the truth?
I do not think so. Personally I think it offers a wonderfully spurious
apology for an irrational system based on an inadequate model of human
nature and on a misleading analysis of the manner in which we produce and
reproduce our material existence. Of course I am in the minority and you
should not pay much attention to my conclusions. Draw your own. But why
do I, a declared enemy of neoclassicism, urge you to study it?
For the same reason I would urge you to study in detail the myths and
magic of the Azande if you wanted to understand their society. Also because
the difference between a decent society and a despicable one is that the former
Why read dead economists?
Because of a peculiar feature of social theory: it is possible to lose
sight of what was once more clearly seen, and it is possible to discard
truth together with the mistakes with which it became entangled.
Lifting the curse!
Approaching economic ideas critically, and philosophically, is the best
antidote to the ill-effects (discussed in Section 12.1) of a mechanistic,
pseudo-technocratic, neoclassical training. Regardless of whether
students agree or disagree with criticisms such as those in Chapter 4,
the experience of such debate shields them from the odious
characteraltering effects of contemporary economics. Additionally it
might encourage the excellent students which are now lost to the other
humanities to stick to economics and help humanise it.
376 ANXIETIES
is populated by curious people who constantly try to work out how things are,
and how others believe them to be, in order to envision how they ought to be.
And to work out one�fs ideal society, the first thing one should study is that
society�fs dominant ideology.
In societies past, the dominant ideology was religion, mythology,
witchcraft. These were the ideas forming the web of beliefs which acted as
the glue holding together society�fs institutions, gave priests and leaders
power over their subjects and determined the capacity of society to hang
together.
In today�fs society, religion has been substituted by neoclassical
economics. It is the ideas, the diagrams and the far-fetched assumptions in
economic textbooks which underpin contemporary society�fs web of beliefs
about the inevitability of markets, the joys of competition, the merits of
privatisation, the sinfulness of Pareto inefficiency and the blessed
powerlessness of government.
Think big!
Great ideas share skulls with foolish thoughts. Nonsense runs
with greatness, like vermin in a zoo, and no intellectual
pesticide can guarantee to kill it and leave truth alive. Common
sense has a particularly bad track record as a check on what is
possible.
P.Cambell, reviewing Great Mambo Chicken and the
Transhuman Condition by Ed Regis, in the London Review of
Books, 1993
Neoclassical economics is therefore the source of today�fs legends, rituals,
spells and sermons. To understand how current social arrangements and
political structures are maintained despite the contradictions and centrifugal
forces that threaten to tear them apart, there is no better place to start
looking than an economics textbook. Approach it critically and you will be
rewarded.
The most crucial point in all this is that one does not need to entertain
expectations of learning the �etruth�f from such study to make it exciting and
worthwhile. An anthropologist studying some tribe learns much about its
social reality by examining their creation myths. Yet these myths do not
contain much truth about how the world was created. None the less they
contain masses of information about that tribe�fs history as well as its social
and economic reality.
THE CURSE OF ECONOMICS 377
Similarly with neoclassical economics. Even if I am right that it contains
very little actual truth about economics, what makes it a fascinating source of
insights is the fact that it is the dominant ideology (or mythology) of our era.
And if you find, as some of us did, that after years of travelling the highways
and narrow alleys of neoclassical theory you have returned to the beginning
without much knowledge about the actual economy, the journey will not have
been in vain. You will have returned wiser and immune to the lies of
economists and the deceptions of politicians who employ economists to weave
their poisonous webs.
Further reading
The main reason for writing this book was a lack of sources to which I could
refer my students for a more wholesome diet than that offered by conventional
textbooks. The problem with books and articles which treat their reader to the
fascinating debates is that they are too hard for beginners; especially for
today�fs university environment which is more demanding on first year
undergraduates�f time than once was the case. Thus in order to achieve
maximum emphasis I will confine myself to a small number of suggestions for
further reading.
The one book you must read
First, I must recommend Robert Heilbroner�fs bewitching introduction to the
evolution of economic ideas entitled The Wordly Philosophers (1953). If you are
to read one book beyond the standard economics textbook (and perhaps the
one you are holding), attempt this one; you will not regret it.
Textbooks
The first economics textbook which set the scene for today�fs multi-colour
glossy door-stops was written by Paul Samuelson (first published in 1948). It
is entitled Economics and is published by McGraw-Hill (I have lost count of
which edition it is currently in). It is the most famous text since the Second
World War and, still, the most interesting (notwithstanding my overall
displeasure with economics textbooks). All the textbooks have since
attempted to emulate Samuelson and, as is always the case with imitators,
they succeeded only partially. Those of you with a sense of textbook history
will benefit from reading Samuelson�fs mega-hit.
FURTHER READING 379
An economist�fs ambition
I don�ft care who writes a nation�fs laws.or crafts its advanced
treatises.as long as I can write its textbooks.
Paul Samuelson
If you want something more contemporary, helpful on a day-to-day basis
(especially for first year economics students) and with an appreciation of the
limitations of economics and the importance of history and political debate,
try the large (though not expensive) volume which was put together by the
economists at the Open University. Being part of a distance-learning
institution, the Open University team (comprising M.Mackintosh, V.Brown,
N. Costello, G.Dawson, G.Thompson and A.Trigg) edited a book that
students can read independently as opposed to a reference manual to be
consulted after a lecture. Its title is Economics and Changing Economies (published
by the Open University in association with Thomson Business Press in 1996).
It contains chapters on everything that you are likely to encounter in your first
(perhaps even your second) year as an undergraduate and each topic is treated
sensitively and with a humility that is uncommon (unfortunately) amongst
economics texts. If you want to improve your essay skills and dazzle your
tutor with your command of particular topics, don�ft miss this book.
If you wish for something smaller and somewhat simpler (e.g. if you are an
interested general reader rather than a student worried about particular
assignments), I suggest Robert Heilbroner and Lester Thurrow�fs Economics
Explained (Simon and Schuster, 1994). On the other hand, if you want a
�ecutting-edge�f neoclassical textbook, I find Robert Frank�fs Microeconomics and
Behavior (McGraw-Hill, 1993) to be the most (although still insufficiently)
open-minded of the introductions to neoclassical thinking.
Unconventional textbooks
I will mention only two. For a holistic, open-minded and rather
comprehensive approach to economics, I suggest Vicky Allsopp�fs
Understanding Economics (Routledge, 1995). Allsopp manages to remain well
within the mainstream while reorganising the various topics in such a way as
to make it easier for the beginner to see economic thinking as more than
technical gymnastics. For instance, she offers her readers a chapter on �eLaw,
custom and money�f which is a far better introduction to the concept of
money (not an easy one!) than the standard chapters on money demand,
money supply, assets, etc. which pollute most textbooks. Additionally
Allsopp offers a comprehensive chapter on �eInvestment�f, a much neglected
yet crucial topic.
380 FURTHER READING
The second suggestion here is one for those of you whose appetite was
whetted by the glimpses of non-neoclassical economic theory in this book. If
you wish to explore those ideas further, a good place to start is Malcolm
Sawyer�fs Introduction to Radical Economics (Macmillan, 1989). There you will find
simple introductions to the Ricardian, Marxist, Neo-Keynesian and Neo-
Austrian ideas mentioned in this book�fs more critical chapters (primarily
Chapters 6 and 7).
The road to paradise
Let�fs face it: economics is boring most of the time. Economists�f best efforts (of
course I include myself in this sad category) are unlikely to offer excitement
and reading pleasure for more than a few moments. To punctuate the
boredom, I suggest that you move to the borderline between economics and
the other social sciences. That is the way, if not to heaven, to less arid fields of
thought.
Looking at books I enjoyed as a student, one book whose effects I have
tried to emulate here is Economics: An anti-text, edited by Francis Green and
Peter Nore (Macmillan, 1977), a book devoted to countering the brainwashing
of economics textbooks. I also recall fondly another book whose influence
stays with me today: Ed Nell and Martin Hollis�fs Rational Economic Man
(Cambridge University Press, 1976). I remember it was hard-going in parts
but lucid and simple, as well as very exciting, in other parts. Much of my
Chapters 4 and 11 have been inspired by that book. Unfortunately time has
left its mark on it and it will perhaps seem somewhat dated to a fresh pair of
eyes. None the less it may still be a good idea to borrow a well-thumbed copy
from a library for perusal. Since then Nell and Hollis have published other
books which are more up to date. Nell�fs Making Sense of a Changing Economy:
Technology, markets and morals is an interesting read (Routledge, 1996). However,
again with a view to narrowing down your �eshopping list�f, I want to urge you
to read some of Hollis�f work. (If you could see and hear me I would be
gesticulating very energetically in support of this recommendation!)
Although not an economist (Hollis is a philosopher), his writings pack great
insight and inspiration for students of the economy. Have a look at his
enticing (and easy-going) The Philosophy of Social Science: An introduction
(Cambridge University Press, 1994). And if you feel more adventurous and
altruistic to your future self, tackle two more of his books: Reason in Action
(1996) is a collection of articles on many philosophical issues central to
economics (e.g. the free-rider problem) whereas The Cunning of Reason (1987) is
a wonderful investigation on what it means for a social animal to be rational.
Be warned: these two books (both published by Cambridge University Press)
are hard work for first year students and you are unlikely to plough through
their entirely. Nevertheless even reading bits of them, and making a point of
returning to them in the years to come, will fill you with joy and pride.
FURTHER READING 381
Dead economists and their legacy
Having read Robert Heibroner�fs Wordly Philosophers (which you will do if you
want me to speak to you again!), you may crave more material on the ideas
of the dead economists who are responsible for the debates and concepts
squirming in our heads today. In Worldly Philosophers�f last edition, the author
makes a number of useful suggestions on what to read on Smith, Ricardo,
Marx, Veblen, and others. Consult it carefully and choose according to
whatever it is that has tickled your imagination. Finally let me suggest a
couple of books by non-economists that tackle brilliantly parts of the legacy
left behind by the dead economists: Karl Polanyi�fs The Great Transformation (a
beautiful book, published in 1944 by Farrar and Rinehart, on how silly it is
for modern economists to try to assume that their understanding of values
and motives are timeless and apply in all societies) and C.B.Macpherson�fs
The Political Theory of Possessive Individualism (published by Oxford University
Press, in 1962 a masterful critique of the philosophy of neoclassical
economics).
Enjoy your freedom from the textbook!
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Smith, A. ([1776] 1976) An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations,
Oxford: Clarendon.
Sraffa, P. (1975) The Production of Commodities by Means of Commodities: Prelude to a critique of
political economy, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Sweezy, P. (1972) Modern Capitalism and Other Essays, New York: Monthly Review Press.
Titmuss, R.M. (1970J The Gift Relationship, London: Allen and Unwin.
Walras, L. ([1874] 1954 Elements of Economics, transl. W.Jaffe, London: Allen and Unwin.
Wood, E.M. (1994) �eFrom opportunity to imperative: the history of the market�f,
Monthly Review, 46, 14.40.
Aesop 97.8, 100, 101, 109
Allsopp, V. 379
Aquinas, St Thomas 158
Arrow, K. 222.6, 248, 275, 276, 288, 364,
365
Asimov, I. 341, 342
Bacon, F. 338, 351
Becker, G. 37, 67, 286
Bentham, J. 34, 80, 81, 82.4, 85, 87, 90,
91, 114, 247, 254, 255
Blincoe, R. 14
Bowles, S. 180
Boyle, J. 297
Brown, V. 379
Campbell, P. 376
Clower, R. 369
Coase, R. 122, 368
Compte, A. 337, 338
Costello, N. 379
Dawson, G. 379
Debreu, G. 364, 365
Descartes, R. 91, 348, 349, 350
Dreze, J. 283
Edelman, B. 299
Ellsberg, D. 88.9
Engels, F. 24, 279, 280
Epicurus 82
Evans-Pritchard, E.E. 368
Foucault, M. 279
Frank, R. 355, 379
Friedman, M. 30, 281.2, 286, 337.8,
339, 351
Galbraith, J.K. 30, 254, 255
Galileo 250, 336
Gandhi, I. 295
Gordon, S. 164
Green, F. 380
Hahn, F. 364, 365, 367
Hargreaves Heap, S. 112
Hayek, F. von 30, 187, 189, 190, 240,
289, 313, 323
Hegel, G.W.F. 92
Heilbroner, R. 7, 14, 24, 373, 378, 379,
381
Heisenberg, W.K. 340, 350
Himmelweit, S. 171
Hitler, A. 284
Hobbes, T. 77, 78, 79, 250, 277
Hobsbawm, E. 287
Hollis, M. 67, 380
Holmes, O.W. 263
Homer 110.11, 130
Howlson, Judge 369
Hume, D. 79, 80, 84.5, 90, 350
Kagel, J.R. 117
Kaldor, N. 304
Kant, I. 80, 264
Keating, P. 313
Name Index
NAME INDEX 387
Keynes, J.M. 30, 39, 235, 237, 244, 254,
279, 280, 282.5, 287, 304.8, 309, 313,
320, 327, 352, 364, 371, 373
Kirman, A. 367
Kloppenburg, J. Jr. 297
Krueger, A. 372
Lipsey, R. 29
Locke, J. 272
Lucas, R. 30
Luxemburg, R. 30
Machiavelli, N. 91.2, 303
MacKinnon, C. 93, 288
Mackintosh, M. 379
Macpherson, C.B. 381
Malthus, T. 24
Marr, A. 255
Marshall, A. 31, 32, 36
Marx, K. 24, 25.8, 30, 31, 36, 37, 116,
150, 153.6, 159, 175, 181, 184, 185,
188, 269, 308.16, 319, 345.6, 363
Menoeceus 82
Mill, J.S. 81, 82, 97, 107, 114, 115, 254
Mises, L. von 347, 348
Moore, G.E. 81
Murdoch, I. 371
Nell, E. 303, 380
Newton, I. 31, 34
Nore, P. 380
Nozick, R. 265.77 passim, 280, 286, 288
94, 314.16, 319, 320, 323
Pareto, V. 130, 207
Pateman, C. 269
Pericles 268
Pigou, A.C. 84
Plato, 7, 76
Polanyi, K. 381
Popper, K. 350
Quine, W. 338
Radford, R.A. 19
Rawls, J. 254.65, 267, 268.74, 276, 277,
280, 281, 285, 286, 289, 290.4, 314 17
Reagan, R. 284
Regis, E. 376
Ricardo, D. 21.5, 26, 30, 31, 36, 37, 150.
3, 159, 175, 181, 304, 363
Robinson, J. 30, 39, 304
Rorty, R. 19
Rousseau, J.J. 264, 277
Russell, B. 96, 109, 338
Samuelson, P. 378, 379
Santayana, G. 339
Sartre, J-P. 76
Savage, L. 89
Sawyer, M. 380
Schumpeter, J.A. 28, 30, 190, 240, 313
Sen, A. 100
Shackle, G.L.S. 3
Shaw, G.B. 92, 151, 279, 288, 289
Sibyl of Cumae 68
Smith, A. 4, 16.27 passim, 30, 31, 36, 37,
44.5, 141.2, 150.1, 153, 156, 158.9,
175, 205, 206, 226, 228, 251 52, 258,
284, 363, 370, 374
Socrates 76, 77, 92
Sraffa, P. 191.5
Sweezy, P. 30
Tarquinius Superbus, 68
Thatcher, M. 286
Thompson, G. 379
Thurrow, L. 379
Titmuss, R.M. 299
Trigg, A. 379
Vickrey, W. 364
Voltaire 352.3, 360
Walras, L. 31, 32
Watson, J. 298
Watt, James 12
a priori knowledge 336.7
aboriginal cultures 169, 274
acquisitions, justice in (entitlement
theory) 266.7
advertisements 227
Age of Extremes, The (Hobsbawm) 287
aggregate behaviour 46
aggregate cost 142.3
aggregate preferences (impossibility
theorem) 222.6
aggregate profit 142.3
aggregate revenue 142.3
aggressive behaviour (experiment) 354.6,
357
agriculture 7.8, 11, 13, 296
altruism 299.302
American Constitution 77
American Economic Review 180
American Revolution 321
Analysis of Mind, The (Russell) 96
Anarchy, State and Utopia (Nozick) 265,
286
ancient economics 4.9
apartheid 318
arbitrage 10
aristocracy 6, 8, 10, 13, 14.15
assets (justice in acquisition) 266.7, 273.5
assumptions (in economic theory) 335.9
Australian Aboriginals 169, 274
Azande society 368.9
barter economy 324
behaviour 95.7; of economics students
(experiment) 354.6, 357; individual
80.1, 90
biological model 36
biotechnology 296.7
blood-giving (altruism) 299.302
budget constraint 64, 95, 105; inputs and
127, 128; of society 213.15
budget line 127, 128
California Law Review 297
Cambridge controversy 183.4
capital 3, 5, 8.9, 123, 228; combination
of inputs 124.30; firms as blocks of
150.5, 156, 165; flow 161; -labour
relations 25.6, 184.7; marginal
product of 173.4, 182; marginal
productivity of 183.4; market failure
305.6, 307; measurement 188;
production as exchange 155.8; as
social relation 184.7
Capital (Marx) 116, 154
capital accumulation: in classical
economics 150, 152.4, 165; in
development of economics 20.7, 30;
in neoclassical economics 30, 36.7, 39,
156
capital goods 6, 183
capitalism 36.7, 159.60, 365;
development of economics 10, 12.16,
18.21, 25.30; as Good Society 279
321; government intervention and
314.17; industrial (emergence) 18.21;
Subject Index
SUBJECT INDEX 389
liberal 364; market society
(emergence) 12.15, 30, 38;
neoclassical defence 187.90;
production in 149.54; unemployment
(role) 308.14
cardinal utility 83, 84.90
cartels 137.8
central planning 189
ceteris paribus 65, 339.40
change, economics and 280, 288.90
Character and Opinion in the United States
(Santayana) 339
choice: general theory of (Equi-marginal
Principle) 66.75; neoclassical theory
(history of) 76.93
citizenship 250, 268.70
City of London 12
classical economics 30.3, 36.7; market
theories 158.65; production models
149.55
collective action 238
collusion 137.8, 140, 142.3, 144, 160
commercialisation thesis 10.12
Commission of Graduate Education in
Economics 372
commodification, altruism and 299.302
commodified information 295.9
commodities 18, 121.2; essential 311.12;
factors of production as 5, 6, 22, 123,
228.9; labour as 5, 8.9, 10.12, 25,
170.5; utility of see utility; value 26.7
Common Good (public interest) 18, 84,
205.6, 241, 245, 248, 254, 258.9,
264, 267, 317.19, 320
communism 319
compassion, rational 254.5
compensation (entitlement theory) 266.7,
273.5
compensation principle 240.4
competition: determinant of firm�fs
revenue 133.4; development of
economics 18.21, 23.4; expanding
138 40; external impediments 208 9;
perfect 141.6, 149.65, 189.90;
unintended consequences 227.8
competitive markets (source of profit in),
180.90
competitors (in duopoly) 134.7
consenting (to exploitation) 177, 178 80,
316
consequentialism 358
Conservative government 347
Conservative Party 171.2
consistent preferences (as rationality) 53.
7
consumer demand theory 62, 64.5
consumer preference 44.5
consumer surplus 276
consumption, production and 150, 156,
157, 165, 166.7
consumption choice: critique 94.117;
Equi-marginal Principle 66.75, 344;
rational decisions (model) 43.65
contractarianism 268.70, 276
cooperative behaviour (experiment) 354
6, 357
coordination: problem 235.7, 305, 307;
role of prices 17.18
copyright law 295.8
correction (entitlement theory) 266.7,
273.5
cost: curve 131, 132.3; of labour 182,
307; minimum 130.1, 133; of
production 130.1, 134.5; see also
opportunity cost
creative destruction 28, 190
creative self-manipulation 110.12
creativity 108.17
critical analysis: of assumptions 335.9; of
capitalist society 279.321; of
consumption choice 94.117; of
production theory 166.201; value of
375.7
Critique of Practical Reason (Kant) 80
Cunning of Reason, The (Hollis) 380
defence policies 303
demand: curves 62, 64.5, 133.4, 135; in
Equi-marginal Principle 62, 64.5, 68
73; labour market 304.8
democracy 245, 249, 288, 290
desires 77, 78, 90, 97.101, 115; fluidity of
105.7; manufactured 108 10
diminishing marginal utility 53, 57, 337
dis-utility 47.53, 63, 66.7, 72, 132, 156,
167, 357.8
Discourse on Method, A (Descartes) 91
discrimination, exploitation and 317.19
disequilibrium 209, 211
distributive justice 247, 253, 254.65, 292.
3, 294, 315.16
domestic services 171
dominant ideology 376.7
duopoly 134.7, 144
390 SUBJECT INDEX
Eastern Europe 274.5
Econometric Society 367
Economic Approach to Human Behavior, The
(Becker) 37
economic efficiency 129.30; in welfare
economics 206.15, 218.23
economic equilibrium 43.6
economic expansionism 37
economic growth 309.10, 328
economic power 14.15, 16.17, 21, 292,
298.9, 308
economic recession 25, 27.8, 304.8, 309
11, 312.14, 320, 325, 327.8
economic rent 22.4, 151, 152.3
economic theory (role/rationale) 335.53
Economica 19
economics; birth/development of 10.30;
change and 288.90; in defence of 371
7; definition 3.9; departments (in
crisis) 370.1; education 3.4, 39 40,
354.61, 372.3; as history 28 30, 279.
80, 288.90; as ideology 28 30, 280,
281 90; ill-effects 354 77; modern
(neoclassical) 30.40; pre-industrial
world 4.9; profession 361.70; as
science 29.33
Economics (Samuelson) 378
Economics: An anti-text (Green/Nore) 380
Economics and Changing Economies (Open
University/Thomson Business Press)
379
Economics Explained (Heilbroner/Thurrow)
379
�eEconomics as an inductive science�f
(Clower) 369
economies of scale 139
Economist, The 355
economists: education 3.4, 39.40, 300.2,
354.61, 372.3; priesthood analogy
361.70
education 3.4, 39.40; character of
economics students 354.6;
commodification 300.2; courses as
indoctrination 357.61
efficiency 129.30, 295, 297.8; -equity
debate 250.3, 261.2, 315.16; welfare
economics 206.15, 218.23
Ellsberg paradox 88.9
empiricism 336.9, 341.2, 344, 348.51
employer-employee relations 26, 176
employment: contract 171, 172; full 287,
360, 368; see also unemployment
energy conversation, principle of 32.3, 34
Enlightenment 268
entitlement theory of justice 265.8, 272.
5, 291, 294, 315
entrepreneurs 17, 18, 181, 307, 309, 310
entrepreneurship 157
Equi-marginal Principle 181, 183, 278,
323; in consumption 66.75, 344;
demand in 62, 64.5, 68.73;
economics efficiency and 206.15,
218.22, extending 57.62, 63; firms
and 121.33, 148; general theory of
choice 66.75; neoclassical economics
34.5, 36.8, 95.7, 100.2, 104, 106,
113, 188, 206 22, 245; in production
156, 170, 173, 345; Production
Possibility Frontier and 213.15;
redistribution and 215.22; utility and
34.5, 46.53; welfare economics
theorems 206.22
equilibrium: instrumental rationality and
43.6; long-run 207.9, 212.13, 217.
18, 225, 324
equity-efficiency debate 250.3, 261.2,
315.16
Essays in Persuasion (Keynes) 285
essential commodities 311.12
ethics 14
evil, good and (self-interest) 78, 79
evolutionary change 289.90
ex post rationalisation 109, 110
exchange, production as 155.8, 170.80
expansionism, economic 37
expected utility 84.90
experience 82; preferences 53.7; utility/
dis-utility 47.53, 63
�eexpert knowledge�f 297, 362
exploitation 83, 291.3, 312, 314, 317.19,
358; consenting to 177, 178.80, 316; of
public/natural resources 228 9
externalities 226.33
factors of production 3; combination of
(firm�fs choice) 124.30; as
commodities 5, 6, 22, 123, 228.9;
exchange 155.8; market for 144.8
factory system 14, 15, 149, 169, 177.8
facts (in economic theory) 339.44, 346 51
fascism 364
feudalism 6.14 passim 30, 38, 77, 288, 319
firms: as blocks of capital 150.5, 156,
165; as customers 121.2;
SUBJECT INDEX 391
Equimarginal Principle and 121.33;
expansion path 128.30, 131; inputs
121.30; markets and 133.48;
production costs 130.1, 134.5;
revenue 132.4
First Book of Aphorisms (Bacon) 351
first mover advantage 137
First the Seed: The political economy of plant
biotechnology (Kloppenburg) 297
Foundation (Asimov) 341.2
free-market 187, 189.90, 206; capitalism
30, 284.90, 293, 304.5, 308, 320;
ideology 39, 290, 370
free-rider problem 230.3, 235.7, 238 9,
292, 307, 309, 329, 355
free trade 178.9, 328.31
freedom 77; from market (social justice)
290.302; utility maximisation and
108.17
French Revolution 254, 265, 319, 321
From a Logical Point of View (Quine) 338
full employment 287, 360, 368
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade
(GATT) 329
general equilibrium 213
General Theory of Employment, Interest and
Money (Keynes) 280
General View of Positivism, A (Comte) 338
germplasm 297
Gift Relationship, The (Titmuss) 299
good, evil and (self-interest) 78, 79
Good Society 84, 85, 349, 366; capitalism
and 279.321; state legitimacy 254.7,
262.7, 269.70, 277 8
government intervention 249, 251.3, 280
5, 292; capitalism and 314.17; market
failures and 227.8, 244.6, 283
Great Depression 282, 283, 287
Great Transformation, The (Polanyi) 381
guilds 9
happiness 77, 81, 90, 107.17
Heisenberg principle 340, 350
history 24, 28.30, 36, 38.9, 280, 281.90
History and Philosophy of Social Science, The
(Gordon) 164
homo economicus 94.108, 112, 114, 339
housework 171
Human Action: a treatise on economics (Mises)
347
Human Genome Project 298
Human Knowledge: Its scope and limits
(Russell) 338
human nature/choice 34, 47
ideal market 162.5
identity, self-manipulation and 110.12
ideology 24, 28.30, 38.9, 279.80, 288.
90, 370
ignorance: market failure and 233.7; see
also veil of ignorance
imperialism of neoclassical economics
36.8
import quotas/tariffs 329.30
impossibility theorem (of welfare
economics) 222.6
income 71.2
income distribution 39, 289; distributive
justice 247, 253, 254 65, 292.3, 294,
315.16; entitlement theory 265.8,
272.5, 291, 294, 315
indeterminacy principle 340
indifference curve 85, 124.5, 344;
consumer choice 57.8, 60.5;
Equimarginal Principle 69.70, 72, 95.
6, 98.9, 101, 106; social 215.16, 223,
275.6
individual behaviour 80.1, 90
individuals (as system) 112
industrial revolution 10.15, 123, 169,
170, 228, 331, 362
industrial societies 18.21, 155, 228, 250
inflation 29, 282, 286, 307, 347, 360.1,
371
information: asymmetries 233.7, 239;
commodified 295.9; gathering (Equimarginal
Principle) 66.8
inputs 6, 121.30
instrumental rationality 346, 351, 355 7;
equilibrium and 43.6; preferences and
53.7, 58, 69; self interest and 76.80,
256; utility maximisation and 90.3,
96, 264, 358, 363
intellectual property rights 297
interest rate 70, 71, 305
International Herald Tribune 360
International Olympic Committee 169
international trade 10, 12, 14, 328.31
interpersonal utility 76.93, 361
intransitive social preferences 224.5
Introduction to Positive Economics, An (Lipsey) 29
Introduction to the Principles of Morals and
Legislation, An (Bentham) 34, 80
392 SUBJECT INDEX
Introduction to Radical Economics (Sawyer)
380
investment 284, 305, 307
invisible hand 21, 158, 159, 251, 258,
290, 370, 374
isoquant curves 124.5, 157, 173.4, 184,
187
isoquants 125.7, 129, 175.8, 191
joint production 191.2
Journal of Economic Perspectives 355
Just Society 269, 271, 319
justice: distributive 247, 253, 254.65,
292.3, 294, 315.16; entitlement
theory 265.8, 272.5, 291, 294, 315;
see also social justice
Kepler�fs law 96
Keynesian revolution 282.3, 285.6
Keynesianism 282, 285.7, 323, 325.6;
neo-Keynesianism 305, 307, 316
knowledge 295.9, 336.7; -tree 349, 350
labour 3, 5, 7.12, 71.3, 123, 199, 228; -
capital relations 25.6, 184.7;
combination of inputs 124.30; costs
182, 307; exchange theory 170.80;
exploitation 177, 178.80; marginal
product of 173.4; market 144.8, 290
4, 304.8; power 26.7, 291; production
as exchange 155.8; productive/
unproductive 153.4, 156; theory of
value 26.8, 153.5, 182.3, 188, 309.
10, 311, 345.6
land 3, 5, 9, 123, 228; combination of
inputs 124.30; ownership 6.7, 10.11,
13, 14, 23, 30, 181; production as
exchange 155.8
landlords 6, 10.11, 152, 154, 181
legitimate State 247.78
leisure 71.2, 167.9
levelling-down effect 251
Leviathan (Hobbes) 77
liberal debate: challenging (Good
Society) 314.21; State legitimation
250.3, 268.9
life, valuation of 73.5
logic of shopkeeper 17.18, 44
lottery (Ellsberg paradox) 88.9
machinery (blocks of capital) 150.5, 156,
165
Major Barbara (Shaw) 151
Making Sense of a Changing Economy (Nell)
303, 380
marginal benefits 33, 35; see also Equimarginal
Principle
marginal costs 33, 35, 139; see also Equimarginal
Principle
marginal product of capital 173.4
marginal product of labour 173.4, 182
marginal productivity of capital 183.4
marginal rate of substitution 58.62, 63,
70.1, 95, 96, 126, 216
marginal rate of technical substitution
125, 126.8
marginal rate of technical transformation
173.4
marginal rate of transformation 214,
215.16
marginal revenue 132.3, 345
marginal revenue product of capital 182
marginal revenue product of labour 182
marginal utility 49.52, 63, 70, 72, 73 4,
183; diminished 53, 57, 337
marginalist economics 35, 36.8
market equilibrium 46
market failures 277, 283; correcting 237.
46; externalities 226.33; ignorance
and uncertainty 233.7; as natural
state 302.14
market forces 158.9
market mechanism 218, 219, 221, 228,
240, 281, 283, 286, 288, 298, 314.15,
371
market power 237, 240, 299
market societies (emergence) 12, 15, 30,
38, 44, 77, 149, 296, 298
markets: classical theories 158.65;
extending 237.40; for factors of
production 144.8; firms and 133.48;
freedom from social justice and 290
302; logic of 17.18, 44; neoclassical
theories 162.5; in pre-industrial world
9; regulation of 159
Marxism 285, 293, 308.9, 315, 323, 327,
330, 344
mathematics 31.2, 34.5, 364.5
maximin principle 259.61, 262.3, 293
means (resources) 79
means of production 5, 8, 314
mechanising society 19, 20, 22
medicine (health policies) 303,
medieval societies 4.9, 12, 77, 374
SUBJECT INDEX 393
mercenaries (policies) 303
merchants 9.12 passim 14.15, 17.18,
1921, 77
Microeconomics and Behavior (Frank) 379
Middle Ages 4.9, 12, 77, 374
minimum cost 130.1, 133
minimum wages 147.8, 304, 309
mixed economy 281, 293
money, state and 323.6
money illusion 326.8
money wage 326, 327
monopoly 137.8, 144, 163.5, 209; power
189, 190, 210, 237, 312, 330, 362;
profit 240, 241; as social failure 237,
239.40
monopsony 146.8, 330
moral philosophy (of Smith) 16.21
morality 79, 80, 151
Napoleonic Wars 22, 25, 30
natural law philosophy 31, 46, 158.60
natural resources, exploitation of 228.9
natural societies 31, 34, 362.3
Nature of Economic Thought, The (Shackle) 3
Nature of the Firm (Coase) 368
negative consequences (unintended) 16
neo-classical economics: defence of
capitalism 187.90; distributive justice
and 247, 254.65; domination of
(critical analysis) 371.7; entitlement
theory of justice 265.8; market
failures 226.46; production models
149.50, 155.8; professional
economists in (role) 361.71; on
rational societies 244.6; theory of
choice 76.93; transition to/rise of 30.
40; utility and 82.4; utility
maximisation (critique) 94.117;
welfare economics 205.26, 247.9
neo-Keynesianism 305, 307, 316
net utility 49, 51, 53, 357
New England Journal of Medicine 55
non-dictatorship (welfare economics) 224
normative economics 29, 175
Objective Knowledge (Popper) 350
oil crisis (1970s) 281
oligopoly power 210, 329
oligopsony 147
On Liberty (Mill) 114, 115
opportunity cost 59, 70, 123, 132, 151,
167, 180, 299
ordinal utility 84.90, 219, 223, 248
organisations (as systems) 112
outputs 6, 121.2, 131.3, 134.40
over-production 226.8
pain 80, 82, 107.8, 115.16
Panglossianism 360
Pareto efficiency 129.30, 207, 216, 241,
376
Pareto improvement 243
Pareto optimality 130
passions 79.80, 81, 84.5, 87, 90, 92
patents 297
�epeasant knowledge�f 297
peasants 7.8, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15
peer review 362, 363
perfect competition 141.6, 189, 190; as
ideal market 162.5; textbook models
(history of) 149.65
Philosophical Rudiments (Hobbes) 78
Philosophy of Social Science, The (Hollis) 380
physics method 31.3, 36
planned economy 189
plant biotechnology 296.7
pleasure 80, 81.2;
calculus of 47.9
political dimension of profit 180.1
political equilibrium 245.6
political power 13, 14.15, 16.17, 77, 250
Political Theory of Possessive Individualism, The
(Macpherson) 381
politics: of isoquants 177.8; of labour
theory 175.8; of market society 13; of
pure production model 199.200; of
utility maximisation 83, 90.3
pollution 237.9, 241, 277
positive consequences (unintended) 16
positive economics 29, 175
positivism 336.40, 344, 348.9, 351
poverty 247, 251.2, 314, 315.16
power: economic 14.17, 21, 292, 298.9,
308; industrial society 13.15; market
237, 240, 299; oligopoly 210, 329;
political 13, 14.15, 16.17, 77, 250;
social 184, 200, 288, 292, 308, 362;
struggles 180
pre-industrial societies 4.9, 10, 38, 149
prediction 337.8, 340.2, 344, 351.2
preferences 44.5, 65, 98.9; aggregate
(impossibility theorem) 222.6;
consistent (as rationality) 53.7, 58;
satisfaction 46.7, 57, 68.71, 77, 845,
394 SUBJECT INDEX
112, trade-offs 56, 125; transitivity 54,
224.5; utility maximisation and 77,
84.7, 90, 92.3, 106.10, 114.16
price discrimination 210,
price mechanism 217, 281
price stickiness 283
prices 20, 160, 195.8, 234, 307.8; ratio
of 58.62, 63, 70, 117, 126, 128, 194,
324.5
Principal-Agent Problem 172
Principles of Economics (Marshall) 32
Principles of Political Economy (Ricardo) 22
prisoner of war camp (case study) 19
prisoner�fs dilemma 355
private knowledge 295.9
privilege, rationalising 250.1
production: alternative approach 191 200;
consumption and (distinguishing
between) 166.7; costs 130.1, 134.5;
Equi-marginal Principle in 156, 170, 173,
345; as exchange 155.8, 170.80; factors
of see factors of production; functions
187; means of 5, 8, 314; model (pure)
191.201; textbook models (critique)
166.201; textbook models (history of)
149.65; work and 166.70
Production Possibility Frontier 213.17,
218, 219, 252
productivity 180; linkages 226.8
profit 18, 20, 23.5, 136.43, 152.3, 200;
equalisation 160.2, 165; as a just
payment 181.4; Marx�fs theory 27,
345.6; maximisation 131.3, 144, 191,
345; political dimension 180.1; rate
193.8, 312.13, 316; source 180.90,
309.10; -wage trade-off 196, 197
progressive utility 114
property rights 6, 8, 123, 229, 237.8,
240, 292, 295.6, 359.60
psychohistory 341
public goods 17, 18, 21, 295.6;
approximations of (compensation
principle) 240.4; non-provision of
229.30, 231
public health 303
public interest 18, 84, 205.6, 241, 245,
248, 254, 258.9, 264, 267, 276, 317
19, 320,
public knowledge 295.9
public resources, exploitation of 228.9
purchasing power 21
pure production model 191.200
quality, price and 234
quantification of value 359.60
Quarterly Journal of Economics 117
quotas 329.30
racism 317.19
radical empiricism 337, 339
rat experiment (utility maximisation) 117
rational choice 3; model of rational
decisions 43.65
rational compassion 254.5
rational decisions (model) 43.65
Rational Economic Man (Nell/Hollis) 380
rational fools 97.101
rational and selfless deliberation 256.8
Rational Society 277, 280
rationality: consistent preferences as 53.
7; desires and 97.101; facts and 346.
8; morality and 79, 80
real wage 326.7
reality, social 341.2, 376
reason 79.80, 84, 92, 110
Reason in Action (Hollis) 380
Reason in History (Hegel) 92
recession 25, 27.8, 304.14 passim, 320,
325, 327.8
redistribution: maximin principle 259 61;
welfare economics 215.22, 252
reflective equilibrium 264
refutable theories 343
relative prices 58.62, 63, 70, 117, 126,
128, 194, 324.5
rent 11, 13, 22.4, 25, 27, 151.3, 181, 331
rentiers 23.4, 30, 159
research and development (in agriculture)
296
resource allocation 3
resources: public/natural (exploitation)
228.9; redistribution 215.22; scarcity
3, 6, 9, 283
rights: entitlement theory 265.8, 272.5,
291, 294, 315; property 6, 8, 123, 229,
237.8, 240, 292, 295.6, 359.60
risk 86, 87
rivalry 160.2
rules of the game 45.6
Russian Revolution 319
satisfaction of preferences 46.7, 57, 68.71,
77, 84.5, 112
savings, supply of 68.71
SUBJECT INDEX 395
scarcity 3, 6, 9, 283
scientific approach 29.33, 36
Second Set of Replies (Descartes) 348
self-interest 24, 94, 205.6, 246;
instrumental rationality and 76.80,
256; invisible hand 21, 158, 159, 251,
258, 290, 370, 374
self-love 17, 19
self-manipulation, creative 110.12
self-regulation 239, 240
selfless deliberation 256.8
sexism 317.19
Sexual Contract, The (Pateman) 269
shopkeeper, logic of 17.18, 44
slave trade/slavery 7, 10.11, 14, 38, 177,
271
social change 280, 288.90
Social Choice and Individual Values (Arrow)
276
social class 21, 30, 36.7, 77, 200, 269, 309
social conflict (roots of) 197
social contract 264, 268.70, 277
Social Contract, The (Rousseau) 264
social democracy 280, 286.7, 293, 319.
20
social failures 360.1
social indifference curve 215.16, 223,
275.6
social justice 285; distributive 247, 253,
254.65, 292.3, 294, 315.16;
entitlement theory 265.8, 272.5, 291,
294, 315; freedom from market 290.
302
social physics 34, 35
social power 184, 200, 288, 292, 308, 362
social reality 341.2, 376
social relation, capital as 184.7
social responsibility 357.9
social utility function 222.3, 249, 253,
275.7
social welfare function 222.3, 249, 253,
275.7
social well-being 205.26
socialism 28, 187, 190, 280.1, 294, 317,
364, 365
society: budget constraint 213.15;
production possibility frontier of 214.
16; rational (in neoclassical
economics) 213.22, 244.6; rationally
compassionate 254.5; utility
distribution amongst 218.22; see also
Good Society
Sour Grapes fable 109
Soviet Union 286.7, 288, 319, 364
sport 169
stagnant economy 307
State 83; contractarian theories 268.70;
intervention see government
intervention; legitimate (in economics)
247.78; money and 323.6; power of
77
state of nature 77
stockbroker approach (Ricardo) 21.5
strengths (of pure production model)
196.8
subsistence wage 20
substitution, marginal rate of 58.62, 63,
70.1, 95, 96, 125.8, 216
substitution effect 344
supply: in Equi-marginal Principle 68 73;
labour market 304.8
surplus value 27, 154
syllogism 348
System of Logic, A (Mill) 97
tariffs 329.30
taxation 255; entitlement theory 265.8,
272.5
technical efficiency 130
theory: facts and (separation) 339.44,
346.51; untestable 344.6
Theory of Justice, A (Rawls) 254, 261.2,
285
Third World 177, 295, 296.7, 319, 328.
31
Towards a Feminist Theory of the
State(Mackinnon) 93
trade 17, 205, 207.8; free 178.9, 328 31;
international 10, 12, 14, 328.31; in
pre-industrial world 9, 10 trade-offs
(preferences) 56, 125
trade unions 282, 304, 305, 328
transfers, justice in (entitlement theory)
266.7, 273.5
transitivity (preferences) 54, 224.5
Treatise of Human Nature, A (Hume) 79
trickle-down effect 251
trust 235, 325
truth (in economic theory) 346.51
uncertainty 66.7, 87, 189, 325; market
failure and 233.7, 307; veil of
ignorance 256.8, 259, 260.2, 269.71
under-consumption 306, 309
396 SUBJECT INDEX
under-production 315
underdevelopment (development of)
330.1
Understanding Economics (Allsopp) 379
unemployment 72, 147, 327.8, 347, 371;
benefits 304; in capitalist society 281,
283.4, 286.7, 304.15; involuntary 39,
360; natural 287, 308, 360.1, 368;
production models 173.4, 179, 186.7
Unicorn, The (Murdoch) 371.2
unintended consequences 16, 17, 18.19,
141.2; of competition 227.8
universality (welfare economics) 223
university education (commodification)
300.2
unpaid work (by women) 171
untestable economic theories 344.6
utilitarianism 77, 80.4
Utilitarianism (Mill) 81
utility 165; cardinal 83, 84.90;
compensation principle 240.4; disutility
47.53, 63, 66.7, 72, 132, 156,
167, 357.8; distribution of (welfare
economics) 218.22; Equi-marginal
Principle and 34.5, 46.53, 66.9, 71.
2, 156; expected 84.90; function 110,
249; interpersonal 7693, 361; machine
102.8, 254; net 49, 51, 53, 357;
ordinal 84.90, 219, 223, 248
utility maximisation 33.7, 46, 47, 50, 205,
208, 300, 343, 358, 363; critique 94.
117; freedom and 112.13; legitimate
state and 247.9, 254, 264, 277;
textbook models (history) 76.93
valuation of life 73.5
value: labour theory of 26.8, 153.5,
182.3, 188, 309.11, 345.6;
quantification 359.60; -system 362
veil of ignorance 256.8, 259, 260.2,
269.71
verifiable theories 343
virtue, trade and 17, 205
wages 20, 25.7, 72, 144.6, 172.3, 184, 195,
199, 305.6, 311.14; minimum 147 8,
304, 309; money 326, 327; money
illusion and 326.8; -profit trade-off 196,
197; real 326.7; rigidity 304
war capitalism 284
weaknesses (of pure production model)
198.9
wealth 10.11, 12, 14.15, 180.1, 219,
250.1, 273, 315, 331
Wealth of Nations (Smith) 21, 159, 251
welfare economics 205.14, 248.9, 275,
365; distributive justice 247, 253, 254.
65; efficiency-equity debate and 253;
redistribution and 215.22, 252
welfare state 270, 291
wisdom, information and 68
Witchcraft, Oracles and Magic among the
Azande (Evans-Pritchard) 368
women: sexism 317.19; unpaid work 171
work: leisure and 167.9; production and
166.70
working class 30, 269, 309
working conditions 14
World Health Assembly 295
World Trade Organization 329
Worldly Philosophers, The (Heilbroner) 7, 14,
24, 373, 378, 381
name::
* McsEngl.book.varoufakis.rational-conflict-Routledge-1998,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://yanisvaroufakis.eu/books/rational-conflict//
Rational Conflict
A brief history of Rational Conflict
Rational Conflict was my first (single-authored) book. Its origins lie in my PhD thesis even though it shares not a single word with that document. The thesis was a typically dry microeconometric investigation of various parametric optimisation models of industrial strike activity.
Although intensely proud of my PhD thesis at the time, soon after I realised I did not want to publish it as a book. Indeed, within months I had laid it to rest on some dusty shelf never to be retrieved again. The reason was twofold:
First, disillusionment with econometric analysis (once I grasped the enormous chasm separating that which we are actually testing from the theory we pretend to be testing). Secondly, because soon after completing my thesis I was taken with game theory and the following conundrum that it posed for anyone interested in conflict:
If we could have developed a brilliant theory of conflict, then the possibility of rational conflict (that is, of conflict between rational agents) would, necessarily, wither (as well-informed rational antagonists would have no reason to go through the motions of ‘fighting’).
This paradox struck me as an excellent opportunity to cast a critical gaze on the foundations of game theory in particular and neoclassical theory in general. Thus the seed of Rational Conflict entered my mind while I still lived in the UK (and taught at the University of East Anglia).
The actual book began to take shape after I moved to Sydney, Australia, in 1988. Thanks to the generosity of the Economics Department at the University of Sydney (they allowed me a lengthy teaching-free period right at the outset), I got down to work. The book saw the light of day in 1991 (Oxford: Blackwell).
As is often the case, Rational Conflict, being my first book, was written for myself, even though I was under the illusion (while writing it) that it was meant to appeal to large numbers. Soon after its publication I realised that only a handful of those who cared about the philosophical and political issues raised by the book also possessed the technical skills to follow the argument. Meanwhile, those who had the technical skills lacked the interest in the political philosophy of the enterprise.
Still, I was glad I wrote it thus confirming that I had, essentially, written it for myself. I suppose that we all deserve to write one book for ourselves. Nonetheless, at that stage I resolved that any future books would be readable by those whom they might benefit the most.
Dust cover blurb
Rational Conflict
Conflict is a disconcerting notion. It brings to mind war, strikes, discord and, to the horror of economists, inefficiency. These days, when social scientists are urged to adopt game theory in their pursuit of social explanation, a theory of conflict becomes a study in the failings of common sense or of communication difficulties experienced by agents. In any case, conflict is seen as a technical difficulty calling for a technical solution.
In this path-breaking book, Yanis Varoufakis rejects this perception as too impoverished. Starting with a demystification of game theory and using examples from industrial relations, diplomatic games, hostage crises and the law, he places its findings in a philosophical perspective and argues that there is a lot more to conflict than in immediately obvious. However disagreeable it may be within a popular culture, conflict possesses a creative edge and forms a crucial symbiotic relationship with Reason and Liberty that is in danger of being obscured if the sirens of game theory are heeded.
Table of Contents
Preface and Acknowledgements
Part I Preliminary Perspectives
Chapter 1 Introduction 3
Chapter 2 Reason and War
Reason’s narrow gate 15
Parametric and strategic perspectives 24
Fighting for freedom I 25
The enemy within 28
Conclusion 31
Part II Game Theory: Concepts and Critique
Chapter 3 Foundations of Equilibrium Conflict
The Leviathan trap 37
Deliverance 41
Equilibrium reluctance 64
Conclusion 75
Chapter 4 War and Peace as Games
Inescapable Carnage 82
Logic’s backward march 90
Conclusion 100
Chapter 5 Conflict by Agreement
Conditions for communication 104
Informational equity and consensus 113
Information inequity:
a chance for conflict? 129
Conclusion 136
Chapter 6 Conflict Beyond Equilibrium
The illusive paradox 141
Counterfactuals and
conditional probabilities 146
Mixed feelings, mixed strategies 151
Backward versus forward induction:
the Cunning of Reason 159
Rationalizable conflict 173
Conclusion
Part III Reason, Conflict and Emancipation
Chapter 7 Praxis and the Self
The consequences of indeterminacy 185
Dualism contra dialectics 195
Praxis and Sartre’s theatre:
the struggle for self-realization 206
Erasure versus synthesis:
the post-modern challenge 212
Conclusion 220
APPENDIX: Explaining conflict as an investment in lower risk aversion 224
Chapter 8 Social Conflict and Liberty
Beyond the cave 230
The origins of solidarity I:
coalitions, norms and evolution 236
The origins of solidarity II:
history versus evolution 243
Fighting for freedom II 257
Conclusion 275
Bibliography 285
Index
[http://yanisvaroufakis.eu/books/rational-conflict/]
name::
* McsEngl.hmnVfy.EVOLUTION,
{time.2015-07-29}:
=== Είμαστε όλοι Βαρουφάκης
29/07/2015
Δεν πίστευα ποτέ ότι θα έπρεπε να γράψω ένα κείμενο στήριξης στον Γ.Βαρουφάκη. Στα πάνελ που βρεθήκαμε να συζητάμε για το ευρώ και τη δραχμή ή στις ραδιοφωνικές συνεντεύξεις μαζί του πίστευα πάντα ότι ήταν επικίνδυνος για τις επιδιώξεις και τα οράματα της Αριστεράς.
Δυσκολεύομαι να θυμηθώ κάποιον άλλο οικονομολόγο (του δικού του διαμετρήματος) που να επιχειρηματολογούσε με τόσο πάθος για την ανάγκη παραμονής της χώρας στην ευρωζώνη. Ήταν μάλιστα ο πρώτος που έφερε στην Ελλάδα τη θεωρία του Hotel California σχετικά με τις δυνατότητες εξόδου (You can check-out any time you like, But you can never leave!). Γι’ αυτόν ήταν λάθος ότι μπήκαμε στη νομισματική ένωση αλλά θα ήταν καταστροφή να βγούμε.
Ήταν επίσης ο πρώτος που επιτέθηκε στην πρωτοβουλία για τη σύσταση Επιτροπής Λογιστικού Ελέγχου. Και μάλιστα το έκανε από τις σελίδες του Protagon με επιχειρήματα που θύμιζαν τα τρομολαγνικά σενάρια των νυχτερινών δελτίων ειδήσεων.
Και ύστερα ήρθαν τα ασυγχώρητα λάθη, από τη θέση πλέον του υπουργού Οικονομικών. Πληρώνοντας τις δόσεις παράνομων και απεχθών δανείων άφησε τα ταμεία να αδειάσουν και εκμηδένισε τις ελπίδες μια σοβαρής διαπραγμάτευσης. Οι προηγούμενες ιδεοληψίες του για την ανάγκη παραμονής στο ευρώ και η άρνησή του για κάθε συζήτηση σοβαρής διαγραφής του χρέους απλώς επιδείνωσαν δραματικά την κατάσταση.
Για όλους αυτούς τους λόγους το info-war άσκησε από την πρώτη στιγμή σκληρή κριτική στην επιλογή του για τη θέση του υπουργού οικονομικών. Είναι μάλιστα κωμικοτραγικό ότι ορισμένοι από τους σημερινούς διώκτες του στον ΣΥΡΙΖΑ δήλωναν ενοχλημένοι από τη στάση μας απέναντι στον «υπουργο-σταρ» της κυβέρνησης Τσίπρα.
Κι όμως σήμερα ο Γιάνης Βαρουφάκης χρειάζεται τη στήριξη όλων μας. Γιατί στο πρόσωπό του δεν διώκεται απλώς ένας πρώην υπουργός οικονομικών ή ένας οικονομολόγος. Διώκεται κάθε άνθρωπος που τολμά να υψώσει το ανάστημά του απέναντι στη δικτατορία της Ε.Ε.
Δεν έχει σημασία εάν σήκωσε το γιακά και αντιμίλησε στους Ευρωπαίους κομισάριους για ιδεολογικούς λόγους για κάποια προσωπική ατζέντα η απλώς επειδή έχει ένα τεράστιο Εγώ, το οποίο δεν μπορεί να κρύψει κάτω από το σακάκι του. Σημασία έχει ότι για εκατομμύρια ανθρώπους σε όλη την Ευρώπη ταυτίστηκε με μια μικρή χώρα που τολμά να τα βάλει με τα θηρία.
Κι αυτό δεν μπορούσε να γίνει ανεκτό ούτε από το Βερολίνο, ούτε από τους Έλληνες γερμανοτσολιάδες-υπηρέτες των τραπεζών ούτε από ορισμένα ασπόνδυλα της ηγεσίας του ΣΥΡΙΖΑ, που επιχειρούν να κρύψουν την ολοκληρωτική παράδοση μιας χώρας πίσω από κόκκινες σημαίες και φωτογραφίες του Τσε Γκεβάρα.
Ο Γιάνης Βαρουφάκης δεν διώκεται επειδή προετοίμαζε εναλλακτικά σχέδια αντιμετώπισης της κρίσης (αυτό ήταν καθήκον του και δυστυχώς το έκανε με μεγάλη καθυστέρηση και προχειρότητα). Διώκεται επειδή στην περίφημη ηχογραφημένη συνομιλία αποκάλυψε το βαθμό με τον οποίο η τρόικα ελέγχει ολοκληρωτικά τον κρατικό μηχανισμό της χώρας και κυρίως τους μηχανισμούς του υπουργείου οικονομικών.
Δεν είναι άλλωστε τυχαίο ότι την ένορκη διοικητική εξέταση εναντίον του διέταξε η Κατερίνα Σαββαΐδου, πρώην υψηλόβαθμο στέλεχος της PriceWaterhouseCooopers και νυν Γενική Γραμματέας Δημοσίων Εσόδων – πρόκειται δηλαδή για την υπηρεσία που, όπως προκύπτει και από τις συνομιλίες Βαρουφάκη, αποτελεί τον δούρειο ίππο για τον απόλυτο έλεγχο της ελληνικής οικονομίας από την τρόικα.
Αν προχωρήσουν οι διώξεις εναντίον του Βαρουφάκη το πραξικόπημα θα έχει ολοκληρωθεί. Κάθε εναλλακτικό σχέδιο εξόδου από την κρίση θα ποινικοποιηθεί έμμεσα η άμεσα. Μέχρι σήμερα όσοι μιλούσαν για έξοδο από το ευρώ είτε απολύονταν (αν ήταν π.χ δημοσιογράφοι) είτε περιθωριοποιούνταν (αν ήταν πανεπιστημιακοί ή πολιτικοί). Στο εξής θα βρίσκονται αντιμέτωποι και με την αυτοαποκαλούμενη «δικαιοσύνη».
Και μπορεί να συμβεί κάτι τέτοιο με την κυβέρνηση ΣΥΡΙΖΑ και πρωθυπουργό τον Τσίπρα, θα αναρωτηθεί κάποιος; Την απάντηση έδωσε πρόσφατα ο Μανώλης Γλέζος: Άλλο η κυβέρνηση Μαξίμου και άλλο ο ΣΥΡΙΖΑ.
Άρης Χατζηστεφάνου
[http://info-war.gr/2015/07/είμαστε-όλοι-βαρουφάκης/]
=== Γ. Βαρουφάκης: Η μητέρα μου ήταν μέλος ακροδεξιάς τρομοκρατικής οργάνωσης
Τετάρτη, 29 Ιουλίου 2015 12:30
UPD:12:31
INTIME NEWS/ΛΙΑΚΟΣ ΓΙΑΝΝΗΣ
Ο Γιάνης Βαρουφάκης (φωτ. αρχείου) δεν είναι ιδιαίτερα αισιόδοξος για το μέλλον της Ευρώπης. Χαρακτηρίζει δε την 13η Ιουλίου, οπότε η ελληνική κυβέρνηση αποδέχθηκε το τρίτο πακέτο στήριξης, ως «τη μεγαλύτερη επίθεση σε βάρος της Δημοκρατίας από το τέλος του Β΄ Παγκοσμίου Πολέμου».
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Προκαταρκτική εξέταση για μη πολιτικά πρόσωπα του «σχεδίου Βαρουφάκη» 29/07 11:56
Όλγα Γεροβασίλη: Πράγματι ο κ. Βαρουφάκης έλαβε εντολή για την κατάρτιση Plan B 28/07 21:50
Επίκαιρη ερώτηση της Ν.Δ. για το «σχέδιο Βαρουφάκη» 28/07 17:54
Για τα σχέδιά του περί παράλληλου νομίσματος, αλλά και για τις σχέσεις του με τη Γερμανία και τους Ζίγκμαρ Γκάμπριελ και Βόλφγκανγκ Σόιμπλε, μιλάει ο Γιάνης Βαρουφάκης σε συνέντευξή του στο περιοδικό Stern.
Όπως σημειώνει το Stern, στην κορύφωση της οικονομικής κρίσης o τέως πρώην υπουργός Οικονομικών εξέταζε την εισαγωγή ενός παράλληλου νομίσματος στην Ελλάδα. «Πάνω σε αυτό το θέμα οικοδόμησα και την επιστημονική μου καριέρα», δηλώνει ο Γ. Βαρουφάκης στο γερμανικό περιοδικό, σημειώνοντας ωστόσο ότι η εισαγωγή του παράλληλου νομίσματος δεν είναι μια εύκολη υπόθεση. «Γι’ αυτό χρειάζεται κανείς όλους τους διαθέσιμους πόρους. Know-how. Τα διαθέτει αυτά άραγε η Ελλάδα; Σε αυτές τις θεωρητικές σκέψεις το ζητούμενο ήταν πάντα να ενισχύσουμε τη διαπραγματευτική μας θέση», προσθέτει.
Όπως διηγείται, ο ίδιος αισθανόταν ότι βρισκόταν σε πόλεμο. «Ένας οικονομικός πόλεμος. Σήμερα δεν χρειάζεσαι πάντσερ για να επιβληθείς σε κάποιον. Έχεις τις τράπεζες. (…) Από τον Ιανουάριο είχαμε ένα “πολεμικό συμβούλιο”, πέντε-έξι άτομα, που ασχολούνταν με το σενάριο του Grexit», αναφέρει. Από κοινού «εξετάζονταν αλλά και απορρίπτονταν όλα τα πιθανά σενάρια». Ο ίδιος διαψεύδει, πάντως, τις φήμες που τον θέλουν να παίρνει τα χρήματα της Κεντρικής Τράπεζας για να πληρώσει συντάξεις. «Ποτέ δεν σκεφτήκαμε κάτι παρόμοιο με μια διάρρηξη. Δεν είμαστε τυχοδιώκτες!».
EURONEWS
Διαψεύσεις και μηνύσεις εναντίον του Γ. Βαρουφάκη για το Σχέδιο Β
«Συμπαθώ τον Βόλφγκανγκ»
Στις συνεδριάσεις, όπως λέει, βίωνε «έναν ψυχολογικό πόλεμο σε όλα τα επίπεδα». Ο ίδιος παρέμενε ήρεμος, αν και συχνά παρατηρούσε «άξεστες και απολίτιστες», συμπεριφορές. Ο Βόλφγκανγκ Σόιμπλε, σύμφωνα με τον Γ. Βαρουφάκη, «είναι σε θέση να εκραγεί και να γίνει πολύ αυστηρός. Μια φορά είδα πώς αποπήρε τον επικεφαλής του Eurogroup, Ντάισελμπλουμ, δεν ήταν ωραίο. Με εμένα δεν το έκανε ποτέ, ήταν πάντα πολύ φιλικός. Τον εκτιμώ, συμπαθώ τον Βόλφγκανγκ. Και αυτός εκτιμά, πιστεύω, τις γνώσεις μου».
Ο Σόιμπλε, σύμφωνα με τον Γ. Βαρουφάκη, γνωρίζει πολύ καλά τι θέλει «και το λέει μάλιστα ανοιχτά: μια αυταρχική Ευρώπη, πολύ λιγότερο κοινωνικό κράτος».
Απογοητευμένος από τον Γκάμπριελ
Βαθύτατα απογοητευμένος δηλώνει, πάντως, ο τέως ΥΠΟΙΚ από τον Γερμανό αντικαγκελάριο και υπουργό Οικονομίας Ζίγκμαρ Γκάμπριελ. Καταρχάς, όπς λέει, η μεταξύ τους σχέση ήταν «σχεδόν αδελφική». «Δεν υπήρχε ίχνος διάστασης απόψεων. Ήταν φανταστικά, σαν να μιλούσα με μέλος του ΣΥΡΙΖΑ. Έναν σύντροφο. Και μετά, λίγο μετά, μαθαίνω πώς μας κακολογεί. Απίστευτο», αναφέρει χαρακτηριστικά.
Ο Γιάνης Βαρουφάκης δεν είναι ιδιαίτερα αισιόδοξος για το μέλλον της Ευρώπης. Χαρακτηρίζει δε την 13η Ιουλίου, οπότε η ελληνική κυβέρνηση αποδέχθηκε το τρίτο πακέτο στήριξης, ως «τη μεγαλύτερη επίθεση σε βάρος της Δημοκρατίας από το τέλος του Β΄ Παγκοσμίου Πολέμου».
«Η μητέρα μου ήταν μέλος ακροδεξιάς τρομοκρατικής οργάνωσης»
Από τα παιδικά του χρόνια, όπως διηγείται ο Γ. Βαρουφάκης, αισθάνεται πολιτικό ον. «Αυτό έχει να κάνει με την οικογένειά μου». Κατά τον εμφύλιο, όπως λέει, ο πατέρας του ήταν επί τέσσερα χρόνια έγκλειστος και κάθε τόσο έπεφτε θύμα βασανισμών. «Ο λόγος: αρνούνταν να καταδώσει κομμουνιστές. Ήταν ένας φιλελεύθερος άνθρωπος, μεγαλωμένος στο πνεύμα της Γαλλικής Επανάστασης».
Κατά τη διάρκεια της Χούντας ένας θείος του ήταν στη φυλακή «καταδικασμένος σε θάνατο. Κάτι τέτοιο σε πολιτικοποιεί», όπως λέει. Η μητέρα του αντίθετα ήταν μετά τον παγκόσμιο πόλεμο «μέλος μιας ακροδεξιάς τρομοκρατικής οργάνωσης. Μισούσε όλους τους αριστερούς». Μια από τις αποστολές της ως μέλος της οργάνωσης ήταν να κατασκοπεύει τον πατέρα του, «έτσι γνωρίστηκαν».
Με τη Γερμανία ο Γιάνης Βαρουφάκης έχει στενές σχέσεις, όπως λέει. «Όταν ήμουν τριών χρονών άρχισα να μαθαίνω γερμανικά. Αργότερα, κατά τη διάρκεια της δικτατορίας άκουγα στα κρυφά με τους γονείς μου κάτω από την κουβέρτα τις εκπομπές της Deutsche Welle. Ήταν η σύνδεσή μας με την ελευθερία». Κατά τη διάρκεια της Χούντας περνούσε κάθε καλοκαίρι με την οικογένειά του «τις διακοπές στη νότια Γερμανία και την Αυστρία - ήταν μια μικρή φυγή από τη δικτατορία».
Πηγή: Deutsche Welle
[http://www.naftemporiki.gr/story/983639/g-baroufakis-i-mitera-mou-itan-melos-akrodeksias-tromokratikis-organosis]
=== Kείμενο υπογραφών υπέρ του Γιάνη Βαρουφάκη διακινούν υποστηρικτές του
29.07.2015 Πολιτική
Kείμενο υπογραφών υπέρ του Γιάνη Βαρουφάκη διακινούν υποστηρικτές του
Στη δημοσιότητα δόθηκε κείμενο συλλογής υπογραφών, υπό τον τίτλο «Όχι στη δίωξη της πολιτικής – Κάτω τα χέρια από το Γιάνη Βαρουφάκη».
Όπως προκύπτει από τις αρχικές υπογραφές, συμμετέχουν γνωστά στελέχη του ΣΥΡΙΖΑ, γεγονός που δεν μπορεί να μην συνυπολογιστεί στο γενικό πολιτικό κλίμα των ημερών και τις εσωκομματικές εξελίξεις στο ΣΥΡΙΖΑ.
Αναλυτικά το κείμενο αναφέρει τα εξής: «Τις τελευταίες ημέρες παρακολουθούμε έντρομοι/ες και αγανακτισμένοι μια διαδικασία έντονου στιγματισμού στην ελληνική κοινωνία των «υπερασπιστών της εναλλακτικής λύσης» ή της «δραχμής», όπως απαξιωτικά τους αποκαλούν. Σύμφωνα με τα κανάλια, όποιος/α υπερασπίζεται μια λύση εκτός του ευρώ σχεδόν ανήκει σε εγκληματική οργάνωση ή διαπράττει ιδιώνυμο ποινικό αδίκημα.
Η ελευθερία έκφρασης και πολιτικής γνώμης, ακόμη και η ίδια η άσκηση κυβερνητικής πολιτικής πέρα από τα όρια του ευρώ, παρουσιάζεται σχεδόν ως εσχάτη προδοσία, την ίδια στιγμή όπου συμβαίνει το ακριβώς αντίθετο : η χώρα συντρίβεται και ταπεινώνεται στο όνομα της δογματικής παραμονής στο ευρώ.
Αποκορύφωμα όλων αυτών αποτελεί η προπαρασκευή μιας ποινικής δίωξης κατά του Γιάνη Βαρουφάκη ή και η υπαγωγή του…. στην Επιτροπή Διερεύνησης Ευθυνών για τα Μνημόνια λόγω του ότι υποστήριξε ρητώς ότι είχε κάποιο σχέδιο Β (και μάλιστα κατ’ αρχήν εντός του ευρώ) και ότι προσπάθησε να έχει μια σχεδιασμένη εναλλακτική για να το εφαρμόσει. Δηλαδή, ο πρώην υπουργός κινδυνεύει να διωχθεί για την εκτέλεση του καθήκοντός του.
Πρόκειται για καταφανή ποινικοποίηση της ελευθερίας του λόγου και της άσκησης πολιτικής δράσης ή και κυβερνητικής πολιτικής από τον τότε αρμόδιο υπουργό πιθανότατα κατ’ επιταγήν των δανειστών. Και μάλιστα, αυτό που επιδιώκεται να «θωρακιστεί» με τέτοιες δράσεις είναι η πλήρης υπαγωγή στην τρόικα αρχών όπως η Γενική Γραμματεία Δημοσίων Εσόδων. Αυτή η κατάσταση ποινικοποίησης οφείλει να σταματήσει εδώ, αν δεν θέλουμε να πυκνώσουν γύρω μας τα σύννεφα του ολοκληρωτισμού».
Οι διοργανωτές της πρωτοβουλίας καλούν οι υπογραφές στις οποίες πρέπει να αναφέρεται όνομα, επάγγελμα και emial, να αποστέλλονται στις παρακάτω διευθύνσεις:
Γιώργος Καλαντζόπουλος, geo.kalantzopoulos@gmail.com
Δημήτρης Μπελαντής, dbelantis@hotmail.com
Ελένη Πορτάλιου, portel@central.ntua.gr
[http://www.ert.gr/kimeno-ipografon-iper-tou-giani-varoufaki-diakinoun-ipostiriktes-tou/]
name::
* McsEngl.economist.1953.KRUGMAN.PAUL {1953-},
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy438.4,
* McsEngl.krugman.Paul@cptEconomy438.4, {2012-04-03}
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* Email: pkrugman@princeton.edu,
* http://wws.princeton.edu/faculty-research/faculty/pkrugman,
* https://www.princeton.edu/~pkrugman//
_DESCRIPTION:
Paul Krugman (born 1953) is a contemporary economist. His textbook International Economics (2007) appears on many undergraduate reading lists. Well known as a representative of progressivism, he writes a weekly column on economics, American economic policy, and American politics more generally in the New York Times. He was awarded the Nobel Prize in Economics in 2008 for his work on New Trade Theory and economic geography.
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/History_of_economic_thought]
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://worthpublishers.com/Catalog/Product.aspx?isbn=9780716771586,
* http://bcs.worthpublishers.com/krugmanwells_econ2/default.asp,
INTRODUCTION The Ordinary Business of Life
Part 1 What is Economics?
Chapter 1 First Principles
Chapter 2 Economic Models: Trade-offs and Trade
Chapter 2 APPENDIX Graphs in Economics
Part 2 Supply and Demand
Chapter 3 Supply and Demand
Chapter 4 Consumer and Producer Surplus
Chapter 5 The Market Strikes Back
Chapter 6 Elasticity
Part 3 Individuals and Markets
Chapter 7 Taxes
Chapter 8 International Trade
Part 4 Economics and Decision Making
Chapter 9 Making Decisions
Part 5 The Consumer
Chapter 10 The Rational Consumer
Chapter 11 Consumer Preferences and Consumer Choice
Part 6 The Production Decision
Chapter 12 Behind the Supply Curve: Inputs and Costs
Chapter 13 Perfect Competition and the Supply Curve
Part 7 Market Structure: Beyond Perfect Competition
Chapter 14 Monopoly
Chapter 15 Oligopoly
Chapter 16 Monopolistic Competition and Product Differentiation
Part 8 Microeconomics and Public Policy
Chapter 17 Externalities
Chapter 18 Public Goods and Common Resources
Chapter 19 The Economics of the Welfare State
Part 9 Factor Markets and Risk
Chapter 20 Factor Markets and the Distribution of Income
Chapter 20 APPENDIX Indifference Curve
Chapter 21 Uncertainty, Risk, and Private Information
Part 10: Introduction to Macroeconomics
Chapter 22 Macroeconomics: The Big Picture
Chapter 23 Tracking the Macroeconomy
Chapter 24 Unemployment and Inflation
Part 11: Long-Run Economic Growth
Chapter 25 Long-Run Economic Growth
Chapter 26 Savings, Investment Spending, and the Financial System
Part 12: Short-Run Economic Fluctuations
Chapter 27 Income and Expenditure
Chapter 27 Appendix: Deriving the Multiplier Algebraically
Chapter 28 Aggregate Demand and Aggregate Supply
Part 13: Stabilization Policy
Chapter 29 Fiscal Policy
Chapter 29 Appendix: Taxes and the Multiplier
Chapter 30 Money, Banking, and the Federal Reserve System
Chapter 31 Monetary Policy
Chapter 31 Appendix: Reconciling Two Models of the Interest Rate
Chapter 32 Inflation, Disinflation, and Deflation
Part 14 Events and Ideas
Chapter 33 Events and Ideas
Part 15 The Open Economy
Chapter 34 Open-Economy Macroeconomics
name::
* McsEngl.economist.1943.BATRA.RAVI {1943-},
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy438.1,
* McsEngl.batra.ravi@cptEconomy438,
2007.01: "The New Golden Age: The Coming Revolution against Political Corruption and Economic Chaos."
In The New Golden Age that appeared in January 2007, Batra predicted
* Oil price will break new record until 2010 in spite of a slowing economy, but collapse in
the next decade.
* The housing bubble will keep bursting at least till 2009
* Share prices will see a slow fall in 2007 but an accelerated fall in 2008 and 2009
* An unprecedented movement will appear by 2009 to start a revolution against the
rule of wealthy lobbyists in politics. The revolution will lead to a new golden age in the next decade.
[http://www.ravibatra.com/gapr.html]
2005-04-14: Greenspan's Fraud: How Two Decades of His Policies Have Undermined the Global Economy
Hardcover: 288 pages
Publisher: Palgrave Macmillan; 1St Edition edition (April 14, 2005)
Language: English
ISBN-10: 9781403968593
ISBN-13: 978-1403968593
ASIN: 1403968594
* http://www.ravibatra.com/gsfrd.html
1978: "The Downfall of Capitalism and Communism"
In 1978, to the laughter of many and the applause of a few, I wrote a book on world history and titled it The Downfall of Capitalism and Communism, predicting that both systems would collapse by or around the year 2000.
[http://www.ravibatra.com/Forecasting.html]
_List:
* The Crash of the Millennium
* The Downfall of Capitalism and Communism
* The Myth of Free Trade
* The Great American Deception
* The Great Depression of 1990
* Stock Market Crashes of 1998 and 1999
Other books, though out of print, written by Batra are:
* Studies in the Pure Theory of International Trade
* The Pure Theory of International Trade Under Uncertainty
* Prout: The Alternative to Capitalism and Marxism
* Muslim Civilization and the Crisis in Iran
* Prout and Economic Reform in India
As regards the political cycle, Batra argues that nations pass through three eras;
- some times the military dominates society,
- sometimes the intellectuals including priests, and
- some times the wealthy.
His political cycle concludes that the age of money is about to end in America and Europe. This cycle also predicts that China, where the rule of money or of wealthy landlords ended in 1949, is about to move into its own golden age. History reveals that the age of the wealthy always ends in a social revolution followed by a golden age. This is the basis of Batra’s prediction that we are about to move into a period of major economic chaos and poverty that will wake up people to overthrow the rule of money in society in a ballot-box revolution. Then will come a golden age of peace, prosperity and ethical values.
[http://www.ravibatra.com/gapr.html]
Golden_age:
"Yet all is not lost. There is an effulgent silver lining lurking behind the pal of dark clouds. Sarkar’s historical cycles that I have repeatedly used in my forecasts also show that eventually the world will see a wonderfully prosperous era enshrined in the new golden age. This, I feel, could happen by the end of the next decade."
[http://www.ravibatra.com/globalfinancialcrisis.htm, November 15, 2008] 2011-04-15
The single most worrisome economic problem today is that productivity is outpacing wages all over the world. Since productivity creates supply and wages create demand, supply outpaces demand; to maintain economic balance, the world is busy creating debt, which artificially raises demand. But now credit is not easily available; markets realize that goods will go unsold and profits will sink. So they are tanking.
[http://www.ravibatra.com/gapr.html]
name::
* McsEngl.batra'Wages-and-productivity,
* McsEngl.wage-productivity-gap@cptEconomy438.1,
The Wage-Productivity Gap
Greenspan focused on company profits and labor productivity as the main engines of economic growth and prosperity. He believed that high profits generate high employment and high wages lead to joblessness. I will now show how this view is myopic and the sole cause of most of the economic travails afflicting the world.
Let me start with a universally acceptable statement. A healthy economy requires that there is a balance between supply and demand. Here supply means the production of goods and services offered to entire society, and demand means society’s demand for such things. Thus, economic balance requires that
Supply = Demand
Without this balance, there is either high unemployment or high inflation. The main source of supply is labor productivity, whereas the main source of demand is the real wage, or people’s purchasing power in Sarkar’s nomenclature. When productivity rises, production or supply goes up and when the real wage increases, consumer spending, and hence investment spending, go up. Because of this investment and new technology, productivity grows over time, which means supply rises over the years. Therefore, demand must also grow proportionately to maintain the economic balance, implying that the real wage must rise in proportion to productivity. However, Greenspan loved to see the rise in productivity but hated the rise in the real wage. He even wanted to abolish the minimum wage, and always argued against its rise, although relentless price increases in the United States had all but demolished its purchasing power. In this respect, the maestro had a lot of company, including the support of President George W. Bush and economic establishment. As a result, the U.S. minimum wage, which peaked at $10 per hour in 1969 in terms of 2008 prices, is now less than $7. Incidentally, the unemployment rate in 1969 was just 3.5 percent, among the lowest in US history.
If the real wage fails to grow as fast as productivity, then over time, a wage-productivity gap develops and
Supply > Demand
Then how do you maintain the indispensable economic balance? This is where the special genius of Greenspan, along with that of conventional economics, came into play. This is where liberal and conservative economists alike, some of them Nobel Laureates, preached their gospel and in the process failed the world.
There is another way through which demand can be raised—new debt. It is an artificial way, and cannot be used forever, but it can postpone the problem for a long time, while the potential economic imbalance builds and cumulates. From 1981 on, U.S. budget deficits, with Greenspan and company advising President Reagan, grew apace. Economists called it fiscal policy, but in reality it was a debt-creating policy. This is how the supply-demand balance was maintained in the presence of the rising wage gap. Thus, for a while, economic balance occurs when
Productivity growth = growth of the real wage plus debt
and
new debt = supply – demand
[http://www.ravibatra.com/globalfinancialcrisis.htm]
TAYLOR: I will get to that issue a little later toward the end of our conversation. There are some very encouraging aspects to your message which I want to be sure our subscribers understand when we get to that point. What I want to ask you now is how did we get into this mess we are now in?
BATRA: The main reason is that we don't have a free enterprise economy. It is touted as a free enterprise economy but we really don't have that. In fact, what we have are regional monopolies or a monopolized economy. Some people call it "Crony Capitalism." The main feature of a monopolized economy is that the fruit of rising productivity goes to owners of capital, not to the employees. So there occurs a rising gap between productivity and wages. Wages are the main source of demand and productivity is the main source of supply so with the rising gap between wages and productivity there is a potential for a gap between demand and supply. And that has been occurring in the U.S. for many years now. So the question is how have we stayed afloat for so long with supply rising faster than demand? The answer is demand has remained artificially high through the creation of debt, either from government, consumers, corporations and foreigners. All this debt has combined to lift up demand to the level of supply. But debt created prosperity cannot last forever. So we have gotten into this mess by: First, allowing wages to lag behind productivity and secondly by artificially bolstering demand by creating a tremendous amount of debt. All we have done is simply postponed the problem. And, since this postponement has been going on for many years, the mess is potentially catastrophic.
[http://www.usagold.com/taylorbatracrash.html]
http.RaviBatra:
* http://www.ravibatra.com//
name::
* McsEngl.batra'WebArticle,
2008-11-15: The Global Financial Crisis: What Caused it, Where it is heading?*
* http://www.ravibatra.com/globalfinancialcrisis.htm
1999-07-29: The Crash of the Millennium
* http://www.usagold.com/taylorbatracrash.html
- in 10 years the "golden age"
batra'German_Article:
A brief summary in English:
· The financial crisis was caused by a corrupt elite within the financial establishment while oil scarcity is fabricated by the big industry players.
· The majority of corporate shares should be owned by employees and not investors.
· Dr. Batra is often criticized because he strays from the mainstream based on clear economic facts and logic.
· The ruling class (G.W. Bush, etc.) got rich under Greenspan (as did he) while the middle class and poor lost out – corruption is the real reason for the current world-wide recession.
· Greenspan’s reaction to the crisis in ‘87 was to resolve a deficit problem with more deficit, which led to the culture of borrowing and living on credit that we now see at the root of our current issues.
· Goldman Sachs is not a lick better than Enron in that it is a prime motor of the corruption among government circles. They will cause the next major economic crisis.
· Oil prices will continue to rise based on an “artificial” monopoly that the industry has created. Dr. Batra had foreseen this development years ago.
· The current problems will continue through 2012 and any major improvement requires that people elect a new leadership in the US.
· The main instrument to achieve better economic conditions is that the divide between income and productivity needs to be reduced.
This requires what Dr. Batra calls economic democracy – the majority of shares in a corporation should be in the hands of the workers. The is the only way to create a focus on internal stakeholders as opposed to just external investors. For workers to receive an appropriate wage increase for rising productivity, it is essential that the CEO’s job depends on satisfied employees.
[http://www.ravibatra.com/GermanArticle.html]
name::
* McsEngl.batra'WebVideo,
2007-09-09:
Dr. Ravi Batra, Professor of Economics, Dallas Texas (USA) sent a Video message on the occasion of Prout Convention held Uttam Mancha, Kolkata on 9th September 2007. This is the Part 1 of 4.
PROUT - Progressive Utilization Theory or PROUT is a socio-economic theory developed in 1959 by Indian philosopher and spiritual leader Prabhat Rainjan Sarkar (1921-1990), as an alternative global economic model based on his neo-humanist spiritual philosophies, and which he claimed would eventually ...
1987-07-29:
Ravi Batra Ph.D 07-29-87 Original Air Date:
* http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Yit7ch_AMA0&feature=related
Ravi Batra Talks About The Economic Meltdown (1/4)
* http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ZRM73_SMjtg&feature=autoplay&list=PL7A5C9D23333D77F6&index=2&playnext=2
name::
* McsEngl.economist.1943.STIGLITZ.JOSEPH {1943},
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy438.3,
* McsEngl.Stiglitz.Joseph@cptEconomy438.3,
_DESCRIPTION:
Joseph Eugene Stiglitz, ForMemRS, FBA, (born February 9, 1943) is an American economist and a professor at Columbia University. He is a recipient of the Nobel Memorial Prize in Economic Sciences (2001) and the John Bates Clark Medal (1979). He is also the former Senior Vice President and Chief Economist of the World Bank. He is known for his critical view of the management of globalization, free-market economists (whom he calls "free market fundamentalists") and some international institutions like the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank.
In 2000, Stiglitz founded the Initiative for Policy Dialogue (IPD), a think tank on international development based at Columbia University. Since 2001, he has been a member of the Columbia faculty, and has been a University Professor since 2003. He also chairs the University of Manchester's Brooks World Poverty Institute and is a member of the Pontifical Academy of Social Sciences. Stiglitz is also an honorary professor at Tsinghua University School of Public Policy and Management and a member of the Executive and Supervisory Committee (ESC) of CERGE-EI. Stiglitz is one of the most frequently cited economists in the world.[2]
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Joseph_E._Stiglitz]
name::
* McsEngl.stiglitz'Attribute,
Personal details
Born February 9, 1943 (age 68)
Gary, Indiana
Political party Democratic
Spouse(s) Anya Schiffrin
Alma mater Amherst College
Massachusetts Institute of Technology
Profession Economist
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Joseph_E._Stiglitz]
name::
* McsEngl.stiglitz'Criticism,
An Open Letter1
By Kenneth Rogoff,
Economic Counsellor and Director of Research,
International Monetary Fund
To Joseph Stiglitz,
Author of Globalization and Its Discontents
(New York: W.W. Norton & Company, June 2002)
Washington D.C., July 2, 2002
* http://www.imf.org/external/np/vc/2002/070202.htm
name::
* McsEngl.stiglitz'Product,
2002:
Globalization and Its Discontents is a book published in 2002 by the 2001 Nobel laureate Joseph E. Stiglitz.
name::
* McsEngl.economist.1899.HAYEK.FRIEDRICH.AUGUST {1899-1992},
* McsEngl.Hayek.Friedrich.August@cptEconomy,
_DESCRIPTION:
Friedrich August Hayek CH (German: ['f?i?d??η 'a??g?st 'ha???k]; 8 May 1899 – 23 March 1992), born in Austria-Hungary as Friedrich August von Hayek, was a British[1] economist and philosopher best known for his defense of classical liberalism. In 1974, Hayek shared the Nobel Memorial Prize in Economic Sciences (with Gunnar Myrdal) for his "pioneering work in the theory of money and economic fluctuations and... penetrating analysis of the interdependence of economic, social and institutional phenomena." [2]
Hayek is considered to be a major economist[3] and political thinker of the twentieth century.[4] Hayek's account of how changing prices communicate information which enables individuals to coordinate their plans is widely regarded as an important achievement in economics.[5] He also contributed to the fields of systems thinking, jurisprudence, neuroscience and the history of ideas.[citation needed]
Hayek served in World War I and said that his experience in the war and his desire to help avoid the mistakes that had led to the war led him to his career. Hayek lived in Austria, Great Britain, the United States and Germany, and became a British subject in 1938. He spent most of his academic life at the London School of Economics (LSE), the University of Chicago, and the University of Freiburg.
In 1984, he was appointed as a member of the Order of the Companions of Honour by Queen Elizabeth II on the advice of Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher for his "services to the study of economics."[6] He also received the US Presidential Medal of Freedom in 1991 from president George H. W. Bush.[7] In 2011, his article The Use of Knowledge in Society was selected as one of the top 20 articles published in the American Economic Review during its first 100 years.[8]
Born 8 May 1899
Vienna, Austria-Hungary
Died 23 March 1992 (aged 92)
Freiburg, Germany
Nationality Austrian, British
Institution University of Freiburg (1962–1968)
University of Chicago (1950–1962)
London School of Economics (1931–1950)
Field Economics, political science, law, philosophy, psychology
Alma mater University of Vienna, (Dr. jur. 1921, Dr. rer. pol 1923)
Opposed Keynes · Sraffa · Kaldor
Influences Wieser · Menger · Frank Fetter · Mach · Bφhm-Bawerk · Mises · Mandeville · Wittgenstein · Burke · Sidney · Mill · Tocqueville · Popper · Eucken · A. Smith
Influenced M. Friedman · D. D. Friedman · Popper · Coase · Erhard · Hicks · V. Smith · Thatcher · Paul · Reagan · Lerner · Rothbard · H. Hazlitt · Laffer · Yayla · Ostrom · · Wales · Timberlake · Selgin · White · Yeager · Sowell
Contributions Economic calculation problem, catallaxy, extended order, dispersed knowledge, price signal, spontaneous order, Hayek–Hebb model
Awards Nobel Memorial Prize in Economic Sciences (1974)
Presidential Medal of Freedom (1991)
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Friedrich_Hayek]
The Fatal Conceit: The Errors of Socialism is a non-fiction book written by the economist and political philosopher Friedrich Hayek and edited by William Warren Bartley.
Main thesis and arguments
The book attempts to conclusively refute all forms of Socialism by demonstrating that socialist theories are not only logically incorrect but that the premises they use to form their arguments are incorrect as well. To Hayek the birth of civilization is due to the start of societal traditions placing importance on private property leading to expansion, trade, and eventually the modern capitalist system, also known as the extended order[1]. Socialists are wrong because they disregard the fact that modern civilization naturally evolved and was not planned. Additionally, since modern civilization and all of its customs and traditions naturally led to the current order and are needed for its continuance, any fundamental change to the system that tries to control it is doomed to fail since it would be impossible or unsustainable in modern civilization. Price signals are the only means of enabling each economic decision maker to communicate tacit knowledge or dispersed knowledge to each other, in order to solve the economic calculation problem.
...
Controversy
There is much scholarly debate on how much influence William Warren Bartley had on writing the book.[2] Officially, Bartley was the editor who was supposed to prepare the book for publication once Hayek fell ill in 1985; however, the inclusion of material from Bartley's philosophical point of view and citations that other people provided to Bartley[3] have led people to question how much of the book was written by Hayek and whether Hayek knew about the added material. Bruce Cadwell thinks that the evidence "clearly points towards a conclusion that the book was a product more of [Bartley's] pen than of Hayek's. ... Bartley may have written the book".[4]
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Fatal_Conceit]
Law, Legislation and Liberty is the 1973 magnum opus in three volumes by Nobel laureate economist and political philosopher Friedrich Hayek. In it, Hayek further develops the philosophical principles he discussed earlier in The Road to Serfdom, The Constitution of Liberty, and other writings. Law, Legislation and Liberty is more abstract than Hayek's earlier work, and it focuses on the conflicting views of society as either a design, a made order ("taxis"), on the one hand, or an emergent system, a grown order ("cosmos"), on the other. These ideas are then connected to two different forms of law: law proper, or "nomos" coinciding more or less with the traditional concept of natural law, which is an emergent property of social interaction, and legislation, or "thesis", which is properly confined to the administration of non-coercive government services, but is easily confused with the occasional acts of legislature that do actually straighten out flaws in the nomos.
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Law,_Legislation_and_Liberty]
The Constitution of Liberty is a book by Austrian economist and Nobel Prize recipient Friedrich A. Hayek. The book was first published in 1960 by the University of Chicago Press and it is an interpretation of civilization as being made possible by the fundamental principles of liberty, which the author presents as prerequisites for wealth and growth, rather than the other way around.
The Constitution of Liberty has notably been held up at a British Conservative Party policy meeting and banged on the table by Margaret Thatcher, who reportedly interrupted a presentation to indicate, in reference to the book, that "This is what we believe".[1]
The Constitution of Liberty was placed 9th on the list of the 100 best non-fiction books of the twentieth century compiled by the biweekly conservative magazine National Review.[2]
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Constitution_of_Liberty]
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://mises.org/books/individualismandeconomicorder.pdf,
Individualism and Economic Order is a book written by Friedrich Hayek (recipient of the Nobel Memorial Prize in Economic Sciences in 1974). It is a collection of essays originally published between the 1930s and 1940s, discussing topics ranging from moral philosophy to the methods of the social sciences and economic theory to contrast free markets with planned economies.
Essays
I. "Individualism: True and False"
Delivered at University College, Dublin, December 17, 1945.
II. "Economics and Knowledge"
Delivered at the London Economic Club. November 1936.
III. "The Facts of the Social Sciences"
Delivered at the Cambridge University Moral Science Club, November 1942.
IV. "The Use of Knowledge in Society"
Published in the American Economic Review, September 1945.
V. "The Meaning of Competition"
Derived from a paper delivered at Princeton University, May 1946.
VI. "'Free' Enterprise and Competitive Order"
Derived from a paper delivered to the Mont Pelerin Society, April 1947.
VII. "Socialist Calculation I: The Nature and History of the Problem"
Published in Collectivist Economic Planning (1935)
VIII. 'Socialist Calculation II: The State of the Debate (1935)'
Published in Collectivist Economic Planning (1935)
IX. "Socialist Calculation III: The Competitive 'Solution'"
Published in the Economica, May 1940.
X. "A Commodity Reserve Currency"
Published in the Economic Journal, June–September 1943.
XI. "The Ricardo Effect"
Published in Economica, May 1942.
XII. "The Economic Conditions of Interstate Federalism"
Published in the New Commonwealth Quarterly, September 1939.
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Individualism_and_Economic_Order]
ALTHOUGH the essays collected in this volume may at first appear to be concerned with a great variety of topics, I hope that the reader will soon discover that most of them treat of closely connected problems. While they range from discussions of moral philosophy to the methods of the social sciences and from problems of economic policy to pure economic theory, these questions are treated in most of the essays as different aspects of the same central issue. This connection will be seen most readily in the first six essays, yet in some measure the three on the problem of socialist calculation which follow them may be regarded as an application of the same ideas to a particular problem, although when I wrote these I did not yet quite see it in that light. Only the last three essays deal with somewhat different points of theory or policy; but, since I believe that the problems with which they are concerned will be discussed even more in the future than they have been in the past, I have taken this opportunity to make them available in a more convenient form.
Since I published not long ago a more popular book on problems related to some of those discussed here, I should in fairness warn the reader that the present volume is not intended for popular consumption. Only a few of the essays collected here (chaps. i and vi, and possibly iv and v) may in a sense be regarded as supplementary to that advance sketch of certain practical conclusions which a sense of urgency has tempted me to publish under the title The Road to Serfdom. The rest are definitely addressed to fellow-students and are fairly technical in character. All are admittedly fragments, products which have emerged in the pursuit of a distant goal, which for the time being must serve in place of the finished product. I should perhaps add that from my recent publications in the field with which most of the essays in this volume deal I have not included two series of articles on "Scientism and the Study of Society" and the "Counterrevolution of Science" because they are intended to form part of a larger and more systematic work; in the meantime they can be found in the volumes of Economica for 1941-45 and 1940, respectively.
My thanks are due to the editors of the American Economic Review, Economica, the Economic Journal, Ethics, and the New Commonwealth Quarterly for permission to reprint articles which first appeared in these journals, and to Messrs. George Routledge & Sons, Ltd., London, for permission to reproduce the two essays originally contributed to the volume on Collectivist Economic Planning published by them in 1935.
F. A. HAYEK
LONDON SCHOOL OF ECONOMICS
June 1947
IV. The Use of Knowledge In Society*
1
WHAT is the problem we wish to solve when we try to construct a rational economic order?
On certain familiar assumptions the answer is simple enough.
lf we possess all the relevant information, if we can start out from a given system of preferences, and if we command complete knowledge of available means, the problem which remains is purely one of logic.
That is, the answer to the question of what is the best use of the available means is implicit in our assumptions.
The conditions which the solution of this optimum problem must satisfy have been fully worked out and can be stated best in mathematical form: put at their briefest, they are that the marginal rates of substitution between any two commodities or factors must be the same in all their different uses.
This, however, is emphatically not the economic problem which society faces. And the economic calculus which we have developed to solve this logical problem, though an important step toward the solution of the economic problem ofsociety, does not yet provide an answer to it. The reason for this is that the "data" from which 'the economic calculus starts are never for the whole society "given" to a single mind which could work out the implications and can never be so given.
The peculiar character of the problem of a rational economic order is determined precisely by the fact that the knowledge of the circumstances of which we must make use never exists in concentrated or integrated form but solely as the dispersed bits of incomplete and frequently contradictory knowledge which all the separate individuals possess. The economic problem of society is thus not merely a problem of how to allocate "given" resources-if "given" is taken to mean given
* Reprinted from the American Economic Review, XXXV, No. 4 (September, 1945), 519-30.
77
to a single mind which deliberately solves the problem set by these "data." It is rather a problem of how to secure the best use of resources known to any of the members of society, for ends whose relative importance only these individuals know. Or, to put it briefly, it is a problem of the utilization of knowledge which is not given to anyone in its totality.
This character of the fundamental problem has, I am afraid, been obscured rather than illuminated hy many of the recent refinen1ents of economic theory, particularly by many of the uses made of mathematics. Though the problem with which I want primarily to deal in this paper is the problem of a rational economic organization, I shall in its course be led again 'and again to point to its close connections with certain methodological questions. Many of the points I wish to make ~re indeed conclusions toward which diverse paths of reasoning have unexpectedly converged. But, as I now see these problems, this is no accident. It seems to me that many of the current disputes with regard to both economic theory and economic policy have their common origin in a misconception about the nature of the economic problem ofsociety. This misconception in turn is due to an erroneous transfer to social phenomena of the habits of thought we have developed in dealing with the phenomena of nature.
2
In ordinary language we describe by the word "planning" the complex of interrelated decisions about the allocation of our available resources. All economic activity is in this sense planning; and in any society in which many people collaborate, this planning, whoever does it, will in some measure have to be based on knowledge which, in the first instance, is not given to the planner but to somebody else, which somehow will have to be conveyed to the planner. The various ways in which the knowledge on which people base their plans is communicated to them is the crucial problem for any theory explaining the economic process, and the problem of what is the best way of
78
utilizing knowledge initially dispersed among all the people is at least one of the main problems of economic policy-or of designing an efficient economic system.
The answer to this question is closely connected with that" other question which arises here, that of who is to do the planning. It is about this question that all the dispute about "economic planning" centers. This is not a dispute about whether planning is to be done or not. It is a dispute as to whether planning is to be done centrally, by one authority for the whole economic system, or is to be divided among many individuals. Planning in the specific sense in which the term is used in contemporary controversy necessarily means central planning-direction of the whole economic system according to one unified plan. Competition, on the other hand, means decentralized planning by many separate persons. The halfway house between the two, about which many people talk but which few like when they see it, is the delegation of planning to organized industries, or, in other words, monopolies.
Which of these systems is likely to be more efficient depends mainly on the question under which of them we can expect that fuller use will be made of the existing knowledge. This, in turn, depends on whether we are more likely to succeed in putting at the disposal of a single central authority all the knowledge which ought to be used but which is initially dispersed among many different individuals, or in conveying to the individuals such additional knowledge as they need in order to enable them to dovetail their plans with those of others.
3
It will at once be evident that on this point the position will be different with respect to different kinds of knowledge. The answer to our question will therefore largely turn on the relative importance of the different kinds of knowledge: those more likely to be at the .disposal of particular individuals and those which we should with greater confidence expect to find in the possession of an authority made up of
79
suitably chosen experts. If it is today so widely assumed that the latter will be in a better position, this is because one kind of knowledge, namely, scientific knowledge, occupies now so prominent a place in public imagination that we tend to forget that it is not the only kind that is relevant. It may be admitted that, as far as scientific knowledge is concerned, a body of suitably chosen experts may be in the best position to command all the best knowledge available-though this is of course merely shifting the difficulty to the problem of selecting the experts. What I wish to point out is that, even assuming that this problem can be readily solved, it is only a small part of the wider problem.
Today it is almost heresy to suggest that scientific knowledge is not the sum of all knowledge: But a little reflection will show that there is beyond question a body of very important but unorganized knowledge which cannot possibly be called scientific in the sense of knowledge of general rules: the knowledge of the particular circumstances of time and place. It is with respect to this that practically every individual has some advantage over all others because he possesses unique information of which beneficial use might be made, but of which use can be made only if the decisions depending on it are left to him or are made with his active co-operation. We need to remember only how much we have to learn in any occupation after we have completed our theoretical training, how big a part of our working life we spend learning particular jobs, and how valuable an asset in all walks of life is knowledge of people, of local conditions, and of special circumstances. To know of and put to use a machine not fully employed, or somebody's skill which could be better utilized, or to be aware of a surplus stock which can be drawn upon during an interruption of supplies, is socially quite as useful as the knowledge of better alternative techniques.
The shipper who earns his living from using otherwise empty or halffilled journeys of tramp-steamers, or the estate agent whose whole knowledge is almost exclusively one of temporary opportunities, or the arbitrageur who gains from local differences of commodity pricesare all performing eminently useful functions based on special knowledge of circumstances of the fleeting moment not known to others.
80
It is a curious fact that this sort of knowledge should today be generally regarded with a kind of contempt and that anyone who by such knowledge gains an advantage over somebody better equipped with theoretical or technical knowledge is thought to have acted almost disreputably. To gain an advantage from better knowledge of facilities of communication or transport is sometimes regarded as almost dishonest, although it is quite as important that society make use of the best opportunities in this respect as in using the latest scientific discoveries.
This prej udice has in a considerable measure affected the attitude toward commerce in general compared with that toward production.
Even economists who regard themselves as definitely immune to the crud ematerialist fallacies of the past constantly commit the same mistake where activities directed toward the acquisition of such practical knowledge are concerned-apparently because in their scheme of things all such knowledge is supposed to be "given." The common idea now seems to be that all such knowledge should as a matter of course be readily at the command of everybody, and the reproach of irrationality leveled against the existing economic order is frequently based on the fact that it is not so available. This view disregards the fact that the method by which such knowledge can be made as widely available as possible is precisely the problem to which we have to find an answer.
4
If it is fashionable today to minimize the importance of the knowledge of the particular circumstances of time and place, this is closely connected with the smaller importance which is now attached to change as such. Indeed, there are few points on which the assumptions made (usually only implicitly) by the "planners" differ from those of their opponents as much as with regard to the significance and frequency of changes which will make substantial alterations of production plans necessary. Of course, if detailed economic plans could be laid down for fairly long periods in advance and then closely adhered to, so that no further economic decisions of importance would be re-
81
quired, the task of drawing up a comprehensive plan governing all economic activity would be much less formidable.
It is, perhaps, worth stressing that economic problems arise always and only in consequence of change. As long as things continue as before, or at least as they were expected to, there arise no new problems requiring a decision, no need to form a new plan. The belief that changes, or at least day-to-day adjustments, have become less important in modern times implies the contention that economic problems also have become less important. This belief in the decreasing importance of change is, for that reason, usually held by the same people who argue that the importance of economic considerations has been driven into the background by the growing importance of technological knowledge.
Is it true that, with the elaborate apparatus of modern production, economic decisions are required only at long intervals, as when a new factory is to be erected or a new process to be introduced? Is it true that, once a plant has been built, the rest is all more or less mechanical, determined by the character of the plant, and leaving little to be changed in adapting to the ever changing circumstances of the moment?
The fairly widespread belief in the affirmative is not, as far as I can ascertain, borne out by the practical experience of the businessman.
In a competitive industry at any rate-and such an industry alone can serve as a test-the task of keeping cost from rising requires constant struggle, absorbing a great part of the energy of the manager.
How easy it is for an inefficient manager to dissipate the differentials on which profitability rests and that it is possible, with the same technical facilities, to produce with a great variety of c9sts are among the commonplaces of business experience which do not seem to be equally familiar in the study of the economist. The very strength of the desire, constantly voiced by producers and engineers, to be allowed to proceed untrammeled by considerations of money costs, is eloquent testimony to the extent to which these factors enter into their daily work.
One reason why economists are increasingly apt to forget about the constant small changes which make up the whole economic pic-
82
ture is probably their growing preoccupation with statistical aggregates, which show a very much greater stability than the movements of the detail. The comparative stability of the aggregates cannot, however, be accounted for-as the statisticians occasionally seem to be inclined to do-by the "law of large numbers" or the mutual compensation of random changes. The number of elements with which we have to deal is not large enough for such accidental forces to produce stability. The continuous flow of goods and services is maintained by constant deliberate adj ustments, by new dispositions made every day in the light of circumstances not known the day before, by B stepping in at once when A fails to deliver. Even the large and highly mechanized plant keeps going largely because of an environment upon which it can draw for all sorts of unexpected needs: tiles for its roof, stationery or its forms, and all the thousand and one kinds of equipment in which it cannot be self-contained and which the plans for the operation of the plant require to be readily available in the market.
This is, perhaps, also the point where I should briefly mention the fact that the sort of knowledge with which I have been concerned is knowledge of the kind which by its nature cannot enter into statistics and therefore cannot be conveyed to any central authority in statistical form. The statistics which such a central authority would have to use would have to be arrived at precisely by abstracting from minor differences between the things, by lumping together, as resources of one kind, items which differ as regards location, quality, and other particulars, in a way which may be very significant for the specific decision. It follows from this that central planning based on statistical information by its nature cannot take direct account of these circumstances of time and place and that the central planner will have to find some way or other in which the decisions depending' on them can be left to the "man on the spot."
5
If we can agree that the economic problem of society is mainly one of rapid adaptation to changes in the particular circumstances of time and place, it would seem to follow that the ultimate decisions must be
83
left to the people who are familiar with these circumstances, who know directly of the relevant changes and of the resources immediately available to meet them. We cannot expect that this problem will be solved by first communicating all this knowledge to a central board which, after integrating all knowledge, issues its orders. We must solve it by some form of decentralization. But this answers only part of our problem. We need decentralization because only thus can we insure that the knowledge of the particular circumstances of time and place will be promptly used. But the "man on the spot" cannot decide solely on the basis of his limited but intimate knowledge of the facts of his immediate surroundings. There still remains the problem of communicating to him such further information as he needs to fit his decisions into the whole pattern of changes of the larger economic system.
How much knowledge does he need to do so successfully? Which of the events which happen beyond the horizon of his immediate knowledge are of relevance to his immediate decision, and how much of them need he know?
There is hardly anything that happens anywhere in the world that might not have an effect on the decision he ought to make. But he need not know of these events as such, nor of all their effects. It does not matter for him why at the particular moment more screws of one size than of another are wanted, why paper bags are more readily available than canvas bags, or why skilled labor, or particular machine tools, have for the moment become more difficult to obtain. All that is significant for him is how much more or less difficult to procure they have become compared with other things with which he is also concerned, or how much more or less urgently wanted are the alternative things he produces or uses. It is always a question 0.£ the relative importance of the particular things with which he is concerned, and the causes which alter their relative importance are of no interest to him beyond the effect on those concrete things of his own environment.
It is in this connection that what I have called the "economic caIcu-
84
Ius" (or the Pure Logic of Choice) helps us, at least by analogy, to see how this problem can be solved, and in fact is being solved, by the price system. Even the single controlling mind, in possession of all the data for some small, self-contained economic system, would notevery time some small adjustment in the allocation of resources had to he made-go explicitly through all the relations between ends and means which might possibly be affected. It is indeed the great contribution of the Pure Logic of Choice that it has demonstrated conclusively that even such a single mind could solve this kind of problem only by constructing and constantly using rates of equivalence (or "values," or "marginal rates of substitution"), that is, by attaching to each kind of scarce resource a numerical index which cannot be derived from any property possessed by that particular thing, but which reflects, or in which is condensed, its significance in view of the whole means-end structure. In any small change he will have to consider only these quantitative indices (or "values") in which all the relevant information is concentrated; and, by adjusting the quantities one by one, he can appropriately rearrange his dispositions without having to solve the whole puzzle ab initio or without needing at any stage to survey it at once in all its ramifications.
Fundamentally, in a system in which the knowledge of the relevant facts is dispersed among many people, prices can act to co-ordinate the separate actions of different people in the same way as subjective values help the individual to co-ordinate the parts of his plan. It is worth contemplating for a moment a very simple and commonplace instance of the action of the price system to see what precisely it accomplishes. Assume that somewhere in the world a new opportunity for the use of some raw material, say, tin, has arisen, or that one of the sources of supply of tin has been eliminated. It does not matter for our purpose-and it is significant that it does not matter-which of these two causes has made, tin more scarce. All that the users of tin need to know is that some of the tin they used to consume is now more profitably employed elsewhere and that, in consequence, they must economize tin. There is no need for the great majority of them
85
even to know where the more urgent need has arisen, or in favor of what other needs they ought to husband the supply. If only some of them know directly of the new demand, and switch resources over to it, and if the people who are aware of the new gap thus created in turn fill it from still other sources, the effect will rapidly spread throughout the whole economic system and influence not only all the uses of tin but also those of its substitutes and the substitutes of these substitutes, the supply of all the things made of tin, and their substitutes, and so on; and all his without the great majority of those instrumental in bringing about these substitutions knowing anything at all about the original cause of these changes. The whole acts as one market, not because any of its members survey the whole field, but because their limited individual fields of vision sufficiently overlap so that through many intermediaries the relevant information is communicated to all.
The mere fact that there is one price for any commodity-or rather that local prices are connected in a manner determined by the cost of transport, etc.-brings about the solution which (it is just conceptually possible) might have been arrived at by one single mind possessing all the information which is in fact dispersed among all the people involved in the process.
6
We must look at the price system as such a mechanism for communicating information if we want to understand its real functiona function which, of course, it fulfils less perfectly as prices grow more
rigid. (Even when quoted prices have become quite rigid, however,
the forces which would operate through changes in price still operate
to a considerable extent through changes in the other terms of the
contract.) The most significant fact about this system is the economy
of knowledge with which it operates, or how little the individual participants need to know in order to be able to take the right action. In
abbreviated form, by a kind of symbol, only the most essential information is passed on and passed on only to those concerned. It is
86
more than a metaphor to describe the price system as a kind of rna..
chinery for registering change, or a system of telecommunications
which enables individual producers to watch merely the movement of
a few pointers, as an engineer might watch the hands of a few dials,
in order to adjust their activities to changes of which they may never
know more than is reflected in the price movement.
Of course, these adj ustments are probably never "perfect" in the
sense in which the economist conceives of them in his equilibrium
analysis. But I fear that our theoretical habits of approaching the
problem with the assumption of more or less perfect knowledge on
the part of almost everyone has made us somewhat. blind to the true
function of the price mechanism and led us to apply rather misleading
standards in judging its efficiency. The marvel is that in a case like
that of a scarcity of one raw material, without an order being issued,
without more than perhaps a handful of people knowing the cause,
tens of thousands of people whose identity could not be ascertained by
months of investigation, are made to use the material or its products
more sparingly; that is, they mOve in the right direction. This is
enough of a marvel even if, in a constantly changing world, not all
will hit it off so perfectly that their profit rates will always be maintained at the same even or "normal" level.
I have deliberately used the word "marvel" to shock the reader out
of the complacency with which we often take the working of this
mechanism for granted. I am convinced that if it were the result
of deliberate human design, and if the people guided by the price
changes understood that their decisions have significance far beyond
their immediate aim, this mechanism would have been acclaimed as
one of the greatest triumphs of the human mind. Its misfortune is the
double one that it is not the product of human design and that the
people guided by it usually do not know why they are made to do
what they do. But those who clamor for "conscious direction"-and
who cannot believe that anything which has evolved without design
(and even without our understanding it) should solve problems
which we should not be able to solve consciously-should remember
87Individualism and Economic Order
this: The problem is precisely how to extend the span of our utilization of resources beyond the span of the control of anyone mind; and,
therefore, how to dispense with the need of conscious control and
how to provide inducements which will make the individuals do the
desirable things ~ithout anyone having to tell them what to do.
The problem which we meet here is by no means peculiar to
economics but arises in connection with nearly all truly social phenomena, with language and with most of our cultural inheritance,
and constitutes really the central theoretical problem of all social
science. As Alfred Whitehead has said in another connection, "It is a
profoundly erroneous truism, repeated by all copy-books and by
eminent people when they are making speeches, that we should cultivate the habit of thinking what we are doing. The precise opposite is
the case. Civilization advances by extending the number of important
operations which we can perform without thinking about them."
This is of profound significance in the social field. We make constant
use of formulas, symbols, and rules whose meaning we do not understand and through the use of which we avail ourselves of the assistance
of knowledge which individually we do not possess. We have developed these practices and institutions by building upon habits and
institutions which have proved successful in their own sphere and
which have in turn become the foundation of the civilization we have
built up.
The price system is just one of those formations which man has
learned to use (though he is still very far from having learned to
make the best use of it) after he had stumbled upon it without understanding it. Through it not only a division of labor but also a co-ordinated utilization of resources based on an equally divided knowledge
has become possible. The people who like to deride any suggestion
that this may be so usually distort the argument by insinuating that it
asserts that by some miracle just that sort of system has spontaneously
grown up which is best suited to modern civilization. It is the other
way round: man has been able to develop that division of labor on
which our civilization is based because he happened to stumble upon
88The Use of Knowledge in Society
a method which made it possible. Had he not done so, he might still
have developed some other, altogether different, type of civilization,
something like the "state" of the termite ants, or some other altogether unimaginable type. All that we can say is that nobody has yet
succeeded in designing an alternative system in which certain features
of the existing one can be preserved which are dear even to those who
most violently assail it-such as particularly the extent to which the
individual can choose his pursuits and consequently freely use his
own knowledge and skill.
7
It is in many ways fortunate that the dispute about the indispensability of the price system for any rational calculation in a complex
society is now no longer conducted "entirely between camps holding
different political views. The thesis that without the price system we
could not preserve a society based on such extensive division of labor
as ours was greeted with a howl of derision when it was first advanced
by Von Mises twenty-five years ago. Today the difficulties which some
still find in accepting it are no longer mainly political, and this makes
for an atmosphere much more conducive to reasonable discussion.
When we find Leon Trotsky arguing that "economic accounting is
unthinkable without market relations"; when Professor Oscar Lange
promises Professor von Mises a statue in the marble halls of the future
Central Planning Board; and when Professor Abba P. Lerner rediscovers Adam Smith and· emphasizes that the essential utility of the
price system consists in inducing the individual, while seeking his
own interest, to do what is in the general interest, the differences can
indeed no longer be ascribed to political prej udice. The remaining
dissent seems clearly to be due to purely intellectual, and more particularly methodological, differences.
A recent statement by Joseph Schumpeter in his Capitalism, Social·
ism, and Democracy provides a clear illustration of one of the methodological differences which I have in mind. Its author is pre-eminent
89
among those economists who approach economic phenomena in the
light of a certain branch of positivism. To him these phenomena
accordingly appear as objectively given quantities of commodities
impinging directly upon each other, almost, it would seem, without
any intervention of human minds. Only against this background can
I account for the following (to me startling) pronouncement. Professor Schumpeter argues that the possibility of a rational calculation in
the absence of markets for the factors of production follows for the
theorist "from the elementary proposition that consumers in evaluating ('demanding') consumers' goods ipso facto also evaluate the
means of production which enter into the production of these goods."l
Taken literally, this statement is simply untrue. The consumers do
nothing of the kind. What Professor Schumpeter's uipso facto" presumably means is that the valuation of the factors of production is
implied in, or follows necessarily from, the valuation of consumers'
goods. But this, too, is not correct. Implication is a logical relationship
which can be meaningfully asserted only of propositions simultaneously present to one and the same mind. It is evident, however, that
the values of the factors of production do not depend solely on the
valuation of the consumers' goods but also on the conditions of supply
of the various factors of production. Only to a mind to which all these
facts were simultaneously known would the answer necessarily follow from the facts given to it. The practical problem, however, arises
precisely because these facts are never so given to a single mind, and
1. Capitalism, Socialism, and Democracy (New York: Harper & Bros., 1942), p. 175.
Professor Schumpeter is, I believe, also the original author of the myth that Pareto and
Barone have "solved" the problem of socialist calculation. What they, and many others,
did was merely to state the conditions which a rational allocation of resources would
have to satisfy and to point out that these were essentially the same as the conditions
of equilibrium of a competitive market. This is something altogether different from
showing how the allocation of resources satisfying these conditions can be found in
practice. Pareto himself (from whom Barone has taken practically everything he has
to say), far from claiming to have solved the practical problem, in fact explicitly denies
that it can be solved without the help of the market. See his Manuel d'economie pure
(2d ed., 1927), pp. 233-34. The relevant passage is quoted in an English translation at
the beginning of my article on "Socialist Calculation: The Competitive 'Solution,' " in
Economica, VIII, No. 26 (new ser., 1940), 125; reprinted below as chapter viii.
90
because, in consequence, it is necessary that in the solution of the problem knowledge should be used that is dispersed among many people.
The problem is thus in no way solved if we can show that all the
facts, if they were known to a single mind (as we hypothetically
assume them to be given to the observing economist), would uniquely
determine the solution; instead we must show how a solution is produced by the interactions of people each of whom possesses only partial knowledge. To assume all the knowledge to be given to a single
mind in the same manner in which we assume it to be given to us as
the explaining economists is to assume the problem away and to disregard everything that is important and significant in the real world.
That an economist of Professor Schumpeter's standing should thus
have fallen into a trap which the ambiguity of the term "datum" sets
to the unwary can hardly be explained as a simple error. It suggests
rather that there is something fundamentally wrong with an approach
which habitually disregards an essential part of the phenomena with
which we have to deal: the unavoidable imperfection of man's knowledge and the consequent need for a process by which knowledge is
constantly communicated and acquired. Any approach, such as that
of much of mathematical economics with its simultaneous equations,
which in effect starts from the assumption that people's knowledge
corresponds with the objective facts of the situation, systematically
leaves out what is our main task to explain. I am far from denying
that in our system equilibrium analysis has a useful function to perform. But when it comes to the point where it misleads some of our
leading thinkers into believing that the situation which it describes
has direct relevance to the solution of practical problems, it is high
time that we remember that it does not deal with the social process at
all and that it is no more than a useful preliminary to the study of the
main problem.
91
The Road to Serfdom is a book written by the Austrian-born economist and philosopher Friedrich von Hayek (1899–1992) between 1940–1943, in which he "warned of the danger of tyranny that inevitably results from government control of economic decision-making through central planning,"[1] and in which he argues that the abandonment of individualism, classical liberalism, and freedom inevitably leads to socialist or fascist oppression and tyranny and the serfdom of the individual. Significantly, Hayek challenged the general view among British academics that fascism was a capitalist reaction against socialism, instead arguing that fascism and socialism had common roots in central economic planning and the power of the state over the individual.
The Road to Serfdom is among the most influential and popular expositions of market libertarianism and remains a popular and influential work in contemporary discourse, selling over two million copies, and remaining a best-seller.[2][3]
The Road to Serfdom was to be the popular edition of the second volume of Hayek’s treatise entitled “The Abuse and Decline of Reason,”[4] and the title was inspired by the writings of the 19th century French classical liberal thinker Alexis de Tocqueville on the “road to servitude.”[5] The book was first published in Britain by Routledge in March 1944, during World War II, and was quite popular, leading Hayek to call it “that unobtainable book,” also due in part to wartime paper rationing.[6] It was published in the United States by the University of Chicago Press in September 1944 and achieved great popularity. At the arrangement of editor Max Eastman, the American magazine Reader's Digest published an abridged version in April 1945, enabling The Road to Serfdom to reach a wider popular audience beyond academics.
The Road to Serfdom has had a significant impact on twentieth century conservative and libertarian economic and political discourse and is often cited today by commentators.
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Road_to_Serfdom]
name::
* McsEngl.economist.VILIARDOS.VASILIS,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy438.2,
* McsEngl.vasilis-viliardos@cptEconomy438.2,
* McsEngl.viliardos.vasilis@cptEconomy438.2,
* McsElln.Βιλιάρδος-Βασίλης@cptEconomy438.2,
_DESCRIPTION:
Ο Βασίλης Βιλιάρδος σπούδασε οικονομικά στην Α.Σ.Ο.Ε.Ε. και έκανε μεταπτυχιακά στο Πανεπιστήμιο του Αμβούργου. Δραστηριοποιήθηκε για σχεδόν 20 χρόνια στο εξωτερικό, με ιδιόκτητη επιχείρηση. Σήμερα ζει και εργάζεται στην Ελλάδα σαν Εκδότης και Σύμβουλος Επιχειρήσεων.
[http://www.biblionet.gr/main.asp?page=showauthor&personsid=73496]
===
Mr. Viliardos, Economist, has extensive experience in the import and distribution of food & beverage in Germany and other major European markets for almost 20 years. He was the owner and CEO of several companies importing and distributing over 2,000 Greek products to European supermarket chains and Greek restaurants.
[http://www.casss.gr/About_Us.htm]
name::
* McsEngl.economist.school.MAINSTREAM,
* McsEngl.economist.mainstream,
* McsEngl.economist.orthodox,
* McsEngl.mainstream-economist@cptEconomy,
name::
* McsEngl.economist.school.MAINSTREAM.NO,
* McsEngl.econosmist.heterodox,
* McsEngl.economist.mainstreamNo,
* McsEngl.economist.unorthodox,
name::
* McsEngl.economist.school.VULGAR,
* McsEngl.vulgar-economist@cptEconomy,
====== lagoGreek:
* McsEngl.xυδαίος-οικονομολόγος@cptEconomy,
_DESCRIPTION:
* Marx name for fundamentally apologetic of a theory and not critical at wrongnesses.
[hmnSngo.2013-08-03]
name::
* McsEngl.economist.EVOLUTING,
_QUERY:
* History#ql:[Field FdTimeSubject:economic.theory bibliography |biography ]#, viewTime: {ECONOMICS BIOGRAPHY BIBLIOGRAPHY}
_CREATED: {2012-12-27} {2007-11-23}
name::
* McsEngl.worker.skill.scientist.EPISTEMOLOGIST,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy364.30,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy674,
* McsEngl.epistemologist@cptEconomy674,
_GENERIC:
* entity.whole.systemBio.organism.animal.human.worker.scientist#cptEconomy364.45#
_SPECIFIC#ql:generic_concepts cptEconomy674#:
A
* William Alston
B
* Barry Stroud
* Harry Binswanger
D
* Jonathan Dancy
G
* George Pappas
* Edmund Gettier
* Alvin Goldman
H
* Gilbert Harman
L
* Jean-Louis Le Moigne
M
* Margaret Elizabeth Egan
* Edgar Morin
N
* Robert Nozick
P
* Leonard Peikoff
R
* Ayn Rand
* Nicholas Rescher
* Sherrilyn Roush
* Bertrand Russell
S
* Tennyson Samraj
* P. F. Strawson
U
* Peter Unger
W
* Phillip H. Wiebe
name::
* McsEngl.Goldman-Alvin (1938),
Alvin Ira Goldman (born 1938) is an American professor of Philosophy at Rutgers University in New Jersey. He previously taught at the University of Michigan and at the University of Arizona. He earned his PhD from Princeton University and is married to Holly Smith, a well known ethicist, former administrator, and current professor at Rutgers University. He has done influential work on a wide range of philosophical topics, but his principal areas of research are epistemology, philosophy of mind, and cognitive science.
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Alvin_Goldman]
name::
* McsEngl.Pappas-George (1942),
George Sotiros Pappas (born 1942) is a professor of philosophy at Ohio State University.[1] Pappas specializes in epistemology, the history of early modern philosophy, philosophy of religion, and metaphysics.
He is the author of the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy entry on Internalist versus Externalist conceptions of epistemic justification.[2]
He was co-editor (with Marshall Swain) of Essays on Knowledge and Justification (1978), regarded as a key anthology of essays relating to the Gettier problem[3] and used as a core text in undergraduate epistemology courses.[4]
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/George_Pappas]
name::
* McsEngl.worker.skill.scientist.HISTORIAN,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy364.33,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy274,
* McsEngl.entity.body.material.whole.system.dynamic.sysBio,
* McsEngl.organism.eukaryote.animal.human.hmnEcn.worker#cptEconomy364#,
* McsEngl.historian-professional,
* McsEngl.historian@cptEconomy274,
* McsEngl.professional.historian@cptEconomy274,
* McsEngl.wkrHist@cptEconomy274,
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑΤΙΑΣ'ΙΣΤΟΡΙΚΟΣ@cptEconomy274,
* McsElln.ΙΣΤΟΡΙΚΟΣ-ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑΤΙΑΣ,
* McsElln.ΙΣΤΟΡΙΚΟΣ@cptEconomy274,
_GENERIC:
* entity.body...organism.eukaryote.animal.human.hmnEcn.worker#cptEconomy364#
* entity.body...organism.eukaryote.animal.human.hmnEcn#cptEconomy686#
* entity.body...organism.eukaryote.animal.human#cptCore401#
* entity.body...organism.eukaryote.animal#cptCore501#
* entity.body...organism.eukaryote#cptCore1229#
* entity.body.material.whole.system.dynamic.sysBio.organism#cptCore482#
* entity.body.material.whole.system.dynamic.bio#cptCore559#
* entity.body.material.whole.system.dynamic#cptCore742.9#
* entity.body.material.whole.system#cptCore742.7#
* entity.body.material.whole#cptCore742.5#
* entity.body.material#cptCore742#
* entity.body#cptCore538#
* entity#cptCore387#
_DESCRIPTION:
ΙΣΤΟΡΙΚΟΣ ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑΤΙΑΣ είναι ο ΘΕΩΡΗΤΙΚΟΣ που ξέρει το 'επάγγελμα του ιστορικού'.
[hmnSngo.1995-04]
name::
* McsEngl.wkrHist'Professioning,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy364.33.1,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy598,
* McsEngl.historian-profession,
* McsEngl.profession.historian@cptEconomy598,
* McsEngl.working-skills.Historianworking-skills.Historian,
* McsElln.ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑ-ΙΣΤΟΡΙΚΟΥ,
* McsElln.ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑ'ΙΣΤΟΡΙΚΟΥ@cptEconomy598,
_GENERIC:
* entity.economic.satisfierWorking.servicing.working_skill#cptEconomy364.10#
ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑ ΙΣΤΟΡΙΚΟΥ ονομάζω το ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑ με το οποίο γίνεται παρουσίαση γεγονότων που έχουν γίνει.
[hmnSngo.1995-03]
name::
* McsEngl.wkrHist.specific,
_SPECIFIC: wkrHist.timelly:
* ΗΡΟΔΟΤΟΣ {(484)-(410)}#cptHuman246#
* ΘΟΥΚΥΔΙΔΗΣ {(460)-(400)}#cptHuman199#
* ΞΕΝΟΦΩΝ {(431)-(355)}#cptHuman274#
* ΠΟΛΥΒΙΟΣ-ΜΕΓΑΛΟΠΟΛΙΤΗΣ {(210)-(125)}#cptHuman10#
* ΔΙΟΔΩΡΟΣ-ΣΙΚΕΛΙΩΤΗΣ {(80)-(20)}#cptHuman289#
* ΛΙΒΙΟΣ ΤΙΤΟΣ {(59)-17}#cptHuman237#
* ΠΛΟΥΤΑΡΧΟΣ {45-126}#cptHuman251#
* ΑΡΡΙΑΝΟΣ {95-180}#cptHuman275#
* ΚΟΡΔΑΤΟΣ {1891-1961}#cptHuman88#
name::
* McsEngl.worker.skill.scientist.LINGUIST,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy364.36,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy445,
* McsEngl.language-theorist,
* McsEngl.linguist-professional,
* McsEngl.linguist@cptEconomy445,
* McsEngl.professional.linguist@cptEconomy445,
* McsEngl.wkrLng@cptEconomy445, {2012-06-09}
* McsElln.ΓΛΩΣΣΟΛΟΓΟΣ-ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑΤΙΑΣ,
* McsElln.ΓΛΩΣΣΟΛΟΓΟΣ@cptEconomy445,
* McsElln.ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑΤΙΑΣ-ΓΛΩΣΣΟΛΟΓΟΣ@cptEconomy445,
_GENERIC:
* entity.whole.systemBio.organism.animal.human.worker.scientist#cptEconomy364.45#
ΓΛΩΣΣΟΛΟΓΟΣ είναι ΘΕΩΡΗΤΙΚΟΣ της γλώσσας#cptCore93.1#.
[hmnSngo.1995-04]
name::
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy364.36.1,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy599,
* McsEngl.linguist-profession,
* McsEngl.profession.linguist@cptEconomy599,
* McsEngl.working-skills.Linguist,
* McsElln.ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑ-ΓΛΩΣΣΟΛΟΓΟΥ,
* McsElln.ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑ'ΓΛΩΣΣΟΛΟΓΟΥ@cptEconomy599,
_GENERIC:
* entity.economic.satisfierWorking.servicing.working_skill#cptEconomy364.10#
ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑ ΓΛΩΣΣΟΛΟΓΟΥ είναι ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑ αναλυσης των ανθρώπινων γλωσών.
[hmnSngo.1995-03]
name::
* McsEngl.linguist.specific,
_SPECIFIC:
* SAUSSURE#cptHuman77# (1857-1913)#cptHuman77#
* WHORF#cptHuman83# (1879-1941)#cptHuman83#
* SAPIR#cptHuman87# (1884-1939)#cptHuman87#
* JAKOBSON#cptHuman89# (1896-1982)#cptHuman89#
* CHOMSKY#cptHuman96# (1928-)#cptHuman96#
===
ΒΗΛΑΡΑΣ-(1771-1823)#cptHuman244#
ΧΑΤΖΙΔΑΚΗΣ#cptHuman188#
name::
* McsEngl.linguist.DIONYSIUS-THRAX,
* McsEngl.Dionysius-Thrax@cptEconomy445i, {2012-09-06}
Dionysius Thrax (Ancient Greek: ?????s??? ? T???) (170 BC – 90 BC) was a Hellenistic grammarian and a pupil of Aristarchus of Samothrace. His place of origin was not Thrace as the epithet Thrax denotes, but probably Alexandria. He lived and worked in this city but later taught at Rhodes (around 144BC).
The first extant grammar of Greek, "Art of Grammar" (Tιkhne grammatikι, Greek: t???? ??aµµat???) is attributed to him but many scholars today doubt that the work really belongs solely to him due to the difference between the technical approach of most of the work and the more literary approach (similar to the 2nd century's Alexandrian tradition) of the first few sections. It concerns itself primarily with a morphological description of Greek, lacking any treatment of syntax. The work was translated into Armenian and Syriac in the early Christian era.
Thrax defines grammar at the beginning of the Tιkhne as "the practical knowledge of the general usages of poets and prose writers." Thus Thrax, like contemporary Alexandrian scholars who edited Attic Greek and Homeric texts, was concerned with facilitating the teaching of classic Greek literature to an audience who spoke Koine Greek.[1]
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dionysios_Thrax]
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://www.hs-augsburg.de/~harsch/graeca/Chronologia/S_ante02/DionysiosThrax/dio_tech.html,
name::
* McsElln.Πετρούνιας.Ευάγγελος,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy445.2,
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.Ευάγγελος-Β-Πετρούνιας@cptEconomy445.2, {2012-09-16}
_DESCRIPTION:
Πετρούνιας, Ευάγγελος Β.
Ο Ευάγγελος Πετρούνιας έχει σπουδάσει φιλολογία στο Πανεπσιτήμιο της Αθήνας, κλασική φιλολογία και γλωσσολογία στο Πανεπιστήμιο της Tubingen, γλωσσολογία και γλωσσοδιδαχτική στα Πανεπιστήμια της Lille, του Los Angeles, και του Saltzburg. Έχει διδακτορικό δίπλωμα στην κλασική φιλολογία από το Πανεπιστήμιο Tubingen, και μεταπτυχιακό δίπλωμα γλωσσοδιδαχτικής από το Πανεπιστήμιο του Los Angeles. Έχει διδάξει σα λέκτορας, επίκουρος καθηγητής, και ειδικός επιστήμονας αρχαία, βυζαντινή, και νεοελληνική γλώσσα και φιλολογία, γλωσσολογία, και γλωσσοδιδαχτική στα Πανεπιστήμια της Tubingen, του Los Angeles, και της Θεσσαλονίκης. Έχει επίσης διατελέσει τακτικός συνεργάτης του Ινστιτούτου Νεοελληνικών Σπουδών ("Ίδρυμα Μανόλη Τριανταφυλλίδη") του Πανεπιστημίου Θεσσαλονίκης. Είναι καθηγητής ελληνικής και αντιπαραθετικής γλωσσολογίας στο τμήμα ιταλικής γλώσσας και φιλολογίας του Αριστοτελείου Πανεπιστημίου Θεσσαλονίκης. Έχει δημοσιεύσει στη σειρά "Hypomnemata" το βιβλίο Funktion und Thematik der Bilder bei Aischylos. Gottingen 1976. Έχει συντάξει τις ετυμολογίες του Λεξικού της Κοινής Νεοελληνικής του Ιδρύματος Τριανταφυλλίδη, Θεσσαλονίκη 1998.
[http://www.biblionet.gr/author/12053/Ευάγγελος_Β._Πετρούνιας]
name::
* McsEngl.worker.skill.scientist.PHILOSOPHER,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy364.41,
* McsEngl.professional.philosopher,
* McsEngl.philosopher,
* McsEngl.wkr.philosopher,
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.ΦΙΛΟΣΟΦΟΣ,
* McsElln.φιλόσοφος,
================ epo
* filozofo,
_GENERIC:
* entity.whole.systemBio.organism.animal.human.worker.scientist#cptEconomy364.45#
ΦΙΛΟΣΟΦΟΣ είναι ΘΕΩΡΗΤΙΚΟΣ του ΣΥΜΠΑΝΤΟΣ.
[hmnSngo.1995-03]
name::
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy364.41.1,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy601,
* McsEngl.profession.philosophy@cptEconomy364.41.1,
* McsEngl.working-skills.Philosophy,
_GENERIC:
* entity.economic.satisfierWorking.servicing.working_skill#cptEconomy364.10#
ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑ ΦΙΛΟΣΟΦΟΥ ειναι ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑ διδασκαλίας ή ανάπτυξης της ΦΙΛΟΣΟΦΙΑΣ.
[hmnSngo.1995-04]
(1901-1990) Abbagnano, Nicola
(1908-1974) Acton, H. B.
* Mortimer Adler, (1902-2001)
* Theodor Adorno, (1903-1969)CO12RS
* Rogers Albritton, (1923-2002)
* Virgil Aldrich, (1903-1998)O1
* Aleksandr Danilovich Aleksandrov, (1912-1999)
* Gerda Alexander (1908–1994)
* Alan Ross Anderson, (1925-1973)O12
* G. E. M. Anscombe, (1918-2001)CO12R
* Hannah Arendt, (1906-1975)CO12RS*
* Raymond Aron, (1905-1983)
* John Langshaw Austin, (1911-1960)CO12R
* Alfred Jules Ayer, (1910-1989)CO12RS
B
* Archie J. Bahm, (1907-1996)
* Yehoshua Bar-Hillel, (1915-1975)
* Roland Barthes, (1915-1980)CO2R
* Jon Barwise, (1942-2000)
* Jean Baudrillard, (1929-2007)O2RS
* Monroe Beardsley, (1915-1985)
* Jean Beaufret, (1907-1982)
* Lewis White Beck, (1913-1997)
* Gustav Bergmann, (1906-1987)CO12
* Isaiah Berlin, (1909-1997)CO12RS
* Max Black, (1909-1988)O12
* Maurice Blanchot, (1907-2003)R
* Allan Bloom, (1930-1992)
* Norberto Bobbio, (1909-2004)O12R
* Jozef Maria Bochenski, (1902-1995)
* Dietrich Bonhoeffer, (1906-1945)O2R
* George Boolos, (1940-1996)
* Pierre Bourdieu, (1930-2002)R
* Richard-Bevan Braithwaite, (1900-1990)O12
* Richard B. Brandt, (1910-1997)CO1
* Justus Buchler, (1914-1991)O1
C
* Ami'lcar Cabral, (1924-1973)R
* Albert Camus, (1913-1960)CO12R
* Georges Canguilhem, (1904-1995)C
* Hector-Neri Castan~eda, (1924-1991)C
* Cornelius Castoriadis, (1922-1997)
* Michel de Certeau, (1925-1986)R
* Haridas Chaudhuri, (1913-1975)
* Roderick Chisholm, (1916-1999)CO12R
* Alonzo Church, (1903-1995)CO12R
* L. Jonathan Cohen, (1923-2006)O12
* Lucio Colletti, (1924-2001)O12
* Frederick Copleston, (1907-1994)
D
* Donald Davidson, (1917-2003)CO12RS
* Simone de Beauvoir, (1908-1986)O12RS
* Bruno de Finetti, (1906-1985)O12
* Paul de Man, (1919-1983)R
* Guy Debord, (1931-1994)
* Gilles Deleuze, (1925-1995)O12RS*
* Bernard Delfgaauw, (1912-1993)
* Jacques Derrida, (1930-2004)CO12RS*
* Miroslaw Dzielski, (1941-1989)
E
* William A. Earle, (1919-1988)
* James M. Edie, (1927-1998)
* Paul Edwards, (1923-2004)O12
* Mircea Eliade, (1907-1986)R
* Jacques Ellul, (1912-1994)
* Gareth Evans, (1946-1980)O12R
F
* Emil Fackenheim, (1916-2003)RS*
* Frantz Fanon, (1925-1961)O12R
* Austin Marsden Farrer, (1904-1968)R
* Herbert Feigl, (1902-1988)
* Joel Feinberg, (1926-2004)O12
* Jose Ferrater-Mora, (1912-1991)O12
* Paul Feyerabend, (1924-1994)O12RS
* Vile'm Flusser, (1920-1991)
* Michel Foucault, (1926-1984)CO12RS
* William K. Frankena, (1908-1994)CO12
* Oliver Shewell Franks, (1905-1992)
* Hans Frei, (1922-1988)R
* Northrop Frye, (1912-1991)
* Lon L. Fuller, (1902-1978)R
G
* Hans-Georg Gadamer, (1900-2002)CO12RS
* Ernest Gellner (1925-1995)
* Gerhard Gentzen, (1909-1945)O12R
* Alan Gewirth, (1912-2004)O12
* Kurt Go"del, (1906-1978)O12R
* Lucien Goldmann, (1913-1970)
* Nelson Goodman, (1906-1998)CO12R
* George Grant, (1918-1988)
* Herbert Paul Grice, (1913-1988)CO12RS
* Fe'lix Guattari, (1930-1992)
* Gotthard Gu"nther, (1900-1984)
H
* Philip Hallie, (1922-1994)
* Charles Hamblin, (1922-1985)
* Stuart Hampshire, (1914-2004)O12
* Norwood Russell Hanson, (1922-1967)R
* R. M. Hare, (1919-2002)CO12R
* H. L. A. Hart, (1907-1992)CO12R
* Werner Heisenberg, (1901-1976)O12R
* Erich Heller, (1911-1990)
* Carl Gustav Hempel, (1905-1997)CO12R
* Michel Henry, (1922-2002)
* Abraham Joshua Heschel, (1907-1972)R
* Sidney Hook, (1902-1989)O12
* Hsu Fu-kuan, (1903-1982)C
* Jean Hyppolite, (1907-1968)
I
* Evald Vassilievich Ilyenkov, (1924-1979)R
J
* Erich Jantsch, (1929-1980)
* Richard C. Jeffrey, (1926-2002)O12
* Hans Jonas, (1903-1993)
K
* Jerrold Katz, (1932-2002)
* Walter Kaufmann, (1921-1980)
* Martin Luther King, Jr., (1929-1968)
* William Calvert Kneale, (1906-1990)O12
* Arthur Koestler, (1905-1983)
* Alexandre Koje`ve, (1902-1968)R
* Stephan Ko"rner, (1913-2000)
* Erik von Kuehnelt-Leddihn, (1909-1999)
* Thomas Samuel Kuhn, (1922-1996)CO12RS
L
* Jacques Lacan, (1901-1981)CO12RS*
* Philippe Lacoue-Labarthe, (1940-2007)R
* Imre Lakatos, (1922-1974)O12RS*
* Anton LaVey, (1930-1997)
* Henri Lefebvre, (1901-1991)R
* Yeshayahu Leibowitz, (1903-1994)R
* Emmanuel Levinas, (1906-1995)CO12RS*
* David Kellogg Lewis, (1941-2001)CO12RS*
* Suzanne Lilar, (1901-1992)
* Arthur Lipsett, (1936-1986)
* Knud Ejler L?gstrup, (1905-1981)
* Bernard Lonergan, (1904-1984)R
* Paul Lorenzen, (1915-1995)R
* Jean-Franc,ois Lyotard, (1924-1998)CO12R
M
* John Leslie Mackie, (1917-1981)O12
* Norman Malcolm, (1911-1990)CO12
* Merab Mamardashvili, (1930-1990)R
* Julia'n Mari'as, (1914-2005)
* Marshall McLuhan, (1911-1980)
* Maurice Merleau-Ponty, (1908-1961)CO12RS
* Vincent Miceli, (1915-1991)
* Richard Montague, (1930-1971)O2R
* Sidney Morgenbesser, (1921-2004)
* Mou Tsung-san, (1909-1995)C
* Iris Murdoch, (1919-1999)O12
N
* Ernest Nagel, (1901-1985)CO12R
* John von Neumann, (1903-1957)CO12R
* Nishitani Keiji, (1900-1990)O12R
* Kwame Nkrumah, (1909-1972)O12
* David L. Norton, (1930-1995)
* Robert Nozick, (1938-2001)CO12R
O
* Michael Oakeshott, (1901-1990)CO12R
* Albert Outler, (1908-1989)
* Gwilyn Ellis Lane Owen, (1922-1982)O12R
P
* John Arthur Passmore, (1914-2004)R
* Jan Patoc(ka, (1907-1977)R
* D. Z. Phillips, (1934-2006)
* Louis P. Pojman, (1935-2005)
* Richard Popkin, (1923-2005)
* K. J. Popma, (1903-1986)
* Karl Popper, (1902-1994)CO12RS
* Arthur Prior, (1914-1969)O2RS
* Harry Prosch, (1917-2005)
Q
* W. V. O. Quine, (1908-2000)CO12RS*
R
* James Rachels, (1941-2003)
* Karl Rahner, (1904-1984)R
* Frank P. Ramsey, (1903-1930)CO12RS*
* Ian Thomas Ramsey, (1915-1972)R
* Paul Ramsey, (1913-1988)
* Ayn Rand, (1905-1982)R
* John Rawls, (1921-2002)CO12R
* Radovan Richta, (1924-1983)
* Paul Ricoeur, (1913-2005)CO12RS
* Richard Rorty, (1931-2007)CO12RS
* Gillian Rose, (1947-1995)
* Gian-Carlo Rota, (1932-1999)
* Joseph Rovan, (1918-2004)
* Gilbert Ryle, (1900-1976)CO12R
S
* Wesley Salmon, (1925-2001)O12
* Prabhat Rainjan Sarkar, (1921-1990)
* Jean-Paul Sartre, (1905-1980)CO12RS
* Wilfrid Sellars, (1912-1989)CO12RS
* B. F. Skinner, (1904-1990)R
* Robert C. Solomon, (1942-2007)
* Joseph Soloveitchik, (1903-1993)RS*
* Herbert Spiegelberg, (1904-1990)
* Edward Stachura, (1937-1979)
* Charles Leslie Stevenson, (1908-1979)O12R
* David Stove, (1927-1994)
* P. F. Strawson, (1919-2006)CO12R
T
* T'ang Chun-i, (1909-1978)C
* Alfred Tarski, (1901-1983)CO12RS*
* Richard Taylor, (1919-2003)O12
* Placide Tempels, (1906-1977)
* Irving Thalberg Jr., (1930-1988)
* Helmut Thielicke, (1908-1986)R
* Alan Turing, (1912-1954)O12RS
U
V
* Francisco Varela, (1946-2001)
* Henry Babcock Veatch, (1911-1997)
* Michel Villey, (1914-1988)R
* Gregory Vlastos, (1907-1991)O12R
* Eric Voegelin, (1901-1985)R
* Georg Henrik von Wright, (1916-2003)CO12R
W
* Hao Wang, (1921-1995)O12
* Geoffrey J. Warnock, (1923-1996)O12
* Alan Watts, (1915-1973)
* Eric Weil, (1904-1977)
* Simone Weil, (1909-1943)CO12R
* John Daniel Wild, (1902-1972)
* Bernard Williams, (1929-2003)CO12RS
* Peter Winch, (1926-1997)O12
* John Wisdom, (1904-1993)O12
* Richard Wollheim, (1923-2003)O12
* Jerzy Wroblewski, (1926-1990)R
X
Y
* Francis Parker Yockey, (1917-1960)
* Arthur M. Young, (1905-1995)
Z
* Aleksandr Zinovyev, (1922-2006)
A
* Nicola Abbagnano, (1901-1990)
* H. B. Acton, (1908-1974)
* Mortimer Adler, (1902-2001)
* Theodor Adorno, (1903-1969)CO12RS
* Rogers Albritton, (1923-2002)
* Virgil Aldrich, (1903-1998)O1
* Aleksandr Danilovich Aleksandrov, (1912-1999)
* Gerda Alexander (1908–1994)
* Louis Althusser, (1918-1990)CO12R
* Alan Ross Anderson, (1925-1973)O12
* G. E. M. Anscombe, (1918-2001)CO12R
* Hannah Arendt, (1906-1975)CO12RS*
* Raymond Aron, (1905-1983)
* John Langshaw Austin, (1911-1960)CO12R
* Alfred Jules Ayer, (1910-1989)CO12RS
B
* Archie J. Bahm, (1907-1996)
* Yehoshua Bar-Hillel, (1915-1975)
* Roland Barthes, (1915-1980)CO2R
* Jon Barwise, (1942-2000)
* Jean Baudrillard, (1929-2007)O2RS
* Monroe Beardsley, (1915-1985)
* Jean Beaufret, (1907-1982)
* Lewis White Beck, (1913-1997)
* Gustav Bergmann, (1906-1987)CO12
* Isaiah Berlin, (1909-1997)CO12RS
* Max Black, (1909-1988)O12
* Maurice Blanchot, (1907-2003)R
* Allan Bloom, (1930-1992)
* Norberto Bobbio, (1909-2004)O12R
* Jozef Maria Bochenski, (1902-1995)
* Dietrich Bonhoeffer, (1906-1945)O2R
* George Boolos, (1940-1996)
* Pierre Bourdieu, (1930-2002)R
* Richard-Bevan Braithwaite, (1900-1990)O12
* Richard B. Brandt, (1910-1997)CO1
* Justus Buchler, (1914-1991)O1
C
* Ami'lcar Cabral, (1924-1973)R
* Albert Camus, (1913-1960)CO12R
* Georges Canguilhem, (1904-1995)C
* Hector-Neri Castan~eda, (1924-1991)C
* Cornelius Castoriadis, (1922-1997)
* Michel de Certeau, (1925-1986)R
* Haridas Chaudhuri, (1913-1975)
* Roderick Chisholm, (1916-1999)CO12R
* Alonzo Church, (1903-1995)CO12R
* L. Jonathan Cohen, (1923-2006)O12
* Lucio Colletti, (1924-2001)O12
* Frederick Copleston, (1907-1994)
D
* Donald Davidson, (1917-2003)CO12RS
* Simone de Beauvoir, (1908-1986)O12RS
* Bruno de Finetti, (1906-1985)O12
* Paul de Man, (1919-1983)R
* Guy Debord, (1931-1994)
* Gilles Deleuze, (1925-1995)O12RS*
* Bernard Delfgaauw, (1912-1993)
* Jacques Derrida, (1930-2004)CO12RS*
* Miroslaw Dzielski, (1941-1989)
E
* William A. Earle, (1919-1988)
* James M. Edie, (1927-1998)
* Paul Edwards, (1923-2004)O12
* Mircea Eliade, (1907-1986)R
* Jacques Ellul, (1912-1994)
* Gareth Evans, (1946-1980)O12R
F
* Emil Fackenheim, (1916-2003)RS*
* Frantz Fanon, (1925-1961)O12R
* Austin Marsden Farrer, (1904-1968)R
* Herbert Feigl, (1902-1988)
* Joel Feinberg, (1926-2004)O12
* Jose Ferrater-Mora, (1912-1991)O12
* Paul Feyerabend, (1924-1994)O12RS
* Vile'm Flusser, (1920-1991)
* Michel Foucault, (1926-1984)CO12RS
* William K. Frankena, (1908-1994)CO12
* Oliver Shewell Franks, (1905-1992)
* Hans Frei, (1922-1988)R
* Northrop Frye, (1912-1991)
* Lon L. Fuller, (1902-1978)R
G
* Hans-Georg Gadamer, (1900-2002)CO12RS
* Ernest Gellner (1925-1995)
* Gerhard Gentzen, (1909-1945)O12R
* Alan Gewirth, (1912-2004)O12
* Kurt Go"del, (1906-1978)O12R
* Lucien Goldmann, (1913-1970)
* Nelson Goodman, (1906-1998)CO12R
* George Grant, (1918-1988)
* Herbert Paul Grice, (1913-1988)CO12RS
* Fe'lix Guattari, (1930-1992)
* Gotthard Gu"nther, (1900-1984)
H
* Philip Hallie, (1922-1994)
* Charles Hamblin, (1922-1985)
* Stuart Hampshire, (1914-2004)O12
* Norwood Russell Hanson, (1922-1967)R
* R. M. Hare, (1919-2002)CO12R
* H. L. A. Hart, (1907-1992)CO12R
* Werner Heisenberg, (1901-1976)O12R
* Erich Heller, (1911-1990)
* Carl Gustav Hempel, (1905-1997)CO12R
* Michel Henry, (1922-2002)
* Abraham Joshua Heschel, (1907-1972)R
* Sidney Hook, (1902-1989)O12
* Hsu Fu-kuan, (1903-1982)C
* Jean Hyppolite, (1907-1968)
I
* Evald Vassilievich Ilyenkov, (1924-1979)R
J
* Erich Jantsch, (1929-1980)
* Richard C. Jeffrey, (1926-2002)O12
* Hans Jonas, (1903-1993)
K
* Jerrold Katz, (1932-2002)
* Walter Kaufmann, (1921-1980)
* Martin Luther King, Jr., (1929-1968)
* William Calvert Kneale, (1906-1990)O12
* Arthur Koestler, (1905-1983)
* Alexandre Koje`ve, (1902-1968)R
* Stephan Ko"rner, (1913-2000)
* Erik von Kuehnelt-Leddihn, (1909-1999)
* Thomas Samuel Kuhn, (1922-1996)CO12RS
L
* Jacques Lacan, (1901-1981)CO12RS*
* Philippe Lacoue-Labarthe, (1940-2007)R
* Imre Lakatos, (1922-1974)O12RS*
* Anton LaVey, (1930-1997)
* Henri Lefebvre, (1901-1991)R
* Yeshayahu Leibowitz, (1903-1994)R
* Emmanuel Levinas, (1906-1995)CO12RS*
* David Kellogg Lewis, (1941-2001)CO12RS*
* Suzanne Lilar, (1901-1992)
* Arthur Lipsett, (1936-1986)
* Knud Ejler L?gstrup, (1905-1981)
* Bernard Lonergan, (1904-1984)R
* Paul Lorenzen, (1915-1995)R
* Jean-Franc,ois Lyotard, (1924-1998)CO12R
M
* John Leslie Mackie, (1917-1981)O12
* Norman Malcolm, (1911-1990)CO12
* Merab Mamardashvili, (1930-1990)R
* Julia'n Mari'as, (1914-2005)
* Marshall McLuhan, (1911-1980)
* Maurice Merleau-Ponty, (1908-1961)CO12RS
* Vincent Miceli, (1915-1991)
* Richard Montague, (1930-1971)O2R
* Sidney Morgenbesser, (1921-2004)
* Mou Tsung-san, (1909-1995)C
* Iris Murdoch, (1919-1999)O12
N
* Ernest Nagel, (1901-1985)CO12R
* John von Neumann, (1903-1957)CO12R
* Nishitani Keiji, (1900-1990)O12R
* Kwame Nkrumah, (1909-1972)O12
* David L. Norton, (1930-1995)
* Robert Nozick, (1938-2001)CO12R
O
* Michael Oakeshott, (1901-1990)CO12R
* Albert Outler, (1908-1989)
* Gwilyn Ellis Lane Owen, (1922-1982)O12R
P
* John Arthur Passmore, (1914-2004)R
* Jan Patoc(ka, (1907-1977)R
* D. Z. Phillips, (1934-2006)
* Louis P. Pojman, (1935-2005)
* Richard Popkin, (1923-2005)
* K. J. Popma, (1903-1986)
* Karl Popper, (1902-1994)CO12RS
* Arthur Prior, (1914-1969)O2RS
* Harry Prosch, (1917-2005)
Q
* W. V. O. Quine, (1908-2000)CO12RS*
R
* James Rachels, (1941-2003)
* Karl Rahner, (1904-1984)R
* Frank P. Ramsey, (1903-1930)CO12RS*
* Ian Thomas Ramsey, (1915-1972)R
* Paul Ramsey, (1913-1988)
* Ayn Rand, (1905-1982)R
* John Rawls, (1921-2002)CO12R
* Radovan Richta, (1924-1983)
* Paul Ricoeur, (1913-2005)CO12RS
* Richard Rorty, (1931-2007)CO12RS
* Gillian Rose, (1947-1995)
* Gian-Carlo Rota, (1932-1999)
* Joseph Rovan, (1918-2004)
* Gilbert Ryle, (1900-1976)CO12R
S
* Wesley Salmon, (1925-2001)O12
* Prabhat Rainjan Sarkar, (1921-1990)
* Jean-Paul Sartre, (1905-1980)CO12RS
* Wilfrid Sellars, (1912-1989)CO12RS
* B. F. Skinner, (1904-1990)R
* Robert C. Solomon, (1942-2007)
* Joseph Soloveitchik, (1903-1993)RS*
* Herbert Spiegelberg, (1904-1990)
* Edward Stachura, (1937-1979)
* Charles Leslie Stevenson, (1908-1979)O12R
* David Stove, (1927-1994)
* P. F. Strawson, (1919-2006)CO12R
T
* T'ang Chun-i, (1909-1978)C
* Alfred Tarski, (1901-1983)CO12RS*
* Richard Taylor, (1919-2003)O12
* Placide Tempels, (1906-1977)
* Irving Thalberg Jr., (1930-1988)
* Helmut Thielicke, (1908-1986)R
* Alan Turing, (1912-1954)O12RS
U
V
* Francisco Varela, (1946-2001)
* Henry Babcock Veatch, (1911-1997)
* Michel Villey, (1914-1988)R
* Gregory Vlastos, (1907-1991)O12R
* Eric Voegelin, (1901-1985)R
* Georg Henrik von Wright, (1916-2003)CO12R
W
* Hao Wang, (1921-1995)O12
* Geoffrey J. Warnock, (1923-1996)O12
* Alan Watts, (1915-1973)
* Eric Weil, (1904-1977)
* Simone Weil, (1909-1943)CO12R
* John Daniel Wild, (1902-1972)
* Bernard Williams, (1929-2003)CO12RS
* Peter Winch, (1926-1997)O12
* John Wisdom, (1904-1993)O12
* Richard Wollheim, (1923-2003)O12
* Jerzy Wroblewski, (1926-1990)R
X
Y
* Francis Parker Yockey, (1917-1960)
* Arthur M. Young, (1905-1995)
Z
* Aleksandr Zinovyev, (1922-2006)
ΑΛΤΟΥΣΕΡ#cptHuman109#
ΑΝΑΞΑΓΟΡΑΣ Ο ΚΛΑΖΟΜΕΝΙΣΟ (500)-(428)#cptHuman3#
ΑΝΤΙΣΘΕΝΗΣ (444)-(370)#cptHuman6#
ΑΡΙΣΤΟΤΕΛΗΣ Ο ΣΤΑΓΕΙΡΙΤΗΣ (384)-(322)#cptHuman8#
ΔΗΜΟΚΡΙΤΟΣ Ο ΑΒΔΗΡΙΤΗΣ (460)-(370)#cptHuman5#
ΕΝΓΚΕΛΣ 1820-1895#cptHuman62#
ΗΡΑΚΛΕΙΤΟΣ Ο ΕΦΕΣΣΙΟΣ (544)-(484)#cptHuman2#
ΘΑΛΗΣ (625)-(546)#cptHuman197#
ΙΜΒΡΙΩΤΗΣ 1897-1979#cptHuman90#
ΚΑΝΤ 1724-1804#cptHuman37#
ΚΑΣΙΡΕΡ 1874-1945#cptHuman226#
ΚΑΣΣΕΛΟΥΡΗΣ 1959-#cptHuman208#
ΚΟΝΤ 1798-1857#cptHuman53#
ΛΕΝΙΝ 1870-1924#cptHuman79#
ΛΟΚ 1632-1704#cptHuman23#
ΜΑΡΞ 1818-1883#cptHuman60#
ΜΠΕΡΚΛΕΥ 1685-1753#cptHuman28#
ΝΙΤΣΕ 1844-1900#cptHuman70#
ΝΤΥΡΙΝΓΚ 1833-1921#cptHuman66#
ΠΑΣΚΑΛ 1623-1662#cptHuman20#
ΠΛΑΤΟΝΑΣ (428)-(347)#cptHuman7#
ΠΥΘΑΓΟΡΑΣ Ο ΣΑΜΙΟΣ (570)-(496)#cptHuman1#
ΡΟΥΣΩ 1712-1778#cptHuman34#
ΣΟΠΕΝΧΑΟΥΕΡ 1788-1860#cptHuman51#
ΣΠΕΝΣΕΡ 1820-1903#cptHuman63#
ΣΠΙΝΟΖΑ 1632-1677#cptHuman22#
ΣΩΚΡΑΤΗΣ Ο ΑΘΗΝΑΙΟΣ (470)-(399)#cptHuman4#
ΦΕΡΕΚΥΔΗΣ (600)-(545)#cptHuman198#
ΦΙΧΤΕ 1762-1814#cptHuman42#
ΦΟΫΕΡΜΠΑΧ 1804-1872#cptHuman54#
ΧΕΓΓΕΛ 1770-1831#cptHuman46#
ΧΙΟΥΜ 1711-1776#cptHuman33#
name::
* McsEngl.worker.skill.scientist.POLITICAL-THEORIST,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy364.44,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy447,
* McsEngl.political-theorist-professional,
* McsEngl.professional.political-theorist@cptEconomy447,
* McsEngl.political'theorist@cptEconomy447,
* McsEngl.political-scientist,
* McsElln.ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑΤΙΑΣ'ΠΟΛΙΤΙΚΟΣ'ΘΕΩΡΗΤΙΚΟΣ@cptEconomy447,
* McsElln.ΠΟΛΙΤΙΚΟΣ-ΘΕΩΡΗΤΙΚΟΣ-ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑΤΙΑΣ,
* McsElln.ΠΟΛΙΤΙΚΟΣ'ΘΕΩΡΗΤΙΚΟΣ@cptEconomy447,
_GENERIC:
* entity.whole.systemBio.organism.animal.human.worker.scientist#cptEconomy364.45#
ΠΟΛΙΤΙΚΟΣ ΘΕΩΡΗΤΙΚΟΣ ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑΤΙΑΣ είναι ο ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑΤΙΑΣ που ξέρει το επάγγελμα του 'πολιτικού θεωρητικού'.
[hmnSngo.1995-04]
name::
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy364.44.1,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy604,
* McsEngl.political-scientist-profession,
* McsEngl.profession.political-scientist@cptEconomy604,
* McsEngl.working-skills.Political-scientist,
* McsElln.ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑ-ΠΟΛΙΤΙΚΟΥ-ΕΠΙΣΤΗΜΟΝΑ,
* McsElln.ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑ'ΠΟΛΙΤΙΚΟΥ'ΕΠΙΣΤΗΜΟΝΑ@cptEconomy604,
_GENERIC:
* entity.economic.satisfierWorking.servicing.working_skill#cptEconomy364.10#
_WHOLE:
political theorist#cptEconomy364.44#
ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑ ΠΟΛΙΤΙΚΟΥ ΕΠΙΣΤΗΜΟΝΑ ειναι ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑ αναλυσης πολιτικων συστηματων κοινωνιων.
[hmnSngo.1995-03]
name::
* McsEngl.worker.skill.scientist.PSYCHOLOGIST,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy364.49,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy144,
* McsEngl.professional.psychologist@cptEconomy144,
* McsEngl.psychologist@cptEconomy144,
* McsEngl.wkrPsy@cptEconomy144, {2012-05-11}
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.ΨΥΧΟΛΟΓΟΣ,
_GENERIC:
* entity.whole.systemBio.organism.animal.human.worker#cptEconomy364#
* doctor#cptEconomy364.37#
O ΨΥΧΟΛΟΓΟΣ είναι ΓΙΑΤΡΟΣ, που ασχολειται με πνευματικά νοσήματα, ...
[hmnSngo.1995-05]
name::
* McsEngl.wkrPsy.specific,
_SPECIFIC:
* Cognitive-Psychologist,
* Luria.Alexandr.Romanovich {1902-1977} Soviet##
* Piaget.Jean {1896-1980}
* Vygotsky, (Russian)
* Watson.John (American)
* Wundt.Wilhelm (German)
Luria, Alexandr Romanovich (1902-1977), Soviet psychologist, who was born in Kazan', Russia, and educated at Kazan' University and the Moscow Medical Institute. A pioneer in neuropsychology, Luria looked for physiological explanations for problems such as mental retardation and speech disorders, and he conducted research on the relationship between speech development and mental growth in children. During World War II he developed important techniques for the restoration or improvement of damaged brain functions. His writings include The Nature of Human Conflicts (1932) and The Human Brain and Psychological Processes (1963).
"Luria, Alexandr Romanovich," Microsoft(R) Encarta(R) 97 Encyclopedia. (c) 1993-1996 Microsoft Corporation. All rights reserved.
name::
* McsEngl.worker.skill.scientist.PHYSICIST,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy364.42,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy614,
* McsEngl.physicist,
* McsEngl.human.physicist,
* McsEngl.worker.physicist@cptEconomy614,
* McsEngl.physicist@cptEconomy614,
* McsEngl.physicist-professional,
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑΤΙΑΣ'ΦΥΣΙΚΟΣ@cptEconomy614,
* McsElln.ΦΥΣΙΚΟΣ-ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑΤΙΑΣ,
* McsElln.ΦΥΣΙΚΟΣ@cptEconomy614,
_GENERIC:
* entity.whole.systemBio.organism.animal.human.wkr.scientist#cptEconomy364.45#
ΦΥΣΙΚΟΣ ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑΤΙΑΣ είναι ο ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑΤΙΑΣ που ξέρει το επαγγελμα του φυσικου.
name::
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy364.42.1,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy602,
* McsEngl.physician-profession,
* McsEngl.profession.physician@cptEconomy602,
* McsEngl.working-skills.Physics,
* McsElln.ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑ-ΦΥΣΙΚΟΥ,
* McsElln.ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑ'ΦΥΣΙΚΟΥ@cptEconomy602,
_GENERIC:
* entity.economic.satisfierWorking.servicing.working_skill#cptEconomy364.10#
_WHOLE:
physician#cptEconomy364.42#
ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑ ΦΥΣΙΚΟΥ είναι ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑ διδασκαλίας ή ανάπτυξης της ΦΥΣΙΚΗΣ ΕΠΙΣΤΗΜΗΣ.
[hmnSngo.1995-04]
_SPECIFIC:
* ΑΙΝΣΤΑΙΝ#cptHuman84#
* ΑΡΧΙΜΗΔΗΣ#cptHuman9#
* ΝΕΥΤΩΝΑΣ#cptHuman24#
* ΠΑΣΚΑΛ#cptHuman20#
name::
* McsEngl.physicist.BOHR.NIELS,
* McsEngl.human.Bohr.Niels,
* McsEngl.Bohr.Niels@cptEconomy,
* McsEngl.Niels-Bohr@cptEconomy,
How Much Did Denmark Appreciate Scientist Niels Bohr?
After he won a Nobel Prize in 1922, Danish physicist Niels Bohr was given a house with a pipeline of free beer on tap.
There's gratitude, and then there's gratitude. Physicist Niels Bohr must
have been aware of just how much his fellow Danes appreciated him. After
all, after he won the Nobel Prize in Physics in 1922, the Carlsberg Brewery
gave him a house located next to the brewery. The best part? It had a
direct pipeline to the brewery, so he had free beer on tap, on demand. Now
that's gratitude.
Read More: http://www.wisegeek.com/how-much-did-denmark-appreciate-scientist-niels-bohr.htm?m, {2016-01-16}
name::
* McsEngl.worker.skill.SERVEYOR,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy364.47,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy137,
* McsEngl.worker.serveyor@cptEconomy137, {2012-05-31}
name::
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy137.1,
* McsEngl.professioning.serveying@cptEconomy137, {2012-05-31}
_DESCRIPTION:
Surveying or land surveying is the technique, profession, and science of accurately determining the terrestrial or three-dimensional position of points and the distances and angles between them. These points are usually on the surface of the Earth, and they are often used to establish land maps and boundaries for ownership or governmental purposes.
To accomplish their objective, surveyors use elements of mathematics (geometry and trigonometry), physics, engineering and law.
An alternative definition, per the American Congress on Surveying and Mapping (ACSM), is the science and art of making all essential measurements to determine the relative position of points or physical and cultural details above, on, or beneath the surface of the Earth, and to depict them in a usable form, or to establish the position of points or details.
Furthermore, as alluded to above, a particular type of surveying known as "land surveying" (also per ACSM) is the detailed study or inspection, as by gathering information through observations, measurements in the field, questionnaires, or research of legal instruments, and data analysis in the support of planning, designing, and establishing of property boundaries. It involves the re-establishment of cadastral surveys and land boundaries based on documents of record and historical evidence, as well as certifying surveys (as required by statute or local ordinance) of subdivision plats/maps, registered land surveys, judicial surveys, and space delineation. Land surveying can include associated services such as mapping and related data accumulation, construction layout surveys, precision measurements of length, angle, elevation, area, and volume, as well as horizontal and vertical control surveys, and the analysis and utilization of land survey data.
Surveying has been an essential element in the development of the human environment since the beginning of recorded history (about 5,000 years ago). It is required in the planning and execution of nearly every form of construction. Its most familiar modern uses are in the fields of transport, building and construction, communications, mapping, and the definition of legal boundaries for land ownership.
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Surveying]
_Ranking:
Provincial color
The ranking of established professions in the United States based on the above milestones shows surveying first (George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, and Abraham Lincoln were all land surveyors before entering politics), followed by medicine, actuarial science, law, dentistry, civil engineering, logistics, architecture and accounting.[6]
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Surveying]
name::
* McsEngl.worker.skill.INFO,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy364.26,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy576,
* McsEngl.information's-people,
* McsEngl.professional.theorist@cptEconomy576,
* McsEngl.theorist-professional,
* McsEngl.theorist@cptEconomy576,
* McsEngl.worker.THEORIST,
* McsEngl.wkrInf@cptEconomy576,
* McsEngl.wkrThst@cptEconomy576, {2012-12-09}
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.ΑΝΘΡΩΠΟΣ-ΠΛΗΡΟΦΟΡΙΑΣ,
* McsElln.ΑΝΘΡΩΠΟΣ'ΠΛΗΡΟΦΟΡΙΑΣ@cptEconomy576,
* McsElln.ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑΤΙΑΣ'ΘΕΩΡΗΤΙΚΟΣ@cptEconomy576,
* McsElln.ΘΕΩΡΗΤΙΚΟΣ-ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑΤΙΑΣ,
* McsElln.ΘΕΩΡΗΤΙΚΟΣ@cptEconomy576,
_GENERIC:
* entity.whole.systemBio.organism.animal.human.worker#cptEconomy364#
_DESCRIPTION:
ΘΕΩΡΗΤΙΚΟ ονομάζω τον ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑΤΙΑ που έχει τη δυνατότητα να παράγει ΠΛΗΡΟΦΟΡΙΕΣ (πνευματικα αγαθα)
[hmnSngo.1995-04]
===
ΑΝΘΡΩΠΟ ΠΛΗΡΟΦΟΡΙΑΣ ονομάζω κάθε ΑΝΘΡΩΠΟ ΚΟΙΝΩΝΙΑΣ που συνέβαλε στη δημιουργία ή εξέλιξη της ΠΛΗΡΟΦΟΡΙΑΣ.
[hmnSngo.1995-03]
===
ΑΝΘΡΩΠΟΙ σχετικοί με τη δημιουργία, εξέλιξη της έννοιας.
Αυτοί που την αποδέχονται καταγράφονται στο 'ΑΠΟΔΟΧΗ ΠΛΗΡΟΦΟΡΙΑΣ'.
[ΝΙΚΟΣ, ΝΟΕΜ. 1994]
name::
* McsEngl.wkrInf.specific,
_SPECIFIC: wkrInf.alphabetically:
* wkrInf.ΕΠΙΣΤΗΜΟΝΑΣ#cptEconomy364.45#
* wkrInf.ΕΠΙΣΤΗΜΟΛΟΓΟΣ
* wkrInf.ΓΙΑΤΡΟΣ#cptEconomy364.37#
* wkrInf.ΓΛΩΣΣΟΛΟΓΟΣ#cptEconomy364.36#
* wkrInf.ΙΣΤΟΡΙΚΟΣ#cptEconomy364.33#
* wkrInf.ΜΑΘΗΜΑΤΙΚΟΣ#cptCore89.8#
* wkrInf.ΚΟΙΝΩΝΙΟΛΟΓΟΣ#cptCore330.1#
* wkrInf.ΛΟΓΟΤΕΧΝΗΣ#cptEconomy364.29#
* wkrInf.ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΟΛΟΓΟΣ#cptEconomy364.28#
* wkrInf.ΠΟΙΗΤΗΣ#cptEconomy364.43#
* wkrInf.ΠΟΛΙΤΙΚΟΣ-ΘΕΩΡΗΤΙΚΟΣ#cptEconomy364.44#
* wkrInf.ΣΚΗΝΟΘΕΤΗΣ#cptEconomy364.32#
* wkrInf.ΣΥΓΓΡΑΦΕΑΣ/WRITTER#cptEconomy364.47#
* wkrInf.ΦΙΛΟΣΟΦΟΣ#cptEconomy364.41#
* wkrInf.ΦΥΣΙΚΟΣ#cptEconomy364.42#
name::
* McsEngl.wkrInf.SPECIFIC-DIVISION.SCIENTIFIC-INFORMATION,
_SPECIFIC:
* wkrInf.scientist#cptEconomy364.45#
* wkrInf.scientistNo
name::
* McsEngl.worker.skill.info.ARTIST,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy364.52,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy673,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy673,
* McsEngl.non'scientist'theorist@cptEconomy673,
* McsEngl.artist.info@cptEconomy673#,
_GENERIC:
* THEORIST#cptEconomy364.26#
_SPECIFIC#ql:generic_concepts cptEconomy673#:
* ARTIST
* NOVELIST
* PHOTOGRAPHER
* POET
name::
* McsEngl.worker.ARTIST,
* McsEngl.artist@cptEconomy,
name::
* McsEngl.worker.NOVELIST,
* McsEngl.novelist@cptEconomy,
Who Is the Best-Selling Novelist of All Time?
Agatha Christie is the best-selling novelist of all time.
British mystery writer Agatha Christie is the best-selling novelist of all
time. It is estimated that she sold over 2 billion works, putting
Christie’s books just behind the Bible and William Shakespeare in terms
of most sales. She has sold approximately a billion books in English, and
another billion have been sold translated into around 45 different foreign
languages. She is the most translated author, and has been translated into
more languages than Shakespeare. Since her first novel was published in
1920, Christie’s 80 works have been adapted into film versions 27 times.
Read More: http://www.wisegeek.com/who-is-the-best-selling-novelist-of-all-time.htm?m, {2014-11-04}
name::
* McsEngl.worker.PHOTOGRAPHER,
* McsEngl.photographer,
Is It Possible to Become a Travel Photographer without Leaving Your Home?
A London woman with agoraphobia has created thousands of portraits using images captured by Google Street View.
Jacqui Kenny is a London-based artist who travels to far-flung destinations
to document life around the globe with digital images -- without ever
leaving home. Kenny, who has suffered from agoraphobia for more than 20
years, typically chooses remote, lonely places to photograph, but she
doesn’t use a camera. She spends endless hours scouring Google Street
View for real-life portraits to post for the 20,000-plus followers on her
Agoraphobic Traveller web page.
Read More: http://www.wisegeek.com/is-it-possible-to-become-a-travel-photographer-without-leaving-your-home.htm?m {2017-10-14}
name::
* McsEngl.worker.skill.INFO.NO,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy364.38,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy111,
* McsEngl.practitioner@cptEconomy,
* McsEngl.professional.NonTheorist@cptEconomy111,
* McsEngl.non'theorist@cptEconomy111, {2007-11-22}
* McsEngl.practicer@cptEconomy111,
* McsEngl.wkrThstNo@cptEconomy111, {2012-12-09}
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.μη-θεωρητικός-εργαζόμενος@cptEconomy111, {2012-12-09}
* McsElln.ΠΡΑΚΤΙΚΟΣ@cptEconomy111,
_GENERIC:
* entity.whole.systemBio.organism.animal.human.worker#cptEconomy364#
ΠΡΑΚΤΙΚΟ ονομάζω τον ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑΤΙΑ που παράγει 'υλικά αγαθα'.
[hmnSngo.1995-05]
name::
* McsEngl.wkrThstNo.specific,
_SPECIFIC: wkrThstNo.alphabetically:
* wkrThstNo.engineer#cptEconomy111.1#
* wkrThstNo.politician#cptCore999.8.3#
name::
* McsEngl.worker.skill.WRITER,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy364.48,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy140,
* McsEngl.writer@cptEconomy140,
* McsElln.ΣΥΓΓΡΑΦΕΑΣ@cptEconomy140,
_GENERIC:
theorist#cptEconomy364.26#
ΣΥΓΓΡΑΦΕΑ ονομάζω το ΘΕΩΡΗΤΙΚΟ ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑΤΙΑ που γράφει τις πληροφορίες που δημιουργεί/ξέρει. (όχι τον αντιγραφέα!!).
[hmnSngo.1995-05]
name::
* McsEngl.worker.society.native.EXPATRIATE,
* McsEngl.worker.expat,
* McsEngl.worker.expatriate,
_DESCRIPTION:
expatriate: A person who lives outside their native country.
[Google dict]
name::
* McsEngl.worker.society.native.EXPATRIATE.NO,
* McsEngl.worker.expatNo,
* McsEngl.worker.expatriateNo,
_DESCRIPTION:
expatriateNo: A person who lives in their native-country.
name::
* McsEngl.worker.society.EU,
* McsEngl.worker.EU,
Δεύτεροι στην ΕΕ στη σκληρή εργασία οι Έλληνες
ΑΘΗΝΑ 26/06/2014
Άλλο ένα πλήγμα στον μύθο του «τεμπέλη Έλληνα» δίνει έρευνα του Ινστιτούτου Coe Rexecode με έδρα το Παρίσι, που υποστηρίζει ότι Έλληνες και Ρουμάνοι είναι οι πιο σκληρά εργαζόμενοι λαοί της Ευρώπης, βάσει των «πραγματικών» ωρών εργασίας τους.
Η έρευνα έγινε σε βάθος τετραετίας, με τους επιστήμονες να μελετούν τις πραγματικές ώρες της δουλειάς και όχι αυτές που προβλέπονται στις συμβάσεις με τις άδειες όπως ασθένειας, γονικές, διακοπών κ.α., τα διαστήματα των απεργιών, τον χρόνο για τη μετάβαση από και προς τη δουλειά κ.α., σύμφωνα με το Euobserver.
Στη βάση αυτή πρώτοι έρχονται οι Ρουμάνοι και ακολουθούν οι Έλληνες, οι Ούγγροι, οι Βούλγαροι, οι Κροάτες και ακολουθούν οι Πολωνοί, οι Λετονοί, οι Σλοβάκοι, οι Εσθονοί και οι Κύπριοι.
Οι λιγότερο σκληρά εργαζόμενοι είναι οι Φινλανδοί, οι Γάλλοι, οι Σουηδοί, οι Δανοί, οι Βέλγοι, οι Ιταλοί, οι Ισπανοί, οι Ολλανδοί. Βρετανοί και Γερμανοί βρίσκονται στη μέση.
[http://www.nooz.gr/economy/deiteroi-stin-ee-sti-skliri-ergasia-oi-ellines]
name::
* McsEngl.worker.society.GREECE,
* McsEngl.worker.greek,
{time.2014}
=== κατώτατος μισθός:
Μόνο το 7,69% των εργαζόμενων από το σύνολο των 1.371.450 μισθωτών αμείβεται στο ύψος του κατώτατου μισθού, σύμφωνα με τα στοιχεία του πληροφοριακού συστήματος «Εργάνη» του υπουργείου Εργασίας.
[http://www.nooz.gr/ 2014-09-15]
===
Ο ένας στους τρεις εργαζόμενους στον ιδιωτικό τομέα αμείβεται με 300 ευρώ καθαρά (έως 440 μεικτά) αφού απασχολείται με ευέλικτες μορφές εργασίας (μειωμένο ωράριο, μερική απασχόληση, ενοικίαση, εκ περιτροπής εργασία), σύμφωνα με τα στοιχεία - σοκ μελέτης του ΙΝΕ - ΓΣΕΕ.
Όπως σημειώνει η εφημερίδα Τα Νέα, τη Δευτέρα, τα στοιχεία δείχνουν ότι ο εργατικός μισθός έχει συρρικνωθεί σημαντικά, μέσω των ευέλικτων και φθηνών εργασιακών σχέσεων που επέβαλαν οι νομοθετικές παρεμβάσεις των μνημονίων.
Όπως παρατηρεί ο επιστημονικός διευθυντής του ΙΝΕ-ΓΣΕΕ Σάββας Ρομπόλης «η υψηλή ανεργία αναγκάζει όλο και περισσότερους εργαζόμενους στον ιδιωτικό τομέα να προσφεύγουν σε ευέλικτες μορφές απασχόλησης, κατάσταση που αφορά περίπου 500.000 άτομα. Το γεγονός αυτό έχει δημιουργήσει μια νέα γενιά εργαζομένων, αυτή των 300 ευρώ».
Αξίζει να σημειωθεί ότι οι ετήσιες αποδοχές στην Ελλάδα το 2014 ήταν μικρότερες από αυτές της Σλοβενίας (24.472 ευρώ) και της Κύπρου (22.740 ευρώ). Ειδικότερα, ανέρχονται σε 21.930 ευρώ, έναντι περίπου 34.584 ευρώ στην Ισπανία, 38.964 ευρώ στη Γερμανία, 44.377 στην Ιρλανδία και 49.256 στη Γαλλία.
[http://www.tovima.gr/society/article/?aid=631479, 2014-09-15]
{time.2013}
Ηλεκτρονική καταγραφή της μισθωτής εργασίας από 15 Σεπτεμβρίου
Τρίτη, 10 Σεπτεμβρίου 2013 12:56 UPD:12:59
Στις 15 Σεπτεμβρίου θα ξεκινήσει η ηλεκτρονική καταγραφή του συνόλου των εργαζόμενων και των επιχειρήσεων στον ιδιωτικό τομέα μέσω του συστήματος «Εργάνη». Η διαδικασία θα διαρκέσει δύο μήνες και θα ολοκληρωθεί στις 15 Νοεμβρίου.
Οι σχετικές ανακοινώσεις έγιναν από τον υπουργό Εργασίας Γιάννη Βρούτση μετά από σύσκεψη που είχε με τον υφυπουργό Εργασίας Βασίλη Κεγκέρογλου, τη γ.γ. του υπουργείου Άννα Στρατινάκη και τον διοικητή του ΟΑΕΔ Θόδωρο Αμπατζόγλου.
O Γ. Βρούτσης για την ηλεκτρονική καταγραφή της μισθωτής εργασίας
Όπως είπε ο κ. Βρούτσης, «στις 16 Νοεμβρίου, θα έχουμε την "ακτινογραφία" των μισθωτών με ακρίβεια και με κάθε λεπτομέρεια: Πόσοι, ποιοι και πού εργάζονται, με τι μισθούς και με τι τύπο σύμβασης.
«Πρόκειται, ουσιαστικά, για μια "πυξίδα" που θα μας επιτρέπει, πλέον, να ασκούμε στοχευμένες και αποτελεσματικές πολιτικές για την ενίσχυση της απασχόλησης και την καταπολέμηση της αδήλωτης εργασίας, με βάση τα πραγματικά και αντικειμενικά δεδομένα της αγοράς εργασίας και όχι "στα τυφλά" με απλές εκτιμήσεις», πρόσθεσε.
Σύμφωνα με τον κ. Κεγκέρογλου με το βήμα αυτό «οι ελεγκτικές υπηρεσίες θα μπορούν να συνεργαστούν καλύτερα με τις επιχειρήσεις, διενεργώντας αποτελεσματικότερους ελέγχους προστατεύοντας αυτές που με νομιμότητα εκπληρώνουν τις υποχρεώσεις τους προς τους εργαζόμενους και το κράτος».
[http://www.naftemporiki.gr/story/696047]
name::
* McsEngl.worker.society.USA,
_DEFINITION:
In the United States, the labor force is defined as people 16 years old or older who are employed or looking for work.
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Labor_force]
name::
* McsEngl.worker.time.FULLTIME,
* McsEngl.wkr.fulltime,
* McsEngl.fulltime-worker@cptEconomy,
* McsEngl.worker.fulltime@cptEconomy,
_DESCRIPTION:
A-fulltime-worker is one who has a-fulltime-job#ql: job.fulltime@cptEconomy#. S|he can have and a-parttime-job.
[hmnSngo.2015-05-19]
name::
* McsEngl.worker.time.FULLTIME.NO (parttime),
* McsEngl.wkr.fulltimeNo,
* McsEngl.wkr.parttime,
* McsEngl.wkr.fulltimeNo,
* McsEngl.fulltimeNo-worker@cptEconomy,
* McsEngl.worker.fulltimeNo@cptEconomy,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2016/04/would-working-less-make-you-happier??
name::
* McsEngl.worker.time.PERMANENT,
* McsEngl.permanent-worker@cptEconomy,
* McsEngl.worker.permanent@cptEconomy,
name::
* McsEngl.worker.time.PERMANENT.NO,
* McsEngl.permanentNo-worker@cptEconomy,
* McsEngl.worker.permanentNo@cptEconomy,
* McsEngl.worker.temporary,
_DESCRIPTION:
""Temp workers" let employers lower labor costs: split employees into permanent vs temporary (lower paid).
All part of the decline of US capitalism shifting its difficulties onto the working class."
[https://twitter.com/profwolff/status/1065304334517231616]
name::
* McsEngl.worker.ALTERNATIVE,
* McsEngl.worker.alternative,
* McsEngl.alternative-workforce,
_DESCRIPTION:
The alternative workforce — temp, on-call, and contract workers, freelancers, and independent contractors — has been growing rapidly, but not primarily from Uber, Task Rabbit, and other firms in the so-called "gig" economy, according to research presented in The Rise and Nature of Alternative Work Arrangements in the United States, 1995-2015 (NBER Working Paper No. 22667). Independent contractors are the largest group in the nontraditional or "alt" workforce, and contract workers, employed by contract firms, are the fastest-growing segment.
[https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2016/12/the-alternative-workforce-is-growing-heres-why/?/?]
_DESCRIPTION:
Higher-wage workers are more likely to work as independent contractors than their lower-wage counterparts. Over the last decade, the types of jobs that were contracted out through contract companies spread up the occupation distribution. Independent contractors and freelancers make more money per hour than traditional employees, while on-call and temp workers make less than their traditional counterparts. But all groups of workers in alternative work arrangements earn less per week than similar traditional workers because they work fewer hours, the researchers find.
[https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2016/12/the-alternative-workforce-is-growing-heres-why/?/?]
name::
* McsEngl.worker.FREELANCER,
* McsEngl.freelancer,
* McsEngl.worker.freelancer,
name::
* McsEngl.freelancer'compensation,
Market competition also forces freelancers to offer ridiculously low rates for their work.
[https://media.consensys.net/collaboration-2-0-the-future-of-work-is-on-the-blockchain-3ec520a80e22]
name::
* McsEngl.freelancer'commission,
_DESCRIPTION:
On current freelance platforms, commissions vary from 5 percent to a whopping 20 percent.
[https://media.consensys.net/collaboration-2-0-the-future-of-work-is-on-the-blockchain-3ec520a80e22]
name::
* McsEngl.freelancer'platform,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* https://bounties.network/,
===
* Fiverr, Upwork, Elance, and Freelancer,
* freelancer: http://www.freelancer.com//
* recruiter, free: http://www.recruiter.com//
* javaworld: http://www.javaworld.com/jobbank,
* willey: http://www.wileyjobnetwork.com//
name::
* McsEngl.freelancer'problem,
scammer:
* frelancer,
* client,
assurance:
Furthermore, even though these platforms charge high commissions, they often fail to provide assurances that freelancers will eventually get paid.
dispute:
Unsettled disputes almost always leave freelancers with nothing to show for their work.
client-problem:
Clients can lose out too. Some scam freelancers will ask for upfront payments and never deliver the work. Others will delay projects and demand additional payments outside agreed fees to release the work. Clients end up out of pocket and still longing for deliverables.
name::
* McsEngl.worker.COMMUTER,
* McsEngl.commuter.worker@cptEconomy,
* McsEngl.worker.commuter@cptEconomy,
_DESCRIPTION:
The word commuter derives from early days of rail travel in US cities such as New York, Philadelphia, Boston and Chicago, where, in the 1840s, the railways engendered suburbs from which travellers paying a reduced or 'commuted' fare into the city. Later, the back formations "commute" and "commuter" were coined therefrom. Commuted tickets would usually allow the traveller to repeat the same journey as often as they liked during the period of validity: Normally, the longer the period the cheaper the cost per day.[1]
Before the 19th century, most workers lived less than an hour's walk from their work. Today, many people travel daily to work a long way from their own towns, cities, and villages, especially in industrialised societies. Depending on factors such as the high cost of housing in city centres, lack of public transit, and traffic congestion, modes of travel may include automobiles, motorcycles, trains, aircraft, buses, and bicycles. Where Los Angeles is infamous for its automobile gridlock, commuting in New York is closely associated with the Subway; in London and Tokyo and several European cities, "commuter" is automatically associated with rail passengers..[2]
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Commuter#History] {2013-12-30}
What Are the Effects of Long Distance Commutes?
Long-distance commuters are about 40 percent more likely to divorce.
Studies of the effects of long distance commutes have found that workers
who have long commuting times are more likely to have negative mental,
physical and social issues. For example, research suggests that commuters
who travel 45 minutes to work are 40% more likely to separate or divorce
than non-commuters are. Long-distance commutes might also contribute to
health problems, with one-third of all people who commute 90 minutes
reporting neck or back problems. Commuters also are more likely to be
obese, possibly because of having less time to exercise and prepare meals,
and they have higher rates of stress.
Read More: http://www.wisegeek.com/what-are-the-effects-of-long-distance-commutes.htm?m, {2013-12-30}
name::
* McsEngl.worker.ENTREPRENEUR,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy364.17,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy141,
* McsEngl.worker.entrepreneur@cptEconomy141,
* McsEngl.entrepreneur@cptEconomy141,
* McsEngl.producer's-creator@cptEconomy141,
_GENERIC:
* entity.whole.systemBio.organism.animal.human.worker#cptEconomy364#
_DESCRIPTION:
An entrepreneur (i/??ntr?pr?'n?r/) is an owner or manager of a business enterprise who makes money through risk and initiative.[1][note 1] The term was originally a loanword from French and was first defined by the Irish-French economist Richard Cantillon. Entrepreneur in English is a term applied to a person who is willing to help launch a new venture or enterprise and accept full responsibility for the outcome. Jean-Baptiste Say, a French economist, is believed to have coined the word "entrepreneur" in the 19th century - he defined an entrepreneur as "one who undertakes an enterprise, especially a contractor, acting as intermediatory between capital and labour".[note 2]
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Entrepreneur] 2012-04-02.
===
An entrepreneur is a person who has possession of a new enterprise, venture or idea and is accountable for the inherent risks and the outcome.[note 1] The term was originally a loanword from French and was first defined by the Irish-French economist Richard Cantillon. Entrepreneur in English is a term applied to a person who is willing to launch a new venture or enterprise and accept full responsibility for the outcome. Jean-Baptiste Say, a French economist, is believed to have coined the word "entrepreneur" in the 19th century - he defined an entrepreneur as "one who undertakes an enterprise, especially a contractor, acting as intermediatory between capital and labour".[note 2] A broader definition by French Economist J.B. Say (1800) "The entrepreneur shifts economic resources out of lower and into higher productivity and greater yield."
===
Table 1. Contrasting definitions and core characteristics of the terms “entrepreneur” and “entrepreneurship”
Source
Definition
Core Characteristics
Schumpeter (1934)
An entrepreneur is an innovator who implements entrepreneurial change within markets, where entrepreneurial change has five manifestations: 1) the introduction of a new/improved good; 2) the introduction of a new method of production; 3) the opening of a new market; 4) the exploitation of a new source of supply; and 5) the carrying out of the new organization of any industry
Innovator
McClelland (1961)
The entrepreneur is a person with a high need for achievement. This need for achievement is directly related to the process of entrepreneurship […] Entrepreneur is an energetic moderate risk taker.
High achiever
Risk bearer
Dedicated
Kirzner (1978)
The entrepreneur recognizes and acts upon market opportunities. The entrepreneur is essentially an arbitrageur.
Arbitrageur
Shapero (1975)
Entrepreneurs take initiative, organize some social and economic mechanisms and accept risks of failure.
Organizer
Initiative taker
Carland et al. (1984)
The entrepreneur is characterised principally by innovative behaviour and will employ strategic management practices in the business.
Strategic thinker
Kao and Stevenson (1985)
Entrepreneurship is an attempt to create value through recognition of business opportunities.
Value creator
Opportunity aware
Timmons and Spinelli (2008)
Entrepreneurship is a way of thinking, reasoning, and acting that is opportunity obsessed, holistic in approach and leadership balanced.
Leader
Holistic
Persistent
Committed
[http://www.timreview.ca/article/523]
name::
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy141.1,
* McsEngl.entrepreneur-And-investor@cptEconomy141.1,
* McsEngl.investor-And-entrepreneur@cptEconomy141.1,
_DESCRIPTION:
An entrepreneur CREATES a producer for profit.
An investor GIVES MONEY to an existing producer for profit.
[hmnSngo.2011-05-19]
_SPECIFIC:
* entrepreneur.social#ql:social_entrepreneur@cptEconomy#
name::
* McsEngl.worker.FORCED,
* McsEngl.worker.forced,
_DESCRIPTION:
Forced labour takes different forms, including debt bondage, trafficking and other forms of modern slavery. The victims are the most vulnerable – women and girls forced into prostitution, migrants trapped in debt bondage, and sweatshop or farm workers kept there by clearly illegal tactics and paid little or nothing.
Almost 21 million people are victims of forced labour – 11.4 million women and girls and 9.5 million men and boys.
[http://www.ilo.org/global/topics/forced-labour/lang--en/index.htm]
name::
* McsEngl.worker.INVESTOR,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy364.16,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy475,
* McsEngl.workerInvestor@cptEconomy475,
* McsEngl.worker.investor@cptEconomy475,
* McsEngl.investor-professional,
* McsEngl.investor@cptEconomy475,
* McsEngl.investorWorker@cptEconomy475,
* McsEngl.professional.investor@cptEconomy475,
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑΤΙΑΣ-ΕΠΕΝΔΥΤΗΣ,
* McsElln.ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑΤΙΑΣ.ΕΠΕΝΔΥΤΗΣ@cptEconomy475,
* McsElln.ΕΠΕΝΔΥΤΗΣ@cptEconomy475,
* McsElln.επενδυτής@cptEconomy475, {2012-11-28}
_GENERIC:
* entity.whole.systemBio.organism.animal.human.worker#cptEconomy364#
_DESCRIPTION:
Investor is the Agent who gives capital in a producing-org for a RETURN or a lender.
[hmnSngo.2012-12-27]
===
An investor is a party that makes an investment into one or more categories of assets --- equity, debt securities, real estate, currency, commodity, derivatives such as put and call options, etc. --- with the objective of making a profit.
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Investor]
===
ΕΠΕΝΔΥΤΗΣ ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑΤΙΑΣ είναι ο ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑΤΙΑΣ που ξέρει το 'επάγγελμα του επενδυτη'.
[hmnSngo.1995-04]
===
ΕΠΕΝΔΥΤΗΣ ΕΙΝΑΙ ΤΟ ΑΤΟΜΟ ΤΟΥ ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΙΚΟΥ ΟΡΓΑΝΙΣΜΟΥ ΠΟΥ ΕΧΟΝΤΑΣ ΥΠ'ΟΨΙΝ ΤΙΣ ΥΠΑΡΧΟΥΣΕΣ 'ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΙΚΕΣ-ΕΠΙΘΥΜΙΕΣ#cptEconomy56#' ΔΗΜΙΟΥΡΓΕΙ ΕΝΑΝ 'ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΙΚΟ ΟΡΓΑΝΙΣΜΟ' ΠΟΥ ΘΑ ΜΠΟΡΕΙ ΝΑ ΕΚΠΛΗΡΩΝΕΙ ΚΑΠΟΙΑ ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΙΚΗ ΕΠΙΘΥΜΙΑ.
[ΝΙΚΟΣ, ΣΕΠΤ 26 1993]
name::
* McsEngl.investor'Goal,
II. Why Investors Invest
What motivates a person or an organization to buy securities, rather than spending their money immediately? The most common answer is savings -- the desire to pass money from the present into the future. People and organizations anticipate future cash needs, and expect that their earnings in the future will not meet those needs. Another motivation is the desire to increase wealth, i.e. make money grow. Sometimes, the desire to become wealthy in the future can make you willing to take big risks. The purchase of a lottery ticket, for instance only increases the probability of becoming very wealthy, but sometimes a small chance at a big payoff, even if it costs a dollar or two, is better than none at all. There are other motives for investment, of course. Charity, for instance. You may be willing to invest to make something happen that might not, otherwise -- you could invest to build a museum, to finance low-income housing, or to re-claim urban neighborhoods. The dividends from these kinds of investments may not be economic, and thus they are difficult to compare and evaluate. For most investors, charitable goals aside, the key measure of benefit derived from a security is the rate of return.
[http://viking.som.yale.edu/will/finman540/classnotes/class1.html]
name::
* McsEngl.investor'Working-skills,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy592,
* McsEngl.investor-profession,
* McsEngl.profession.investor@cptEconomy592,
* McsElln.ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑ-ΕΠΕΝΔΥΤΗ,
* McsElln.ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑ'ΕΠΕΝΔΥΤΗ@cptEconomy592,
_GENERIC:
* entity.economic.satisfierWorking.servicing.working_skill#cptEconomy364.10#
_DESCRIPTION:
ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑ ΕΠΕΝΔΥΤΗ είναι το ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑ στο οποίο αποφασίζεται ποιό αγαθο θα παραχθει απο τα ενδιάμεσα αγαθα.
[hmnSngo.1995-04]
===
ΕΠΕΝΔΥΤΗΣ ΕΙΝΑΙ ΤΟ ΑΤΟΜΟ ΤΟΥ ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΙΚΟΥ ΟΡΓΑΝΙΣΜΟΥ ΠΟΥ ΕΧΟΝΤΑΣ ΥΠ'ΟΨΙΝ ΤΙΣ ΥΠΑΡΧΟΥΣΕΣ 'ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΙΚΕΣ-ΕΠΙΘΥΜΙΕΣ#cptEconomy56#' ΔΗΜΙΟΥΡΓΕΙ ΕΝΑΝ 'ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΙΚΟ ΟΡΓΑΝΙΣΜΟ' ΠΟΥ ΘΑ ΜΠΟΡΕΙ ΝΑ ΕΚΠΛΗΡΩΝΕΙ ΚΑΠΟΙΑ ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΙΚΗ ΕΠΙΘΥΜΙΑ.
[ΝΙΚΟΣ, ΣΕΠΤ 26 1993]
Η ΛΕΙΤΟΥΡΓΙΑ ΤΟΥ ΕΠΕΝΔΥΤΗ ΕΙΝΑΙ ΠΟΛΥ ΣΠΟΥΔΑΙΑ ΓΙΑ ΤΗΝ ΚΟΙΝΩΝΙΑ.
ΣΤΟΝ ΥΠΑΡΚΤΟ ΣΟΣΙΑΛΙΣΜΟ (1917-1991) ΦΑΝΗΚΕ Η ΣΠΟΥΔΑΙΟΤΗΤΑ-ΤΟΥ, ΓΙΑΤΙ Ο ΚΕΝΤΡΙΚΟΣ ΣΧΕΔΙΑΣΜΟΣ ΕΧΑΣΕ ΤΟ ΜΑΤΙ ΤΟΥ ΜΙΚΡΟΥ ΕΠΙΧΕΙΡΗΜΑΤΙΑ ΠΟΥ ΗΤΑΝ ΠΑΝΤΟΥ ΚΑΙ ΥΠΑΡΧΕΙ ΣΤΟΝ ΚΑΠΙΤΑΛΙΣΜΟ.
[ΝΙΚΟΣ, ΣΕΠΤ 26 1993]
name::
* McsEngl.investor'resource,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* https://www.angelmatch.io/: Angel Match frees you from the time-consuming, grueling process of searching for investors by matching you with over 50,000 angels and venture capitalists in one place
name::
* McsEngl.investor.specific,
_SPECIFIC: investor.alphabetically:
* investor.angel#cptEconomy475.6#
* investor.employer#cptEconomy364.15#
* investor.Soros#cptEconomy475.4#
* investor.speculator#cptEconomy475.3#
* investor.stock_investor#cptEconomy475.5#
* investor.ecnSynagonism#cptEconomy475.1#
Types of investors
The following classes of investors are not mutually exclusive:
Individual investors (including trusts on behalf of individuals, and umbrella companies formed by two or more to pool investment funds)
Collectors of art, antiques, and other things of value
Angel investors (individuals and groups)
Sweat equity investor
Venture capital funds, which serve as investment collectives on behalf of individuals, companies, pension plans, insurance reserves, or other funds.
Businesses that make investments, either directly or via a captive fund
Investment trusts, including real estate investment trusts
Mutual funds, hedge funds, and other funds, ownership of which may or may not be publicly traded (these funds typically pool money raised from their owner-subscribers to invest in securities)
Sovereign wealth funds
Also, investors might be classified according to their styles. In this respect, an important distinctive investor psychology trait is risk attitude.
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Investors]
name::
* McsEngl.investor.ANGEL,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy475.6,
* McsEngl.angel-investor@cptEconomy475.6,
* McsEngl.business-angel@cptEconomy475.6,
* McsEngl.informal-investor@cptEconomy475.6,
* McsEngl.angel@cptEconomy475.6,
An angel investor or angel (also known as a business angel or informal investor) is an affluent individual who provides capital for a business start-up, usually in exchange for convertible debt or ownership equity. A small but increasing number of angel investors organize themselves into angel groups or angel networks to share research and pool their investment capital.
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Angel_investors]
name::
* McsEngl.investor.EcnSYNAGONISM,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy475.1,
_DESCRIPTION:
In synagonism investors mainly will be those who have the abilities to do it meritocratically. The society will give to those professionals the assets to do it.
In antagonism, "inheritance" is the main relation through which young professionals can be investors.
[hmnSngo.2011-04-27]
name::
* McsEngl.investor.SOROS,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy475.4,
* McsEngl.Soros.George@cptEconomy475.4,
_GENERIC:
* speculator#cptEconomy475.3#
_DESCRIPTION:
George Soros (Hungarian: Soros Gyφrgy; pronounced /'s?ro?s/ or /'s?r?s/,[2] Hungarian: ['?oro?]; born August 12, 1930, as Schwartz Gyφrgy) is a Hungarian-American financier, businessman and notable philanthropist focused on supporting liberal ideals and causes.[3] He became known as "the Man Who Broke the Bank of England" after he made a reported $1 billion during the 1992 Black Wednesday UK currency crises.[4][5] Soros correctly speculated that the British government would have to devalue the pound sterling.[6]
Soros is Chairman of the Soros Fund Management and the Open Society Institute and a former member of the Board of Directors of the Council on Foreign Relations. He played a significant role in the peaceful transition from communism to capitalism in Hungary (1984–89)[5] and provided Europe's largest-ever higher education endowment to Central European University in Budapest.[7] Later, the Open Society Institute's programs in Georgia were considered by Russian and Western observers to have been crucial in the success of the Rose Revolution. In the United States, he is known for donating large sums of money in an effort to defeat President George W. Bush's bid for re-election in 2004. In 2010, he donated $1 million in support of Proposition 19, which would have legalized marijuana in the state of California. He was an initial donor to the Center for American Progress, and he continues to support the organization through the Open Society Foundations. The Open Society Institute has active programs in more than 60 countries around the world with total expenditures currently averaging approximately $600 million a year.[8]
In 2003, former Federal Reserve Chairman Paul Volcker wrote in the foreword of Soros' book The Alchemy of Finance:
George Soros has made his mark as an enormously successful speculator, wise enough to largely withdraw when still way ahead of the game. The bulk of his enormous winnings is now devoted to encouraging transitional and emerging nations to become 'open societies,' open not only in the sense of freedom of commerce but – more important – tolerant of new ideas and different modes of thinking and behavior.[9]
New York Times columnist Paul Krugman is critical of Soros's effect on financial markets.
"[N]obody who has read a business magazine in the last few years can be unaware that these days there really are investors who not only move money in anticipation of a currency crisis, but actually do their best to trigger that crisis for fun and profit. These new actors on the scene do not yet have a standard name; my proposed term is 'Soroi.'"[10]
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Soros] 2011-05-09
2008: The New Paradigm for Financial Markets: The Credit Crisis of 2008 and What it Means (PublicAffairs, 2008). ISBN 1-58648-683-7
* Revised edition (March 30, 2009)
In the midst of one of the most serious financial upheavals since the Great Depression, George Soros, the legendary financier and philanthropist, writes about the origins of the crisis and proposes a set of policies that should be adopted to confront it. Soros, whose breadth of experience in financial markets is unrivaled, places the crisis in the context of his decades of study of how individuals and institutions handle the boom and bust cycles that now dominate global economic activity. In a concise essay that combines practical insight with philosophical depth, Soros makes an invaluable contribution to our understanding of the great credit crisis and its implications for our nation and the world.
[http://www.amazon.com/Crash-2008-What-Means-Financial/dp/B002UXRZ6C/ref=pd_sim_b_1]
2006: The Age of Fallibility: Consequences of the War on Terror (PublicAffairs, 2006) ISBN 1-58648-359-5
* After reflecting on his support of a losing Democrat for president, George Soros steps back to revisit his views on why George Bush's policies around the world fall short in the arenas most important to Soros: democracy, human rights and open society. As a survivor of the Holocaust and a life-long proponent of free expression, Soros understands the meaning of freedom. And yet his differences with George Bush, another proponent of freedom, are profound.
In this powerful essay Soros spells out his views and how they differ from the president's. He reflects on why the Democrats may have lost the high ground on these values issues and how they might reclaim it. As he has in his recent books, On Globalization and The Bubble of American Supremacy, Soros uses facts, anecdotes, personal experience and philosophy to illuminate a major topic in a way that both enlightens and inspires.
[http://www.amazon.com/Age-Fallibility-Consequences-War-Terror/dp/1586483595]
2003: The Bubble of American Supremacy: Correcting the Misuse of American Power (PublicAffairs, 2003) ISBN 1-58648-217-3 (paperback; PublicAffairs, 2004; ISBN 1-58648-292-0)
2002: George Soros on Globalization (PublicAffairs, 2002) ISBN 1-58648-125-8 (paperback; PublicAffairs, 2005; ISBN 1-52648-278-5)
* Renowned international investor and financial guru Soros outlines the problems of globalization, limiting its meaning here to "the free movement of capital and the increasing domination of national economies by global financial markets and multinational corporations." Thus, Soros does not delve into the social or cultural applications of globalization. Criticism instead is leveled on both the "market fundamentalists"--Reagan-Thatcher types who seek to remove all impediments (taxation and regulation) to international investing--and the antiglobalization activists, who see the phenomenon as immoral. An admitted fan of globalization, Soros contends that the market is amoral but that certain reforms are necessary to ensure ethical standards. Soros' conclusion is that international institutions have not kept pace with the international economy, and a true "open society" (the title of Soros' last book) relies on that progress. A follow-up is in the offing, as the author is anxious to further expand on his open-society idea. Though the subject matter is complicated, Soros' simplified treatment makes this a timely and necessary title for any basic economy collection. Mary Frances Wilkens
Copyright © American Library Association. All rights reserved --This text refers to an out of print or unavailable edition of this title.
[http://www.amazon.com/George-Soros-Globalization/dp/1586482785/ref=pd_sim_b_3]
2001: Open Society: Reforming Global Capitalism (PublicAffairs, 2001) ISBN 1-58648-039-7
With Mark Amadeus Notturno, Science and the Open Society: The Future of Karl Popper's Philosophy (Central European University Press, 2000) ISBN 963-9116-69-6 (paperback: Central European University Press, 2000; ISBN 943-9116-70-X)
1998: The Crisis of Global Capitalism: Open Society Endangered (PublicAffairs, 1998) ISBN 1-891220-27-4
1995: Soros on Soros: Staying Ahead of the Curve (John Wiley, 1995) ISBN 0-471-12014-6 (paperback; Wiley, 1995; ISBN 0-371-11977-6)
1991: Underwriting Democracy: Encouraging Free Enterprise and Democratic Reform Among the Soviets and in Eastern Europe (Free Press, 1991) ISBN 0-02-930285-4 (paperback; PublicAffairs, 2004; ISBN 1-58948-227-0)
1990: Opening the Soviet System (Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1990) ISBN 0-297-82155-9 (paperback: Perseus Books, 1996; ISBN 0-8133-1205-1)
1988: The Alchemy of Finance (Simon & Schuster, 1988) ISBN 0-671-66338-4 (paperback: Wiley, 2003; ISBN 0-471-44549-5)
* Publisher: Wiley (July 29, 2003)
New chapter by Soros on the secrets to his success along with a new Preface and Introduction.
New Foreword by renowned economist Paul Volcker
"An extraordinary . . . inside look into the decision-making process of the most successful money manager of our time. Fantastic." -The Wall Street Journal
George Soros is unquestionably one of the most powerful and profitable investors in the world today. Dubbed by BusinessWeek as "the Man who Moves Markets," Soros made a fortune competing with the British pound and remains active today in the global financial community. Now, in this special edition of the classic investment book, The Alchemy of Finance, Soros presents a theoretical and practical account of current financial trends and a new paradigm by which to understand the financial market today. This edition's expanded and revised Introduction details Soros's innovative investment practices along with his views of the world and world order. He also describes a new paradigm for the "theory of reflexivity" which underlies his unique investment strategies. Filled with expert advice and valuable business lessons, The Alchemy of Finance reveals the timeless principles of an investing legend.
This special edition will feature a new chapter by Soros on the secrets of his success and a new Foreword by the Honorable Paul Volcker, former Chairman of the Federal Reserve.
George Soros (New York, NY) is President of Soros Fund Management and Chief Investment Advisor to Quantum Fund N.V., a $12 billion international investment fund. Besides his numerous ventures in finance, Soros is also extremely active in the worlds of education, culture, and economic aid and development through his Open Society Fund and the Soros Foundation.
[http://www.amazon.com/Alchemy-Finance-Wiley-Investment-Classics/dp/0471445495/ref=pd_sim_b_2]
name::
* McsEngl.investor.SPECULATOR,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy475.3,
* McsEngl.worker.speculator@cptEconomy475.3,
* McsEngl.speculator-investor@cptEconomy475.3,
_DESCRIPTION:
Speculation is the practice of engaging in risky financial transactions in an attempt to profit from short or medium term fluctuations in the market value of a tradable good such as a financial instrument, rather than attempting to profit from the underlying financial attributes embodied in the instrument such as capital gains, interest, or dividends. Many speculators pay little attention to the fundamental value of a security and instead focus purely on price movements. Speculation can in principle involve any tradable good or financial instrument. Speculators are particularly common in the markets for stocks, bonds, commodity futures, currencies, fine art, collectibles, real estate, and derivatives.
Speculators play one of four primary roles in financial markets, along with hedgers who engage in transactions to offset some other pre-existing risk, arbitrageurs who seek to profit from situations where fungible instruments trade at different prices in different market segments, and investors who seek profit through long-term ownership of an instrument's underlying attributes. The role of speculators is to absorb excess risk that other participants do not want, and to provide liquidity in the marketplace by buying or selling when no participants from the other categories are available. Successful speculation entails collecting an adequate level of monetary compensation in return for providing immediate liquidity and assuming additional risk so that, over time, the inevitable losses are offset by larger profits.
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Speculator]
name::
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy475.5,
* McsEngl.stock-investor@cptEconomy475.5,
* McsEngl.stock-trader@cptEconomy475.5,
_DESCRIPTION:
A stock trader or a stock investor is an individual or firm who buys and sells stocks in the financial markets. Many stock traders will trade bonds (and possibly other financial assets) as well. Trading stocks is a risky and complex occupation because the direction of the markets are generally unpredictable and lack transparency, also financial regulators are sometimes unable to adequately detect, prevent and re-mediate irregularities committed by malicious listed companies or other financial market participants. In addition, the financial markets are usually subjected to speculation.
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Stock_investor]
name::
* McsEngl.office-worker, cptEconomy,
* McsEngl.worker.office,
_DESCRIPTION:
An employee who works in an office, especially one engaged in clerical or administrative work.
EXAMPLE SENTENCES
In other words, I was to become either a teacher or an office worker.
Whether you are in business, a student, an office worker or a housewife, we all have one thing in common: 24 hours in every day.
According to state government sources, the new recruits would be paid salaries of 4,000 rupees, less than half the normal salary of an office worker.
[http://www.oxforddictionaries.com/definition/english/office-worker]
Δύο ώρες ορθοστασία σε δουλειά γραφείου
ΑΘΗΝΑ 08/06/2015
Οι εργαζόμενοι του γραφείου πρέπει να αλλάξουν ριζικά τις συνήθειές τους, ώστε να μένουν όρθιοι τουλάχιστον δύο ώρες στη διάρκεια της δουλειάς τους, σύμφωνα με Βρετανούς ειδικούς, οι οποίοι δημοσιοποίησαν οδηγίες, ώστε να περιορισθούν οι επιπτώσεις για την υγεία από το πολύ καθισιό.
Οι επιστήμονες, με επικεφαλής τον καθηγητή Τζον Μπάκλεϊ του Ινστιτούτου Ιατρικής του Πανεπιστημίου του Τσέστερ, που έκαναν τη σχετική δημοσίευση στο βρετανικό περιοδικό αθλητιατρικής "British Journal of Sports Medicine", ανέφεραν ότι οι δύο ώρες ορθοστασίας θα μπορούσαν να φθάσουν ακόμη και τις τέσσερις, αν ληφθούν οι κατάλληλες πρωτοβουλίες εκ μέρους των εργαζομένων και των εργοδοτών.
Οι ειδικοί υπολογίζουν ότι περίπου το 75% του χρόνου εργασίας σε μια δουλειά γραφείου είναι καθιστικός και, από αυτόν τον χρόνο, πάνω από το 50% αφορά παρατεταμένες περιόδους, στη διάρκεια των οποίων ο εργαζόμενος παραμένει καθισμένος συνεχώς στην καρέκλα του, χωρίς να σηκώνεται καθόλου.
Για να μειωθεί ο χρόνος του καθισιού, οι επιστήμονες προτείνουν τρία κυρίως πράγματα:
- Ο εργαζόμενος να κάνει όσο γίνεται πιο συχνά διαλείμματα και να σηκώνεται για να περπατήσει (από την πλευρά του, ο εργοδότης πρέπει να μην βλέπει καχύποπτα κάτι τέτοιο ως...λούφα).
- Ο τρόπος δουλειάς να οργανώνεται έτσι ώστε να περιλαμβάνει περιόδους εργασίας στο όρθιο (π.χ. να συνεννοείται κανείς δια ζώσης με τους συναδέλφους του στο γραφείο, αντί να επικοινωνεί με το ηλεκτρονικό ταχυδρομείο, ή ορισμένες συσκέψεις να γίνονται στο όρθιο).
- Να γίνουν συνήθεια στους χώρους εργασίας τα γραφεία που έχουν σχεδιαστεί με ειδική εργονομία, προκειμένου να ενθαρρύνουν τους εργαζόμενους να δουλεύουν όρθιοι ή μισο-όρθιοι.
Οι επιστήμονες επεσήμαναν ότι η παρατεταμένη στατική ορθοστασία (χωρίς να κινείται ο εργαζόμενος) μπορεί να γίνει το ίδιο επκίνδυνη με το καθισιό και να οδηγήσει σε μυοσκελετικούς πόνους και κόπωση.
Η καθιστική ζωή στο γραφείο και στο σπίτι (ιδίως μπροστά στην τηλεόραση, επειδή συχνά συνδυάζεται με ανθυγιεινό φαγητό) έχει συνδεθεί με ποικίλα προβλήματα υγείας, όπως διαβήτη, και με κίνδυνο πρόωρου θανάτου.
Οι ειδικοί συστήνουν, πέρα από την κινητικότητα στο γραφείο, ο εργαζόμενος να μην τρώει ανθυγιεινά στη δουλειά του, να μην πίνει αλκοόλ μετά από αυτήν (ούτε ενόσω δουλεύει...) και να αποφεύγει το στρες, όσο μπορεί.
Οι εργοδότες, από την πλευρά τους, καλούνται να ενθαρρύνουν ενεργά τους εργαζόμενους να μειώσουν τον χρόνο καθιστικής εργασίας, επενδύοντας χρόνο και χρήμα, ώστε το εργασιακό περιβάλλον να γίνει πιο κινητικό και λιγότερο στατικό.
Σύμφωνα με τους ερευνητές, ασφαλώς δεν θα είναι εύκολο να αλλάξει μια «κουλτούρα» γραφείου, η οποία εδώ και πολλά χρόνια έχει εδραιωθεί γύρω από την καθιστική εργασία. Όπως αναγνώρισαν, για πολλούς εργαζόμενους (και εργοδότες) η ελάχιστη ορθοστασία των δύο ωρών θα φανεί πολύ μεγάλη. Αλλά, με κάποιο τρόπο, όπως είπαν, μια προσπάθεια πρέπει να γίνει, στην αρχή έστω για λίγα λεπτά και σταδιακά ο χρόνος όρθιας εργασίας να αυξάνεται.
[http://www.nooz.gr/world/dio-ores-or8ostasia-se-douleia-grafeiou]
name::
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy364.5,
* McsEngl.outworker@cptEconomy364.5,
_DESCRIPTION:
7.34 An outworker is a person who agrees to work for a particular enterprise or to supply a certain quantity of goods or services to a particular enterprise, by prior arrangement or contract with that enterprise, but whose place of work is not within any of the establishments that make up that enterprise. The enterprise does not control the time spent at work by an outworker and does not assume responsibility for the conditions in which that work is carried out, although it may carry out checks on the quality of work. Most outworkers work at home but may use other premises of their own choice. Some outworkers are provided with the equipment or materials, or both, on which they work, by an enterprise but other outworkers may purchase their own equipment or materials, or both. In any case, outworkers have to meet some production costs themselves: for example, the actual or imputed rentals on the buildings in which they work; heating, lighting and power; storage or transportation; etc.
[https://synagonism.net/dirMcs/dirStn/dirHitp/HitpStnStd000.last.html#idPara7.34]
name::
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy672,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy326.1,
* McsEngl.educational-institution@cptEconomy39.18, 2012-11-25 [http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Taxonomy_of_schools]
* McsEngl.organization.educating@cptEconomy39.18, {2012-06-09}
* McsEngl.ognInf.EDUCATING,
* McsEngl.school@cptEconomy39.18, {2012-06-09}
* McsEngl.orgEdu@cptEconomy39.18, {2012-06-09}
* McsElln.εκπαιδευτικό-ίδρυμα@cptEconomy,
_DESCRIPTION:
A school is an institution designed for the teaching of students (or "pupils") under the direction of teachers. Most countries have systems of formal education, which is commonly compulsory. In these systems, students progress through a series of schools. The names for these schools vary by country (discussed in the Regional section below), but generally include primary school for young children and secondary school for teenagers who have completed primary education. An institution where higher education is taught, is commonly called a university college or university.
In addition to these core schools, students in a given country may also attend schools before and after primary and secondary education. Kindergarten or pre-school provide some schooling to very young children (typically ages 3–5). University, vocational school, college or seminary may be available after secondary school. A school may also be dedicated to one particular field, such as a school of economics or a school of dance. Alternative schools may provide nontraditional curriculum and methods.
There are also non-government schools, called private schools. Private schools may be required when the government does not supply adequate, or special education. Other private schools can also be religious, such as Christian schools, hawzas, yeshivas, and others; or schools that have a higher standard of education or seek to foster other personal achievements. Schools for adults include institutions of corporate training, Military education and training and business schools.
In homeschooling and online schools, teaching and learning take place outside of a traditional school building.
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/School]
school1
sku?l/Submit
noun
1.
an institution for educating children.
"Ryder's children did not go to school at all"
synonyms: educational institution, centre of learning; academy, college; alma mater; rarephrontistery
"the school caters for children with learning difficulties"
2.
any institution at which instruction is given in a particular discipline.
"a dancing school"
[google dict]
_GENERIC:
* entity.body.sysHmnsOrg.econ.producing.info#cptEconomy39#
name::
* McsEngl.ognEdg'10-rules-you-will-not-learn-in-school,
11 κανόνες που δεν διδάσκονται στο σχολείο
ΑΘΗΝΑ 08/02/2013
Ο Bill Gates σε μια πρόσφατη ομιλία του σε ένα γυμνάσιο, μίλησε για 11 κανόνες ζωής που δεν έμαθαν και δεν θα μάθουν στο σχολείο. Μιλάει για το πως οι «προοδευτικοί» δάσκαλοι δημιούργησαν μια γενιά χωρίς αίσθηση της πραγματικότητας και πως αυτή αντίληψη προετοιμάζει τα παιδιά να αποτύχουν στον πραγματικό κόσμο.
Κανόνας 1: Η ζωή δεν είναι δίκαιη - συνήθισέ το!
Κανόνας 2: Ο κόσμος δεν ενδιαφέρεται για την αυτό-εκτίμησή σου. Περιμένει πρώτα να επιτύχεις εσύ ο ίδιος κάτι ΠΡΙΝ αισθανθείς καλά με τον εαυτό σου.
Κανόνας 3: Δεν θα κερδίσεις 60.000 ευρώ το χρόνο τελειώνοντας το σχολείο. Δεν πρόκειται να γίνεις αντιπρόεδρος με δωρεάν αυτοκίνητο και κινητό τηλέφωνο μέχρι να τα κερδίσεις και τα δύο.
Κανόνας 4: Εάν νομίζεις ότι ο καθηγητής σου είναι σκληρός, περίμενε μέχρι να δεις το αφεντικό.
Κανόνας 5: Το γύρισμα των μπιφτεκιών δεν σου μειώνει την αξιοπρέπεια. Οι παππούδες σου είχαν μια διαφορετική λέξη για αυτή την εργασία: την έλεγαν ευκαιρία.
Κανόνας 6: Εάν τα μουσκέψεις, ΔΕΝ ΦΤΑΙΝΕ ΟΙ ΓΟΝΕΙΣ ΣΟΥ. Γι' αυτό μην κλαψουρίζεις για τα δικά σου λάθη, αλλά μάθε από αυτά.
Κανόνας 7: Πριν γεννηθείς, οι γονείς σου δεν ήταν τόσο βαρετοί όσο είναι σήμερα. Έγιναν έτσι πληρώνοντας τους λογαρισμούς σου, καθαρίζοντας τα ρούχα σου και ακούγοντάς σε να λες πόσο «cool» είσαι. Πριν λοιπόν σώσεις τα δάση από τα παράσιτα της γενιάς των γονιών σου, προσπάθησε να καθαρίσεις τη ντουλάπα στο δωμάτιό σου.
Κανόνας 8: Το σχολείο μπορεί να έχει βρει τον τρόπο να εξαλείψει τις διαφορές μεταξύ κερδισμένων και χαμένων, αλλά η ζωή ΟΧΙ. Μερικά σχολεία έχουν απορρίψει τις αρνητικές βαθμολογίες και θα σου δώσουν όσες ευκαιρίες θέλεις για να βρεις τη σωστή απάντηση. Αυτή η κατάσταση δεν μοιάζει ούτε στο ελάχιστο με την πραγματική ζωή.
Κανόνας 9: Η ζωή δεν είναι χωρισμένη σε εξάμηνα. Δεν υπάρχουν ολόκληρα καλοκαίρια διακοπών και πολύ λίγοι υπάλληλοι είναι διατεθειμένοι να σε βοηθήσουν να «βρεις» τον εαυτό σου. Αυτό μπορείς να το κάνεις στον ελεύθερο χρόνο σου.
Κανόνας 10: Η τηλεόραση ΔΕΝ ΕΙΝΑΙ η πραγματική ζωή. Στη πραγματική ζωή οι άνθρωποι είναι στις δουλείες τους και όχι στα μπαρ και στα καφενεία.
Κανόνας 11: Να είσαι ευγενικός με τους σπασίκλες. Στο τέλος μάλλον θα καταλήξεις να δουλεύεις για έναν από αυτούς.
[http://www.nooz.gr/article/11-kanones-pou-den-didaskontai-sto-sxoleio]
name::
* McsEngl.ognEdg'area-of-educating,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy672.4,
* McsEngl.area-of-educating,
_DESCRIPTION:
The knowledge and skills the-organization teaches to students.
[hknm.2016-07-05]
name::
* McsEngl.ognEdg'area-of-study,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy38.36.9,
* McsEngl.area-of-study@cptEconomy,
* McsEngl.content-of-study@cptEconomy,
* McsEngl.subject-of-study@cptEconomy,
* McsEngl.sectorEdu'content,
* McsEngl.course-of-study@cptEconomy326.9, {2012-06-09}
name::
* McsEngl.ognEdg'curriculum,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy39.26,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy38.36.10,
* McsEngl.course-of-study,
* McsEngl.education-program@cptEconomy,
* McsEngl.educational-program@cptEconomy,
* McsEngl.curriculum@cptEconomy39.26, {2012-08-21}
* McsEngl.curriculum@cptEconomy326.10, {2012-06-09}
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.πρόγραμμα-σπουδών@cptEconomy,
_DESCRIPTION:
Here are multiple definitions of curriculum, from Oliva (1997) (4)
Curriculum is:
- That which is taught in schools
- A set of subjects.
- Content
- A program of studies.
- A set of materials
- A sequence of courses.
- A set of performance objectives
- A course of study
- Is everything that goes on within the school, including extra-class activities, guidance, and interpersonal relationships.
- Everything that is planned by school personnel.
- A series of experiences undergone by learners in a school.
- That which an individual learner experiences as a result of schooling. p 4
[http://thesecondprinciple.com/instructional-design/types-of-curriculum/]
===
cur·ric·u·lum: The subjects comprising a course of study in a school or college
===
In formal education, a curriculum ( /k?'r?kj?l?m/; plural: curricula /k?'r?kj?l?/ or curriculums) is the set of courses, and their content, offered at a school or university. As an idea, curriculum came from the Latin word for race course, referring to the course of deeds and experiences through which children grow to become mature adults. A curriculum is prescriptive, and is based on a more general syllabus which merely specifies what topics must be understood and to what level to achieve a particular grade or standard. Curriculum has numerous definitions, which can be slightly confusing. In its broadest sense a curriculum may refer to all courses offered at a school. This is particularly true of schools at the university level, where the diversity of a curriculum might be an attractive point to a potential student.
A curriculum may also refer to a defined and prescribed course of studies, which students must fulfill in order to pass a certain level of education. For example, an elementary school might discuss how its curriculum, or its entire sum of lessons and teachings, is designed to improve national testing scores or help students learn the basics. An individual teacher might also refer to his or her curriculum, meaning all the subjects that will be taught during a school year.
On the other hand, a high school might refer to a curriculum as the courses required in order to receive one’s diploma. They might also refer to curriculum in exactly the same way as the elementary school, and use curriculum to mean both individual courses needed to pass, and the overall offering of courses, which help prepare a student for life after high school.
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Curriculum]
ΣΤΗΝ ΙΑΠΩΝΙΑ Η ΚΑΤΑΤΑΞΗ ΓΙΝΕΤΑΙ ΜΕΤΑ ΤΟ ΓΥΜΝΑΣΙΟ,
ΣΤΙΣ ΗΠΑ Η ΚΑΤΑΤΑΞΗ ΜΠΟΡΕΙ ΝΑ ΣΥΜΒΕΙ ΚΑΙ ΣΤΟ ΝΗΠΙΑΓΩΓΕΙΟ.
[ΒΗΜΑ, 29 ΑΥΓΟ 1993, WORLD MEDIA 26]
name::
* McsEngl.ognEdg'certificate,
* McsEngl.academic-certificate,
* McsEngl.academic-degree,
* McsEngl.certificate-of-education,
* McsEngl.degree-of-education@cptEconomy,
* McsEngl.ognEdg'degree@cptEconomy,
* McsEngl.ctftEdg, {2014-09-14}
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.απολυτήριο,
* McsElln.βεβαίωση-σπουδών,
* McsElln.πιστοποιητικό-σπουδών,
* McsElln.πτυχίο,
_DESCRIPTION:
An academic certificate is a document that certifies that a person has received specific education or has passed a test or series of tests.
In many countries, a certificate is a qualification attained in secondary education. For instance, students in the Republic of Ireland sit the Junior Certificate and follow it with the Leaving Certificate. Similarly, other countries have awards, for instance, in Australia the Higher School Certificate (HSC) in New South Wales, the Victorian Certificate of Education (VCE) in Victoria, etc., is the examination taken on completion of secondary education.
In many other countries, certificates are qualifications in higher education. For example, in the Republic of Ireland, the National Certificate, which is soon to be replaced by the "Higher Certificate". These have the titles Certificate (at an undergraduate level), Graduate Certificate (at an undergraduate level, but requiring the completion of a prior undergraduate degree for admission) and Postgraduate Certificate (at a postgraduate level). In Hong Kong, students take the Hong Kong Certificate of Education Examination. Certificate is below the standard of the associate degree and higher diploma, which are below the bachelor's degree. Postgraduate certificates are taken after the bachelor's degree and are sometimes more vocationally oriented than master's degrees.
In Australia, a certificate is a qualification offered by a university or other higher education provider which is shorter than a degree or diploma. Certificates are generally provided by TAFE colleges or non-academic Registered Training Organizations (often workplaces). There are four ranks of Certificate in Australia, indicated by Roman Numeral, e.g., Cert. IV in Horticulture. The time spent varies, but in general a Certificate I will be granted after a course of only a few weeks, while a Cert. IV may take up to six months. A Diploma directly follows Cert. IV and may rightly be considered equivalent to a hypothetical Certificate V.
In the United Kingdom, a Certificate of Higher Education (CertHE) requires successful completion of 120 CATS points at Level One. This is equivalent to one year of full-time university education, at first year level. Each credit point takes about 10 hours to achieve, and as such the CertHE is 1, 200 hours of study. This compares with 360 credit points for an undergraduate degree, and 240 credits for a Diploma of Higher Education.
In the United States, a certificate may be offered by an institute of higher education. These certificates usually signify that a student has reached a standard of knowledge about a certain vocational or professional subject. Certificate programs can be completed more quickly than associate's degrees and often do not have general education requirements.
In the State of Maryland, a Certificate of Merit was, until recently, issued to graduating high-school seniors who met certain academic requirements (such as completion of advanced courses and a cumulative GPA of 3.00); the statewide certificate has since been replaced by "endorsements" defined by each local school system.[1]
It also may be awarded as a necessary certification to validate that a student is considered competent in a certain specific networking skill area in information technology. Thus a computer engineer or computer science graduation most likely will have to obtain additional certificates on and pertaining to the specific technologies or equipment used by the hiring corporation; if not, such employer may suffer unwanted penalties like foregoing (voiding the contract) the protections of a certain level of customer service or warranties.
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Academic_certificate]
===
an academic rank conferred by a college or university after examination or after completion of a course, or conferred as an honour on a distinguished person.
"a degree in zoology"
[google dict]
name::
* McsEngl.ctft.TERTIARY,
* McsEngl.academic-degree@cptEconomy,
* McsEngl.Certificate-of-Higher-Education-(CertHE),
* McsEngl.higher-education-qualification,
* McsEngl.post-secondary-education-certificate,
* McsEngl.ctft3,
_DESCRIPTION:
An academic degree is a college or university diploma, often associated with a title and sometimes associated with an academic position, which is usually awarded in recognition of the recipient having either satisfactorily completed a prescribed course of study or having conducted a scholarly endeavour deemed worthy of his or her admission to the degree. The most common degrees awarded today are associate, bachelor's, master's, and doctoral degrees. Most higher education institutions generally offer certificates and several programs leading to the obtainment of a Master of Advanced Studies, which is predominantly known as a Diplτme d'ιtudes supιrieures spιcialisιes, under its original French name.
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Academic_degree]
name::
* McsEngl.ctft3.DIPLOMA,
* McsEngl.diploma@cptEconomy,
_DESCRIPTION:
A diploma (from Greek d?p??µa. dνploma, meaning "folded paper") is a certificate or deed issued by an educational institution, such as a college or university, that testifies that the recipient has successfully completed a particular course of study or confers an academic degree. In countries such as the United Kingdom and Australia, the word diploma refers to a level of academic award. The words diplomat and diplomacy have the same origin, from the official "folded papers" of accreditation delivered by ambassadors or delegates.
In some countries, such as the UK and Australia, such a document can be called a testimonium or testamur, Latin for "we testify" or "certify" (testari), and so called from the word with which the certificate begins. Alternatively, the document is simply referred to as a degree certificate in these jurisdictions. In Ireland, it is generally called a parchment. The certificate that a Nobel laureate receives is also called a diploma.
The term diploma is also used in some historical contexts, to refer to documents signed by a King affirming a grant or tenure of specified land and its conditions (see Anglo-Saxon Charters and Diplomatics).
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Diploma]
name::
* McsEngl.ctft3.DOCTOR-OF-MEDICINE,
* McsEngl.Doctor-of-Medicine@cptEconomy,
* McsEngl.M.D.@cptEconomy,
_DESCRIPTION:
Doctor of Medicine (M.D., from the Latin Medicinae Doctor meaning "Teacher of Medicine") is a terminal degree for physicians and surgeons. In some countries it is a professional doctorate where training is entered after obtaining between 90 and 120 credit hours of university level work (see second entry degree) and in most cases after obtaining a bachelor's degree. In other countries, such as Germany, India, Ireland, and the United Kingdom, M.D. is a research degree which is equivalent to a Ph.D. In Britain, Ireland, Australia, New Zealand, Singapore, India, and many British Commonwealth nations, the medical degree is instead the MBBS (MB BCh BAO, MBChB, MBBChir, BMBCh, MBBCh, BMBS, BMed, BM, etc.) and, thus, the M.D. is a higher level of attainment in these countries.
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Doctor_of_Medicine]
name::
* McsEngl.ctft3.POSTGRADUATE-DEGREE,
* McsEngl.graduate-degree@cptEconomy,
* McsEngl.postgraduate-degree@cptEconomy,
name::
* McsEngl.ctft3.DOCTORATE,
* McsEngl.doctorate-academic-degree,
* McsEngl.PhD,
_DESCRIPTION:
A doctorate is an academic degree or professional degree that, in most countries, qualifies the holder to teach at the university level in the specific field of his or her degree, or to work in a specific profession. In some countries, the highest degree in a given field is called a terminal degree. The term doctorate comes from the Latin docere, meaning "to teach."
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Doctorate]
_FAKE:
How Difficult Is It to Earn a PhD?
About half of new U.S. doctorates are purchased from "degree mills," rather than earned at accredited universities.
The problem of counterfeit educational credentials continues almost
unabated. A 2005 study by Allen Ezell and John Bear (updated in 2012)
documented the explosion of diploma mills in their book Degree Mills. The
authors estimated that 40,000 to 45,000 legitimate PhDs are awarded
annually in the United States, while an additional 50,000 doctorates are
essentially just purchased from non-accredited institutions. “In other
words,” they write, “more than half of all people claiming a new PhD
have a fake degree.” Add to that the issue of lying outright about
one’s academic achievements on business networking sites such as LinkedIn
and you have an out-of-control, virtually unenforceable problem.
Read More:
http://www.wisegeek.com/how-difficult-is-it-to-earn-a-phd.htm?m {2018-10-28}
name::
* McsEngl.ctft3.MASTER,
* McsEngl.master-academic-degree,
_DESCRIPTION:
A master's degree is an academic degree granted to individuals who have undergone study demonstrating a mastery or high-order overview of a specific field of study or area of professional practice.[1] Within the area studied, graduates are posited to possess advanced knowledge of a specialized body of theoretical and applied topics; high order skills in analysis, critical evaluation or professional application; and the ability to solve complex problems and think rigorously and independently. The degree is awarded upon graduation from a university.[1][dead link]
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Master%27s_degree]
name::
* McsEngl.ctft3.TERMINAL-DEGREE,
* McsEngl.terminal-degree@cptEconomy,
_DESCRIPTION:
A terminal degree is the highest academic degree in a given field of study. This phrase is in academic use in the United States but is little used outside North America. The term is not generally used in the United Kingdom, for example, and its exact meaning varies somewhat between those areas and disciplines in which the term is used.
An earned academic (or research) doctorate[1] such as a Doctor of Philosophy (Ph.D. or D. Phil.) is considered the terminal degree in most academic fields of study in the U.S. However, professional doctorates may be considered terminal degrees within the professional degree track, even though they are prerequisites for research degrees. In addition, in some countries there are degrees which are more advanced than the Ph.D., such as the higher doctorates in the United Kingdom and Russia, and the habilitation degree awarded in Germany. Also, not all terminal degrees are doctorates. For example, in professional practice fields there are often terminal master-level degrees such as MLArch and MArch standing for Master Landscape Architect and Master Architect or even bachelor-level degrees such as BArch which stands for Bachelor of Architecture or BS for Engineers. Naturally, the non-doctoral degrees are not terminal in academic terms.
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Terminal_degree]
name::
* McsEngl.ctft3.UNDERGRADUATE-DEGREE,
* McsEngl.undergraduate-degree@cptEconomy,
name::
* McsEngl.ctft3.ASSOCIATE-DEGREE,
* McsEngl.associate-degree@cptEconomy,
_DESCRIPTION:
An associate degree is an undergraduate academic degree awarded by community colleges, junior colleges, technical colleges, bachelor's degree-granting colleges, and universities upon completion of a course of study usually lasting two years. In the United States, and some areas of Canada, an associate degree is often equivalent to the first two years of a four-year college or university degree.[1][not in citation given] In spite of high unemployment, there is high demand for people with skills that often require no more than an associate degree, such as lab technicians, teachers in early-childhood programs, computer technicians, draftsmen, radiation therapists, paralegals, and machinists.[2][3]
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Associate_degree]
name::
* McsEngl.ctft3.BACHELOR,
* McsEngl.bachelor's-degree@cptEconomy,
_DESCRIPTION:
A bachelor's degree (also baccalaureate, from Modern Latin baccalaureatus) is usually earned for an undergraduate course of study that nominally requires three to five years of study (depending on institution and field of study). In some cases, it may also be the name of a second graduate degree, such as a Bachelor of Laws (LL.B.), Bachelor of Education (B.Ed.), Bachelor of Civil Law, the Bachelor of Music, the Bachelor of Philosophy, or the Bachelor of Sacred Theology, degree which in some countries are only offered after a first graduate/bachelor's degree.
The term bachelor (Middle Latin baccalarius) in the 14th century referred to a young squire in training, and by the end of the century was also used of junior members of guilds or universities. By folk etymology or wordplay, the word baccalaureus came to be associated with bacca lauri or "laurel berry" in reference to laurels being awarded for academic success or honours.[1]
Under the British system, and those influenced by it, undergraduate degrees are differentiated either as pass degrees (also known in some areas as ordinary degrees) or as Honours degrees, the latter sometimes denoted by the appearance of "(Hons)" after the degree abbreviation.[2] An Honours degree generally requires a higher academic standard than a pass degree, and in some universities a fourth year of study. In some countries, e.g. Australia and Canada, the Honours degree should not be confused with the "postgraduate" Bachelor's degree With Honours or Baccalaureatus Cum Honore degree. It is a consecutive academic degree, which is the continuation of a completed (Honours) Bachelor degree program in the same field and is usually obtained in order to join a PhD programme; it requires a minimum of one year, but may also take longer.
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bachelor%27s_degree]
name::
* McsEngl.ognEdg'course (unit-of-teaching),
* McsEngl.course.ognEdg@cptEconomy,
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.μάθημα@cptEconomy,
_DESCRIPTION:
Course, in the education context, is a word for which the meaning varies depending on which country it is used in.
In higher education in Canada and the United States, a "course" is a unit of teaching that typically lasts one academic term, is led by one or more instructors (teachers or professors), and has a fixed roster of students. It usually describes an individual subject taken. Students may receive a grade and academic credit after completion of the course.[1]
In the United Kingdom, Australia and Singapore, "course" refers to the entire programme of studies required to complete a university degree, and the word "unit" or "module" would be used to refer to an academic course in the North American sense.
In between the two, in South Africa, it is common for the word "course" officially to refer to the collection of all courses (in the American sense, these are often called "modules") over a year or semester, though the American usage is common parlance. In the Philippines, the word "course" can be used to either refer to an individual subject (usually referred to by faculty and school officials) or the entire programme (usually referred to by students and outsiders).
Courses in American universities are usually on a time restraint. Some courses are three weeks long, one semester long, last an academic year (two semesters), and on some occasions three semesters long. A course is usually specific to the students' major and is instructed by a professor. For example, if a person is taking an organic chemistry course, then the professor would teach the students organic chemistry and how it applies to their life and or major. Courses can also be referred to as "electives". An elective is usually not a required course, but there are a certain number of non-specific electives that are required for certain majors.
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Course_(education)]
name::
* McsEngl.ognEdg'course.INFORMATICS,
* McsEngl.conceptIt99,
* McsElln.ΔΙΔΑΚΤΕΑ-ΥΛΗ-ΠΛΗΡΟΦΟΡΙΚΗΣ,
Εδώ θα καταχωρώ τη διδακτέα ύλη πληροφορικής των διαφόρων οργανισμών.
Η νομοθεσία με σειρά αποστολής στα σχολεία:
** 1999σεπτ22 Γ2/4243 (Διευκρινίσεις για τα μαθ. Πληρ. Γ/σιου ΕΛ.)
** 1999σεπτ ΠΙ (Οδηγίες εφαρμογές πληρ/υπολ)
** 1999αυγ24 Γ2/3942 (Αποστολή της
Γ2/2768 19μαιου1999 (ΦΕΚ 1540 τβ 29ιουλ1999 Πρ Σπ ΕΛ για 99-2000))
** 1999μαιο18 Γ2/2713 (Αποστολή Προγράμματα σπουδών Γ & ΕΛ (11 ΦΕΚ)
Γ2/1083 5/3/99 πσ αναπτυξη εφαρ σε προγρ. περιβ. ΦΕΚ 345 13απρ1999
Γ2/1084 5/3/99 πσ τεχν υπ. συστ & λσ ΦΕΚ 391 15απρ1999
Γ2/1097 5/3/99 πσ εφαρμ πλη/υπολ ΦΕΚ 392 15απρ1999
** 1998νοεμ2 Γ2/5994 Διευκρινίσεις σχετικά με τη διδ. στο ΕΛ
** 1998ιουλ ΠΙ Οδηγίες εφαρμογές πληρ/υπολ
** 1998 ΠΔ 246 (ΦΕΚ 183/1998ιουλ31 Αξιολόγηση των μαθητών του ΕΛ)
** 1997δεκ ΠΙ (ΕΠΠΣΠ)
** 1997σεπτ19 Νόμος 2525 ("Ενιαίο Λύκειο, Πρόσβαση ...)
ΕΝΙΑΙΟ-ΛΥΚΕΙΟ#cptIt532: attSpe#
name::
* McsEngl.ognEdg'course.MOOC,
* McsEngl.eduCourse.MOOC,
* McsEngl.massive-open-online-course@cptEconomy,
* McsEngl.MOOC,
_DESCRIPTION:
A massive open online course (MOOC; /mu?k/) is an online course aimed at unlimited participation and open access via the web. In addition to traditional course materials such as videos, readings, and problem sets, MOOCs provide interactive user forums that help build a community for students, professors, and teaching assistants (TAs). MOOCs are a recent development in distance education which began to emerge in 2012.[1][2]
Early MOOCs often emphasized open access features, such as connectivism and open licensing of content, structure and learning goals, to promote the reuse and remixing of resources. Some later MOOCs use closed licenses for their course materials while maintaining free access for students.[3][4][5]
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Massive_open_online_course]
===
A massive open online course (MOOC /mu?k/) is an online course aimed at unlimited participation and open access via the web. In addition to traditional course materials such as filmed lectures, readings, and problem sets, many MOOCs provide interactive user forums to support community interactions between students, professors, and teaching assistants (TAs). MOOCs are a recent and widely researched development in distance education [1] which was first introduced in 2008 and emerged as a popular mode of learning in 2012.[2][3]
Early MOOCs often emphasized open-access features, such as open licensing of content, structure and learning goals, to promote the reuse and remixing of resources. Some later MOOCs use closed licenses for their course materials while maintaining free access for students.[4][5][6]
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Massive_open_online_course]
{time.2013}:
=== Most US states have reduced spending on higher education since the
recession; Arizona has cut it by about 50%.
Higher education spending in the US declined after the 2008 recession, with
a nationwide decrease in state funding of 28% from 2008 to 2013. This is
roughly the equivalent of spending $2,353 US Dollars fewer per student each
year. Arizona and New Hampshire reduced funding the most, by about 50%,
during this period. An estimated 53% of funding for higher education comes
from state tax revenues, which decreased because there were fewer people in
the workforce to pay taxes and because of tax cuts to stimulate the
economy. Reduced spending by states often leads to public colleges and
universities increasing prices, cutting their own spending or a combination
of both. Higher tuition prices and a more competitive job market are
thought to have contributed to an increase in student loan debt, which rose
by 15% from 2007 to early 2013.
http://www.wisegeek.com/how-has-higher-education-spending-changed-in-the-us.htm?m, {2013-06-21}
ΗΠΑ: 1,4 εκατομμύριο φοιτήτριες ψάχνουν «χορηγούς»
ΑΘΗΝΑ 30/01/2015
Το εξαιρετικά υψηλό κόστος των σπουδών στις ΗΠΑ, αναγκάζει όσους θέλουν να σπουδάσουν να κάνουν πολλούς, συχνά οδυνηρούς, συμβιβασμούς στην ζωή τους. Ένα παράδειγμα είναι ότι πλούσιοι ώριμοι άνδρες συχνά πληρώνουν τις σπουδές νέων Αμερικανίδων, με αντάλλαγμα το σεξ.
Ο αριθμός των σπουδαστών που βυθίζονται στα χρέη, για να μπορέσουν να παρακολουθήσουν τις σπουδές τους αυξάνεται δραστικά. Μεγάλος αριθμός φοιτητών έχει φοιτητικά δάνεια και πολλοί από αυτούς καταλήγουν στο να κάνουν αναγκαστικά σεξ για να τα ξεπληρώσουν.
Ένας ιστότοπος, το SeekingArrangement.com στοχεύει να φέρει σε επαφή φοιτήτριες με «χορηγούς», Sugar Daddies όπως τους αποκαλούν οι Αμερικάνοι.
To μέσο εισόδημα μίας Sugar Baby φτάνει τα 3.000 δολάρια τον μήνα, ενώ γύρω στα 1,4 εκατ. Αμερικανίδες φοιτήτριες είναι εγγεγραμμένες στο SeekingArrangement.
Για να εγγραφεί μια κοπέλα ως sugar baby σε μία ιστοσελίδα που κάνει ακριβώς αυτήν την δουλειά, θα πρέπει να φτιάξει ένα προφίλ, στο οποίο θα έχει τη φωτογραφία της, θα παρουσιάζει τον εαυτό της, το σώμα της (με μετρήσεις περιφέρειας, μέσης, στήθους, ύψους κλπ), τα βασικά της ενδιαφέροντα, το επίπεδο εκπαίδευσής της. Θα πρέπει επίσης ν’ αναφέρει το «μέσο εισόδημα» στο οποίο προσβλέπει από την ενασχόλησή της αυτή. Οι άνδρες, από την άλλη, πρέπει να κάνουν το ίδιο ακριβώς, δηλώνοντας, όμως, τι εισόδημα έχουν τον μήνα και πληρώνοντας στην ιστοσελίδα μία μηνιαία συνδρομή.
Κοπέλες που ήδη εργάζονται ως sugar babies υποστηρίζουν ότι είναι ένας εναλλακτικός τρόπος να μπορέσουν ν’ αντιμετωπίσουν το κόστος ζωής και να μπορέσουν να συνεχίσουν τις σπουδές τους, αφού αν επιλέξουν να δουλέψουν κανονικά ή θα υποπληρώνονται και θα είναι μερικής απασχόλησης θέση οπότε δεν θα καλύπτουν τα έξοδά τους, ή θα πρέπει να δουλέψουν πλήρες ωράριο και κατά συνέπεια δεν θα μπορούν να συνεχίσουν τις σπουδές τους.
Ομολογούν επίσης ότι έχουν ορισμένους «τακτικούς» sugar daddies και ότι με αρκετούς από αυτούς έχουν σεξουαλικές σχέσεις, επιμένοντας, όμως, ότι δεν πρόκειται για πορνεία.
«Είναι ευεργέτες. Είναι εκεί για σένα σε πολλά επίπεδα. Δεν σου δίνει απλώς λεφτά για να κοιμηθεί μαζί σου και μετά τέλος. Αν ήταν μόνο αυτό, θα μπορούσαν να το βρουν πολύ πιο φθηνά» υποστηρίζει μία από τις κοπέλες η οποία δεν κρύβει τη χαρά της γιατί μέσα από τις σχέσεις της με sugar daddies έχει επισκεφτεί εστιατόρια και μέρη που, υπό άλλες συνθήκες, δεν υπήρχε περίπτωση να πλησιάσει και γιατί έχει δεχτεί πολλά και ακριβά δώρα. Και όλα αυτά, πέρα από τα χρήματα που λαμβάνει απλώς για τις εξόδους και την παρέα.
Υπάρχουν πάντως πολλές νέες γυναίκες που είναι μέλη του σάιτ και δηλώνουν ότι ποτέ δεν χρειάστηκε να κάνουν σεξ με κάποιον που γνώρισαν εκεί: "Υπήρχε άνδρας που μου ζήτησε να συναντηθούμε σε δωμάτιο ξενοδοχείου, να είμαι ντυμένη νοσοκόμα και να τον χαστουκίζω και μου έδωσε γι αυτό πολλά λεφτά", αναφέρει φοιτήτρια μέλος του SeekingArrangement.
Όπως αναφέρει ο Businessinsider το να κάνει κάποιος σεξ για να πληρώνει τις σπουδές του είναι μία αμφιλεγόμενη επιλογή, αλλά αν πληρώνει κάποιος νέους και νέες για ερωτική συνεύρεση δεν θα πρέπει να θεωρείται ότι κάνει καλό στη νεολαία, προάγοντας τη μόρφωσή της.
[http://www.nooz.gr/lifestyle/ipa-14-ekatommirio-foititries-psaxnoun-xorigois]
name::
* McsEngl.ognEdg'doing,
_SPECIFIC:
* creating|researching##
* educating##
* evoluting##
* learning##
* administering##
* teaching##
name::
* McsEngl.ognEdg'doing.EDUCATING,
* McsEngl.educating,
* McsEngl.education-process,
_DESCRIPTION:
Educating is the-doing of teaching AND learning which is done in an-educational-institution.
[hmnSngo.2015-06-07]
name::
* McsEngl.educating'Evaluation,
Education is the most powerful weapon which you can use to change the world.
Nelson Mandela 1918-2013,
[https://raw.githubusercontent.com/nelsonic/practical-js-tdd/master/manuscript/images/00-Nelson-Mandela-Education-is-the-most-powerful-weapon-you-can-use-to-change-the-world.png]
name::
* McsEngl.educating'Resource,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2016/07/9-ways-to-make-education-fit-for-the-21st-century??
* https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2016/02/where-are-children-getting-the-best-education//
One of the most striking aspects of the report is just how many children are low performers, even in highly-developed nations such as the UK, Australia, or the US. I find it shocking that one in six children in the UK has a low level of reading comprehension skills – 17% of those tested in both the UK and US, and 14% in Australia.
{2016-02-16}
name::
* McsEngl.ognEdg'education-year,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy38.36.6,
* McsEngl.education-year@cptEconomy326.6, {2012-06-09}
* McsEngl.school-year@cptEconomy326.6, {2012-06-09}
* McsEngl.teaching-year@cptEconomy326.6, {2012-06-09}
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.σχολικο-ετος,
* McsElln.σχολικη-ταξη,
* McsElln.σχολικη-χρονια,
ΕΙΝΑΙ ΑΓΝΩΣΤΗ ΣΤΑ ΠΑΙΔΙΑ ΤΗΣ ΣΚΑΝΔΙΝΑΒΙΑΣ ΚΑΙ ΤΗΣ ΒΡΕΤΑΝΙΑΣ, ΠΟΥ ΠΡΟΑΓΟΝΤΑΙ ΑΥΤΟΜΑΤΩΣ ΑΠΟ ΤΗ ΜΙΑ ΤΑΞΗ ΣΤΗΝ ΑΛΛΗ.
[ΒΗΜΑ, 29 ΑΥΓΟ 1993, WORLD MEDIA 3]
name::
* McsEngl.ognEdg'human,
_SPECIFIC:
* educator#ql:ognedg.human.educator#
* student#ql:ognedg'human.student#
name::
* McsEngl.ognEdg'human.EDUCATOR,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy672.3,
* McsEngl.educator,
* McsEngl.teacher,
* McsEngl.educator@cptCore506i,
* McsEngl.human.educator,
* McsEngl.human.teacher,
* McsEngl.sectorEdu'educator,
* McsEngl.worker.educator@cptEconomy326.8, {2012-06-09}
* McsEngl.worker.teacher@cptEconomy326.8, {2012-06-09}
* McsEngl.wkrEdr@cptEconomy, {2014-10-03}
* McsEngl.wkrEdu@cptEconomy326.8, {2012-06-09}
_GENERIC:
* worker.scientist#cptEconomy22#
_DEFINITION:
In education, teachers facilitate student learning, often in a school or academy or perhaps in another environment such as outdoors. A teacher who teaches on an individual basis may be described as a tutor.
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Teaching]
name::
* McsEngl.wkrEdr'income,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2019/09/this-is-where-teachers-are-paid-the-most,
Global Agenda Education Employment-skills-and-human-capital
Where do teachers earn the most?
Written by
Joe Myers, Content Producer, Formative Content
Published
Friday 27 November 2015
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The answer is Luxembourg. This small European country is where teachers can expect to earn the highest wages, according to OECD research.
The 2013 data, from the OECD’s new report, Education at a Glance 2015, highlights average earnings for teachers in OECD countries across a number of variables, including teaching level and length of time in the profession. For the purposes of comparison, the following chart assesses average salary in US dollars for teachers with 10 years’ experience, who work in public institutions at the lower secondary level.
1511B68- teachers salarys Luxembourg Germany
Teachers at this level in Luxembourg earn an average of nearly $100,000 a year, over a third more than German teachers, who take second place with just under $66,000. The top three is completed by Canada, where teachers take home $63,557.
European nations feature across the list, with the Netherlands (fifth), Ireland (seventh) and Norway (10th) all in the top 10. Australia, the US and Canada are the only non-European nations to appear.
The figures highlight the disparity in salaries around the world, with a difference in excess of $50,000 between first and 10th positions.
[https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2015/11/where-do-teachers-earn-the-most/]
name::
* McsEngl.worker'Edr'Resource,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* Why robots could replace teachers as soon as 2027: https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2017/12/why-robots-could-replace-teachers-as-soon-as-2027?,
name::
* McsEngl.wkrEdr.level.PRIMARY,
* McsEngl.teacher.primary,
name::
* McsEngl.wkrEdr.level.SECONDARY,
* McsEngl.teacher.secondary,
name::
* McsEngl.wkrEdr.level.TERTIARY,
* McsEngl.academic,
* McsEngl.teacher.tertiary,
_DESCRIPTION:
ac·a·dem·ic
a teacher or scholar in a college or institute of higher education.
synonyms: scholar, lecturer, teacher, tutor, professor, fellow, man/woman of letters, don, bluestocking; informalegghead, bookworm; formalpedagogue
"a group of Russian academics"
[Google dict] {2016-03-25}
name::
* McsEngl.wkrEdr.SOCIETY,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2015/12/where-are-the-worst-teacher-shortages//
* http://tellmaps.com/uis/teachers/#!/tellmap/-1209350075,
name::
* McsEngl.wkrEdr.GREECE,
Κατά 40% μειώθηκε η αγοραστική δύναμη των εκπαιδευτικών
ΑΘΗΝΑ 03/10/2014
Κατά 40% μειώθηκε η αγοραστική δύναμη των εκπαιδευτικών στην Ελλάδα το 2013-2014 σε σχέση με την προηγούμενη σχολική χρονιά, σύμφωνα με έκθεση της Ευρωπαϊκής Επιτροπής που δόθηκε στη δημοσιότητα.
Την ίδια περίοδο οι μισθοί των εκπαιδευτικών αυξήθηκαν σε 16 ευρωπαϊκές χώρες (Βέλγιο, Δανία, Γερμανία, Εσθονία, Γαλλία, Κροατία, Λουξεμβούργο, Ουγγαρία, Μάλτα, Αυστρία, Σλοβακία, Φιλανδία, Μεγάλη Βρετανία, Νορβηγία, Σκόπια, Τουρκία).
Όπως σημειώνει η Επιτροπή, οι αυξήσεις αυτές οφείλονται ουσιαστικά σε μισθολογικές μεταρρυθμίσεις και προσαρμογές στο κόστος διαβίωσης.
Η έρευνα καλύπτει τους εκπαιδευτικούς και τους διευθυντές σχολείων στην προσχολική, πρωτοβάθμια, κατώτερη δευτεροβάθμια και ανώτερη δευτεροβάθμια εκπαίδευση, ενώ προκύπτει ότι σε περίπου μισές από τις 33 ευρωπαϊκές χώρες που περιλαμβάνονται στην έκθεση η αγοραστική δύναμη των δασκάλων το 2014 εξακολουθεί να είναι χαμηλότερη από το επίπεδο του 2009.
Σε ορισμένες χώρες, όπως το Βέλγιο και τη Δανία (πρωτοβάθμια και κατώτερη δευτεροβάθμια εκπαίδευση), τη Λιθουανία, το Λουξεμβούργο, την Αυστρία, τη Φιλανδία (πρωτοβάθμια και κατώτερη δευτεροβάθμια εκπαίδευση) και την Ιταλία (ανώτερη δευτεροβάθμια εκπαίδευση), η μείωση της αγοραστικής δύναμης είναι σχετικά μικρή, σε επίπεδα κάτω του 3%, ενώ στην Κύπρο και την Ιταλία (πρωτοβάθμια και κατώτερη δευτεροβάθμια εκπαίδευση), στην Ολλανδία, την Πορτογαλία και τη Ρουμανία (πρωτοβάθμια εκπαίδευση) και τη Μεγάλη Βρετανία σημειώθηκε μείωση 5 έως 10%.
Στην Ιρλανδία, την Ισπανία και τη Ρουμανία (δευτεροβάθμια εκπαίδευση), στη Σλοβενία και την Ισλανδία, η αγοραστική δύναμη των εκπαιδευτικών σημείωσε πτώση 13% έως 17%.
Από την έκθεση προκύπτει ότι οι βασικοί μισθοί των εκπαιδευτικών που αρχίζουν να εργάζονται στην πρωτοβάθμια και κατώτερη δευτεροβάθμια εκπαίδευση είναι χαμηλότεροι από το κατά κεφαλήν ΑΕΠ περίπου στα τρία τέταρτα των χωρών που συμμετείχαν στην έρευνα.
Πάντως, για την πλειονότητα των χωρών, αυτό ισχύει και για τους μισθούς των εκπαιδευτικών στην ανώτερη δευτεροβάθμια εκπαίδευση.
Από την έκθεση προκύπτει επίσης ότι στη μεγάλη πλειονότητα των χωρών οι μισθοί των εκπαιδευτικών αυξάνονται ανάλογα με την αρχαιότητα.
Ωστόσο, το επίπεδο της αύξησης των μισθών και ο ρυθμός της αύξησης διαφέρουν, καθώς σε ορισμένες περιπτώσεις οι αυξήσεις είναι σχετικά χαμηλές αλλά οι εκπαιδευτικοί φτάνουν αρκετά γρήγορα στις ανώτατες μισθολογικές βαθμίδες, ενώ σε άλλες χώρες οι μεγάλες αυξήσεις πραγματοποιούνται μόνο έπειτα από μια μακρά περίοδο υπηρεσίας.
Οι βασικοί μισθοί των εκπαιδευτικών μπορεί επίσης να αυξηθούν με επιδόματα που λαμβάνονται λόγω επιπλέον προσόντων, λόγω της αξιολόγησης των επιδόσεων ή της διδασκαλίας παιδιών με ειδικές ανάγκες, καταλήγει η έκθεση της Κομισιόν.
[http://www.nooz.gr/economy/kata-40-meio8ike-i-agorastiki-dinami-ton-ekpaideutikon-stin-ellada]
name::
* McsEngl.sectorEdu'human.educator.ΚΑΘΗΓΗΤΗΣ-ΜΕΣΗΣ-ΔΗΜΟΣΙΑΣ-ΕΚΠΑΙΔΕΥΣΗΣ,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy644,
ΚΜΔΕ είναι ΔΗΜΟΣΙΟΣ-ΥΠΑΛΛΗΛΟΣ#cptEconomy611.1# που διδάσκει στη μέση εκπαίδευση, γυμνάσια, λύκεια, τεχνικές σχολές, ΙΕΚ.
ΝΟΜΟΘΕΣΙΑ:
** Δ2-1999-21151#ql::LawText.nfo:υπεπθ.δ2-1999-21151.αδειεσ#, 02 Αυγούστου 1999: Πληροφορίες σχετικά με άδειες
** Ν-1999-2683#ql::LawText.nfo:[Level CONCEPT: ν-1999-2683 [Level Normal Level:μεροσ αδειεσ]]#: Κύρωση του Κώδικα Κατάστασης Δημοσίων Πολιτικών Διοικητικών Υπαλλήλων και Υπαλλήλων Ν.Π.Δ.Δ. και άλλες διατάξεις.
ΑΔΕΙΕΣ:
Για τις λοιπές άδειες ισχύει ως έχει ο ν. 2683/99.
[Δ2/21151/1999]
ΑΔΕΙΑ ΑΝΑΡΩΤΙΚΗ:
* με υπεύθυνη-δήλωση μέχρι 4 μέρες το χρόνο
ΑΔΕΙΑ-ΚΑΝΟΝΙΚΗ:
* με αίτηση (έντυπο στο σχολείο) μέχρι 10 το χρόνο.
ΑΔΕΙΕΣ ΧΩΡΙΣ ΑΠΟΔΟΧΕΣ:
* Για τις άδειες χωρίς αποδοχές εφαρμόζονται οι διατάξεις του άρθρου 16 του Ν. 1566/85.
[Δ2/21151/1999]
ΑΔΕΙΕΣ ΕΚΠΑΙΔΕΥΤΙΚΕΣ (με αποδοχές):
* Δ2/5188/7-6-2001: για το έτος 2001-2002.
* ΓΙΑ ΜΕΤΕΚΠΑΙΔΕΥΣΗ ΣΤΟ ΕΞΩΤΕΡΙΚΟ.
* Εφόσον έχει 5 χρονια προυπηρεσια και δεν εχει υπερβει το 40 έτος. Αν έχει υποτροφια ΙΚΥ χρειάζεται 3 χρόνια προυπηρεσίας.
Ν-1566-1985:
ΑΡΘΡΟ 13
8. Όλοι οι εκπαιδευτικοί των σχολείων της πρωτοβάθμιας εκπαίδευσης παραμένουν υποχρεωτικά στο σχολείο τους στις εργάσιμες ημέρες, πέρα από τις ώρες διδασκαλίας, για την προσφορά και άλλων υπηρεσιών που συνδέονται με το γενικότερο εκπαιδευτικό έργο, όπως συμμετοχή σε γιορταστικές, αθλητικές και πολιτιστικές εκδηλώσεις, ενημέρωση των γονέων και κηδεμόνων, τήρηση βιβλίων του σχολείου και εκτέλεση διοικητικών εργασιών. Κάθε εκπαιδευτικός παραμένει υποχρεωτικά στο σχολείο, στις εργάσιμες ημέρες πέρα από τις ώρες διδασκαλίας, για την εκτέλεση συγκεκριμένου έργου που του έχει ανατεθεί από τα όργανα διοίκησης του σχολείου όχι όμως πέρα από έξι (6) ώρες την ημέρα ή τριάντα (30) ώρες την εβδομάδα, με την επιφύλαξη της παραγράφου 2 της περίπτωσης ΣΤ΄ του άρθρου 11. Από τις πρόσθετες αυτές υπηρεσίες απαλλάσσονται οι μητέρες παιδιών μέχρι δύο ετών.
Ν-1566-1985: Δομή και Λειτουργία της πρωτοβάθμιας και Δευτεροβάθμιας Εκπαίδευσης
άρθρου 14 παρ. 16, 18 και 19: Ανάθεση υπερωριακής διδασκαλίας.
Ν-1566-1985-14-16:
ΥΠΕΡΩΡΙΕΣ ανατίθενται στην περίπτωση που προβλεπόμενες ώρες διδασκαλίας για κάθε μάθημα δεν καλύπτονται με το υποχρεωτικό ωράριο των διδασκόντων.
Άρθρο 14 Εκπαιδευτικό προσωπικό δευτεροβάθμιας εκπαίδευσης
14. Διδασκαλία με μειωμένο ωράριο δεν επιτρέπεται, εκτός εάν η συμπλήρωσή του δεν είναι αντικειμενικά δυνατή. Αν οι διδάσκοντες δε συμπληρώνουν το υποχρεωτικό ωράριο διδασκαλίας στο σχολείο που υπηρετούν, διατίθενται, μερικά ή ολικά, σε άλλα σχολεία της δευτεροβάθμιας εκπαίδευσης ή σε τμήματα πρόσθετης διδακτικής βοήθειας, καθώς και σε σχολεία της πρωτοβάθμιας εκπαίδευσης για τη διδασκαλία των μαθημάτων που προβλέπονται στην παράγραφο 12 του άρθρου 4, τα οποία λειτουργούν στον ίδιο ή γειτονικό δήμο ή κοινότητα, με απόφαση του νομάρχη, ύστερα από πρόταση του οικείου υπηρεσιακού συμβουλίου. Σε περίπτωση που εκπαιδευτικός πλεονάζει εξ ολοκλήρου μπορεί να αποσπασθεί σε άλλο σχολείο του ίδιου νομού ή νομαρχιακού διαμερίσματος, με απόφαση του νομάρχη, ύστερα από πρόταση του περιφερειακού υπηρεσιακού συμβουλίου ή σε σχολείο άλλου νομού ή νομαρχιακού διαμερίσματος, με απόφαση του Υπουργού Εθνικής Παιδείας και Θρησκευμάτων, ύστερα από πρόταση του κεντρικού υπηρεσιακού συμβουλίου. Οι εκπαιδευτικοί ενός σχολείου που πλεονάζουν σε ορισμένο κλάδο, εξαιτίας μεταβολών στα προγράμματα διδασκαλίας ή για άλλους λόγους, είναι υποχρεωμένοι να διδάσκουν μαθήματα συγγενούς ειδικότητας στην ίδια σχολική μονάδα.
15. Όσοι διατίθενται για συμπλήρωση μέρους του ωραρίου τους σε σχολείο άλλης πόλης ή κωμόπολης παίρνουν οδοιπορικά έξοδα, σύμφωνα με τις κείμενες διατάξεις και αποζημίωση για κάθε ώρα διδασκαλίας εκτός έδρας που ορίζεται στο μισό από την προβλεπόμενη στην παράγραφο 19. Δεν παίρνουν τα παραπάνω οδοιπορικά έξοδα και αποζημίωση όσοι συμπληρώνουν το υποχρεωτικό ωράριο σε σχολεία πόλης ή κωμόπολης στην οποία κατοικούν. Τα σχολεία που λειτουργούν στην περιφέρεια της τέως διοίκησης της πρωτεύουσας και του τέως δήμου Θεσσαλονίκης θεωρούνται ότι λειτουργούν στην ίδια πόλη.
16. Σε περίπτωση που οι προβλεπόμενες ώρες διδασκαλίας για κάθε μάθημα δεν καλύπτονται με το υποχρεωτικό ωράριο των διδασκόντων και οι απομένουσες δε δικαιολογούν θέση εκπαιδευτικού η αν δικαιολογούν, μέχρι να προσληφθεί προσωρινός αναπληρωτής και εφόσον δεν υπάρχει προσφορά προαιρετικής υπερωριακής διδασκαλίας, ο σύλλογος των διδασκόντων αναθέτει την κάλυψη των ωρών αυτών σε εκπαιδευτικούς του ίδιου σχολείου. Για την κάλυψη των ωρών του προγράμματος μπορεί να ανατεθεί προαιρετική υπερωριακή διδασκαλία μέχρι πέντε (5) ώρες την εβδομάδα σε εκπαιδευτικούς του ίδιου σχολείου με απόφαση του συλλόγου των διδασκόντων και σε εκπαιδευτικούς άλλου σχολείου με απόφαση του περιφερειακού υπηρεσιακού συμβουλίου. Η ανάθεση γίνεται με απόφαση του συλλόγου των διδασκόντων, αν πρόκειται για το ίδιο σχολείο, ή με απόφαση του περιφερειακού υπηρεσιακού συμβουλίου, αν πρόκειται για άλλο σχολείο και εφόσον και στις δύο περιπτώσεις δεν υπάρχει προσφορά για προαιρετική υπερωριακή διδασκαλία. Η διδασκαλία του μαθήματος της κοινωνιολογίας, αν δεν υπάρχουν καθηγητές του κλάδου κοινωνιολόγων, μπορεί να ανατεθεί σε εκπαιδευτικούς που έχουν διαπιστωμένες ειδικές σπουδές στην κοινωνιολογία και, αν δεν υπάρχουν τέτοιοι εκπαιδευτικοί, σε φιλόλογους ή πτυχιούχους νομικών και πολιτικών επιστημών ή οικονομολόγους. Άδεια άσκησης ιδιωτικού έργου χορηγείται εάν προηγουμένως καλυφθούν με υπερωριακή διδασκαλία οι ανάγκες των δημόσιων σχολείων. Οι δημόσιοι εκπαιδευτικοί δεν επιτρέπεται να διδάσκουν σε ιδιωτικά σχολεία ή φροντιστήρια. Για τις παραβάσεις του προηγούμενου εδαφίου εφαρμόζονται ανάλογα οι διατάξεις της παραγράφου 9 του άρθρου 13.
17. Αν στο ίδιο σχολείο ή στα σχολεία της ίδιας ή γειτονικής πόλης ή κωμόπολης οι προβλεπόμενες από το πρόγραμμα ώρες διδασκαλίας και ασκήσεων δε δικαιολογούν το διορισμό μόνιμου εκπαιδευτικού ή αν οι ώρες αυτές δεν καλύπτονται από μόνιμους εκπαιδευτικούς, μπορεί να ανατεθεί η διδασκαλία μαθημάτων ή η διεξαγωγή πρακτικών ασκήσεων με ωριαία αντιμισθία σε εκπαιδευτικούς της πρωτοβάθμιας εκπαίδευσης, άλλους υπαλλήλους του δημόσιου τομέα ή σε ιδιώτες που έχουν τα προσόντα των κλάδων αυτών, εκτός από τους ιδιοκτήτες και τους διευθυντές φροντιστηρίων και όσους διδάσκουν σε αυτά. Στην περίπτωση αυτή δεν είναι απαραίτητο το πτυχίο των παιδαγωγικών σπουδών της ΣΕΛΕΤΕ, αν δεν υπάρχουν ενδιαφερόμενοι με το πτυχίο αυτό. Με την παραπάνω διαδικασία μπορεί να ανατίθεται η διδασκαλία του μαθήματος των Θρησκευτικών σε αξιόλογο αριθμό αλλόδοξων μαθητών των σχολείων της δευτεροβάθμιας εκπαίδευσης, σε ιδιώτες που έχουν πτυχίο Θεολογικής σχολής αντίστοιχου δόγματος ΑΕΙ της αλλοδαπής και απολυτήριο ελληνικού λυκείου ή εξατάξιου γυμνασίου.
18. Ανάθεση υπερωριακής διδασκαλίας, προαιρετικής ή υποχρεωτικής, καθώς και ανάθεση διδασκαλίας με ωριαία αντιμισθία, επιτρέπεται μόνο αν οι καθηγητές της ίδιας ειδικότητας έχουν καλύψει το υποχρεωτικό ωράριο διδασκαλίας τους. Τα όργανα, ο τρόπος επιλογής και η διαδικασία για την ανάθεση διδασκαλίας στις περιπτώσεις της προηγούμενης παραγράφου, ρυθμίζονται με απόφαση του Υπουργού Εθνικής Παιδείας και Θρησκευμάτων. Με όμοια απόφαση, που εκδίδεται ύστερα από πρόταση του οικείου περιφερειακού υπηρεσιακού συμβουλίου, είναι δυνατό να αυξηθούν μέχρι δέκα (10) οι ώρες προαιρετικής υπερωριακής διδασκαλίας, αν δεν καλύπτεται το εβδομαδιαίο ωρολόγιο πρόγραμμα διδασκαλίας.
19. Η ωριαία αντιμισθία ορίζεται στο ένα ενενηκοστό (1/90) των κάθε είδους μηνιαίων αποδοχών του εισαγωγικού βαθμού του αντίστοιχου κλάδου, χωρίς επίδομα οικογενειακών βαρών.
20. Οι διατάξεις των παρ. 8 και 9 του άρθρου 13 που αφορούν την υποχρέωση παραμονής των εκπαιδευτικών στα σχολεία, καθώς και την απαγόρευση παράδοσης ιδιαίτερων μαθημάτων και τις κυρώσεις για την παράβασή της αντίστοιχα, εφαρμόζονται και για τους εκπαιδευτικούς της δευτεροβάθμιας εκπαίδευσης.
21. Οι διατάξεις των άρθρων 12 και 13 και των παραγράφων 13 έως 20 αυτού του άρθρου εφαρμόζονται ανάλογα και για τους προσωρινούς αναπληρωτές και τους εκπαιδευτικούς που υπηρετούν στη δημόσια πρωτοβάθμια και δευτεροβάθμια εκπαίδευση με σχέση εργασίας ιδιωτικού δικαίου.
ΕΚΔΟΣΗ ΒΙΒΛΙΑΡΙΟΥ ΥΓΕΙΑΣ:
1. Αιτηση
2. Πρωτόκολλο ορκωμοσίας.
3. Διαγραφή από το ΙΚΑ.
ΑΠΟ ΤΟ ΤΑΜΕΙΟ ΑΡΩΓΗΣ (ΤΑΟΥ):
- 10-12 χρονια υπηρεσίας: ποσό ίσο με αποδοχές μηνός!
ΑΠΟ ΤΟ ΜΕΤΟΧΙΚΟ ΤΑΜΕΙΟ (ΜΤΠΥ):
- 7-20 χρονια: ποσο ενος μηνος.
ΑΠΟ ΤΟ ΤΑΧΥΔΡΟΜΙΚΟ ΤΑΜΙΕΥΤΗΡΙΟ:
Να έχει πανω απο 10 χρονι υπηρεσια
να μην έχει σπιτι σε πολη πάνω απο 5000 κατοίκους.
name::
* McsElln.ΔΙΕΥΘΥΝΣΗ-ΔΕΥΤΕΡΟΒΑΘΜΙΑΣ-ΕΚΠΑΙΔΕΥΣΗΣ-(ΔΔΕ),
Είναι ο ΔΗΜΟΣΙΟΣ ΟΡΓΑΝΙΣΜΟΣ ο υπεύθυνος σε κάθε νομό.
ΛΥΚΟΥΡΓΟΥ 18, 8ος ΟΡΟΦΟΣ, ΑΘΗΝΑ
5224061(διορισμοι), 522.69.52 (Πανταζοπουλου) (πληροφορικης 924.8945)
ΠΡΟΙΣΤΑΜΕΝΟΣ: ΠΑΝ. ΤΖΑΒΕΛΗΣ
ΠΡΟΙΣΤΑΜΕΝΟΣ: ΠΡΩΤ. ΒΑΣΙΛΕΙΟΣ ΒΟΥΙΔΑΣΚΗΣ
ΠΛΗΡΟΦΟΡΙΚΗ: ΤΗΛ 522.4161
Πρωτεραιότητα έχουν οι ΥΠΕΡΑΡΙΘΜΟΙ στην ίδια ομάδα ή όμορα σχολεία. Αλλιώς κρίνονται με αυτούς που ζητάνε ΒΕΛΤΙΩΣΗ.
ΚΑΘΗΓΗΤΕΣ-ΔΑΣΚΑΛΟΙ-ΝΗΠΙΑΓΩΓΟΙ:
Ανήκουν στην κατηγορία ΑΤ (4), ΜΚ 16-1.
ΑΛΛΑΓΗ ΚΛΙΜΑΚΙΟΥ:
καθε 2 χρόνια.
ΝΕΟΔΙΟΡΙΖΟΜΕΝΟΣ:
Κατατασεται σε ΜΚ σύμφωνα με την προϋπηρεσία του.
ΧΡΟΝΟΕΠΙΔΟΜΑ:
4% ανα διετία επι του ΜΚ, μέχρι το 60%.
ΕΠΙΔΟΜΑ ΟΙΚΟΓΕΝΕΙΑΚΩΝ ΒΑΡΩΝ:
Επι του ΜΚ 24 (29000 δρχ)
10% έγγαμος
5% 2 πρωτα παιδια
7% 3 παιδι
10% 4 παιδι
15% 5 παιδι
Απο μισό στον καθένα σύζυγο.
Σε περίπτωση διάλυσης γάμου δεν καταβάλεται το 10% του έγγαμου, αλλά όμως των παιδιών δινεται ολόκληρο.
ΕΠΙΔΟΜΑ ΣΠΟΥΔΩΝ:
10% επι του ΜΚ28 για μεταπτυχιακο
20% για το διδακτορικο.
Δινεται άν η εργασία είναι συναφής με το δίπλωμα.
ΕΠΙΔΟΜΑ ΕΟΡΤΩΝ/ΑΔΕΙΑΣ:
ΧΡΙΣΤΟΥΓΕΝΑ: όλο το ΜΚ, χρονοεπιδομα, ΑΤΑ.
ΠΑΣΧΑ: μισο χριστουγένων
ΑΔΕΙΑ: μισο χριστουγένων.
Ο ΜΗΝΑΣ υπολογιζεται για 30 μερες
Στις απεργίες δεν υπολογίζεται η ΚΥΡΙΑΚΗ.
Στις στασεις εργασιας (μερικες ωρες την ημέρα), οι μερες το μήνα που θα περικοπούν υπολογίζονται σε 7,5 ωρες η καθε μία.
Η περικοπη γίνεται με πράξη αυτού που κάνει εκκαθάριση και πληρωμη δαπανων, τον οποίο πρεπει να έχει ειδοποιήσει ο προϊστάμενος. Η πράξη αυτή δίνεται επι αποδείξει στον υπάλληλο ο οποίος μπορει να προσφύγει στο ΥΠΗΡΕΣΙΑΚΟ ΣΥΜΒΟΥΛΙΟ εντος 10 ημερών.
ΥΠΕΠΘ
Δ/ΝΣΗ ΠΡΟΣΩΠΙΚΟΥ ΒΘΜΙΑΣ ΕΚΠ/ΣΗΣ ΤΜΗΜΑ Γ
ΜΟΡΙΑ 1997
ΕΠΑΝΑΚΑΤΑΤΑΞΗ ΤΩΝ ΣΧΟΛΕΙΩΝ ΔΕΥΤΕΡΟΒΑΘΜΙΑΣ ΕΚΠΑΙΔΕΥΣΗΣ ΣΕ ΚΑΤΗΓΟΡΙΕΣ
name::
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy644.1,
* McsEngl.conceptItEconomy91,
* McsElln.ΟΛΜΕ@cptEconomy91,
* McsElln.Ο.Λ.Μ.Ε.,
* McsElln.ΟΜΟΣΠΟΝΔΙΑ-ΛΕΙΤΟΥΡΓΩΝ-ΜΕΣΗΣ-ΕΚΠΑΙΔΕΥΣΗΣ,
ΟΛΜΕ είναι η ΣΥΝΔΙΚΑΛΙΣΤΙΚΗ ΟΡΓΑΝΩΣΗ των καθηγητών Μέσης (δημόσιας) Εκπαίδευσης.
ΠΡΟΕΔΡΟΣ:
ΑΝΤΙΠΡΟΕΔΡΟΣ:
ΓΕΝ. ΓΡΑΜΜΑΤΕΑΣ:
ΕΙΔ. ΓΡΑΜΜΑΤΕΑΣ:
ΟΡΓΑΝ. ΓΡΑΜΜΑΤΕΑΣ:
ΤΑΜΙΑΣ:
ΕΦΟΡΟΣ ΔΗΜ. ΚΑΙ ΔΙΕΘΝΩΝ ΣΧΕΣΕΩΝ:
ΕΦΟΡΟΣ ΒΙΒΛΙΟΘΗΚΗΣ ΚΑΙ ΕΚΔΟΣΕΩΝ:
ΜΕΛΗ:
ΠΡΟΕΔΡΟΣ: ΚΑΤΡΙΝΗΣ ΓΙΑΝΝΗΣ, ΦΙΛΟΛΟΓΟΣ ΠΑΣΚ
ΑΝΤΙΠΡΟΕΔΡΟΣ: ΑΝΤΩΝΑΚΟΣ ΑΝΤΩΝΗΣ, ΜΑΘ, ΔΑΚΕ
ΓΕΝ. ΓΡΑΜΜΑΤΕΑΣ: ΚΑΛΟΜΟΙΡΗΣ ΓΡΗΓΟΡΗΣ, ΧΗΜΙΚΟΣ, ΑΣ
ΕΙΔ. ΓΡΑΜΜΑΤΕΑΣ: ΤΣΟΥΛΙΑΣ ΝΙΚΟΣ, ΒΙΟΛΟΓΟΣ, ΠΑΣΚ
ΟΡΓΑΝ. ΓΡΑΜΜΑΤΕΑΣ: ΚΩΣΤΑΡΑΚΟΣ ΔΗΜΗΤΡΗΣ, ΜΑΘ, ΑΣ
ΤΑΜΙΑΣ: ΣΚΛΑΒΕΝΙΤΗΣ ΝΩΝΤΑΣ, ΜΑΘ, ΠΑΣΚ
ΕΦΟΡΟΣ ΔΗΜ. ΚΑΙ ΔΙΕΘΝΩΝ ΣΧΕΣΕΩΝ: ΑΚΡΙΤΑΣ-ΑΚΡΙΤΙΔΗΣ ΘΩΜΑΣ, ΜΑΘ, ΠΑΣΚ
ΕΦΟΡΟΣ ΒΙΒΛΙΟΘΗΚΗΣ ΚΑΙ ΕΚΔΟΣΕΩΝ: ΜΑΝΙΑΤΗΣ ΚΩΣΤΑΣ ΦΥΣΙΚΟΣ, ΠΑΣΚ
ΜΕΛΗ: ΚΑΡΛΑΥΤΗΣ ΔΗΜΗΤΡΗΣ, ΧΗΜΙΚΟΣ, ΔΑΚΕ
ΡΑΜΜΑΣ ΚΩΣΤΑΣ, ΜΑΘ, ΔΑΚΕ,
ΡΟΥΣΚΑΣ ΠΑΥΛΟΣ, ΦΑ, ΔΑΚΕ
ΕΚΠΑΙΔΕΥΤΙΚΟΙ ΓΙΑ ΜΙΑ ΑΓΩΝΙΣΤΙΚΗ ΠΡΟΟΠΤΙΚΗ ΣΤΗΝ ΟΛΜΕ
ΔΕΕ - ΔΗΜΟΣΙΟΥΠΑΛΛΙΛΙΚΗ ΕΝΟΤΗΤΑ ΕΚΠΑΙΔΕΥΤΙΚΩΝ
name::
* McsElln.ΕΛΜΕ@cptEconomy,
ΘΕΜΑΤΑ ΠΛΗΡΟΦΟΡΙΚΗΣ: ΕΥΣΤΑΘΟΠΟΥΛΟΣ
ΤΗΛ-600.3866, 656.7374, 656.7364
Ανάκληση της παραίτησης μπορεί να γίνει μέσα σ'ένα ΜΗΝΑ απο την υποβολή της παραίτησης.
name::
* McsElln.ΥΠΗΡΕΣΙΑΚΟ-ΣΥΜΒΟΥΛΙΟ,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://www.fa3.gr/nomothesia_2/nomoth_education/20-ypiresiaka-symvoulia-kef-a.htm,
_ΝΟΜΟΘΕΣΙΑ:
* ΠΔ 1/2003 ΦΕΚ1/03-01-2003
name::
* McsElln.Κεντρικό-Υπηρεσιακό-Συμβούλιο-Δευτεροβάθμιας-Εκπαίδευσης,
* McsElln.ΚΥΣΔΕ@cptEconomy,
_DESCRIPTION:
Είναι ο οργανισμός που κάνει τις μεταθέσεις εκτός νομών.
===
Aνασυγκροτήθηκε το Κεντρικό Υπηρεσιακό Συμβούλιο Δευτεροβάθμιας Εκπαίδευσης (Κ.Υ.Σ.Δ.Ε.), με απόφαση του υπουργού Παιδείας Κ. Αρβανιτόπουλου, ως εξής:
ΤΑΚΤΙΚΑ ΜΕΛΗ:
1. Ζαφειρακίδης Γεώργιος, Διευθυντής Δευτεροβάθμιας Εκπαίδευσης Γ' Αθήνας, ως πρόεδρος,
2. Παλαιολόγος Ιάκωβος, Διευθυντής Δευτεροβάθμιας Εκπαίδευσης Ν. Αιτωλοακαρνανίας, ως αντιπρόεδρος
3. Σφονδύλη Βασιλική, Διευθύντρια Δευτεροβάθμιας Εκπαίδευσης Ν. Πρέβεζας, ως μέλος
4. Σακαλίδης Θεόφιλος του Ανδρέα, εκπαιδευτικός κλάδου ΠΕ03-Μαθηματικών του Γυμνασίου Καλλιθέας Ελασσόνας, αιρετός εκπρόσωπος των εκπαιδευτικών της Δευτεροβάθμιας Εκπαίδευσης.
5. Καρλαύτης Δημήτριος του Μιχαήλ, εκπαιδευτικός κλάδου ΠΕ04-Φυσικών του 2ου Γυμνασίου Αμαρουσίου, αιρετός εκπρόσωπος των εκπαιδευτικών της Δευτεροβάθμιας Εκπαίδευσης.
ΑΝΑΠΛΗΡΩΜΑΤΙΚΑ ΜΕΛΗ (αντίστοιχα):
1. Ταπανίδης Θεόδουλος, Διευθυντής Δευτεροβάθμιας Εκπαίδευσης Ν. Χαλκιδικής.
2. Αργυρίου Αργύριος, Διευθυντής Δευτεροβάθμιας Εκπαίδευσης Δυτικής Αττικής.
3. Ιατρίδου Μαρία, Διευθύντρια Δευτεροβάθμιας Εκπαίδευσης Δ΄ Αθήνας.
4. Νικηφόρος Δημήτριος του Βασιλείου, εκπαιδευτικός κλάδου ΠΕ02-Φιλολόγων του 4ου Λυκείου Γαλατσίου, αναπληρωματικός αιρετός εκπρόσωπος των εκπαιδευτικών της Δευτεροβάθμιας Εκπαίδευσης.
5. Καταγής Παναγιώτης του Ευσταθίου, εκπαιδευτικός κλάδου ΠΕ02-Φιλολόγων του 9ου Λυκείου Περιστερίου, αναπληρωματικός αιρετός εκπρόσωπος των εκπαιδευτικών της Δευτεροβάθμιας Εκπαίδευσης.
Η θητεία των μελών λήγει στις 31 Δεκεμβρίου 2012.
[http://www.esos.gr/dimosia-ekpaidefsi/defterovathmia/item/30266-anasygkrotithike-to-kysde.html]
name::
* McsElln.ΠΥΣΔΕ@cptEconomy,
_DESCRIPTION:
Είναι ο οργανισμός που κάνει τις μεταθέσεις/αποσπάσεις ΕΝΤΟΣ νομού.
Τι είναι το ΠΥΣΔΕ
Το Περιφερειακό Υπηρεσιακό Συμβούλιο Δευτεροβάθμιας Εκπαίδευσης (ΠΥΣΔΕ) είναι πενταμελές υπηρεσιακό και πειθαρχικό συμβούλιο για το εκπαιδευτικό προσωπικό της Δευτεροβάθμιας Εκπαίδευσης, που με τις διατάξεις του ΠΔ 1/2003, όπως τροποποιήθηκε με τις διατάξεις της παρ. 2, περ. β΄ του άρθρου Έκτου του Ν. 3839/2010 (Φ.Ε.Κ. 51/τ. Α΄/29-03-2010) και λειτουργεί στην έδρα κάθε Διεύθυνσης Δευτεροβάθμιας Εκπαίδευσης.
Το ΠΥΣΔΕ αποτελείται από:
α) το Διευθυντή Δευτεροβάθμιας Εκπαίδευσης, που αναπληρώνεται από προϊστάμενο γραφείου Δευτεροβάθμιας Εκπαίδευσης ή Φυσικής Αγωγής ή Τεχνικής Επαγγελματικής Εκπαίδευσης και σε περίπτωση έλλειψης, όπως ισχύει σήμερα μετά την κατάργηση των Γραφείων Δ.Ε. & Ε.Ε., από Διευθυντή Σχολικής Μονάδας.
β) δύο εκπαιδευτικούς Δευτεροβάθμιας Εκπαίδευσης, με βαθμό Α΄ (ημερομηνία ισχύς του Ν. 3839/2010), με τους αναπληρωματικούς που υπηρετούν στην περιφέρεια του οικείου ΠΥΣΔΕ, οι οποίοι επιλέγονται με κριτήριο τη μεγαλύτερη προηγούμενη διοικητική εμπειρία σε θέση στελεχών εκπαίδευσης.
γ) δύο τακτικούς αιρετούς εκπροσώπους των εκπαιδευτικών δευτεροβάθμιας εκπαίδευσης που αναπληρώνονται από δύο αναπληρωματικούς αιρετούς εκπροσώπους αυτών.
Με την απόφαση συγκρότησης (από τον Περιφερειακό Δ/ντή Π. & Δ. Εκπ/σης) ορίζεται ο Πρόεδρος και ο Γραμματέας με τον αναπληρωτή του. Ως γραμματέας ορίζεται διοικητικός υπάλληλος της Δ/νσης ή εκπαιδευτικός αποσπασμένος σ' αυτήν.
Θητεία
Η θητεία ορίζεται ως εξής:
α) του προέδρου, των μελών και του γραμματέα αρχίζει την 1η Ιανουαρίου του έτους που ακολουθεί την απόφαση συγκρότησης και λήγει την 31η Δεκεμβρίου του δεύτερου έτους
β) των αιρετών μελών διαρκεί δύο έτη
[http://ait.athena.net.gr/didesite/index.php/adm/pysde]
ΑΠΕΡΓΙΕΣ:
Ο χρόνος απεργίας δεν επηρεάζει το συντάξιμο χρόνο.
ΜΤΠΥ (ΜΕΤΟΧΙΚΟ ΤΑΜΕΙΟ ΠΟΛΙΤΙΚΩΝ ΥΠΑΛΛΗΛΩΝ:
Παρεχει μηνιαίο μέρισμα μετά την έξοδο απο την υπηρεσία.
ΤΠΔΥ (ΤΑΜΕΙΟ ΠΡΟΝΟΙΑΣ ΔΗΜ. ΥΠΑΛΛΗΛΩΝ):
Υπερ αυτού γίνονται 5% κρατήσεις. Χορηγεί το ΕΦΑΠΑΞ ΒΟΗΘΗΜΑ στον υπάλληλο.
ΧΡΟΝΟΣ ΣΥΝΤΑΞΗΣ:
- η προυπηρεσια
- αρχη το έγγραφο ανακοίνωσης διορισμου - μεχρι ΦΕΚ απολυσης.
ΔΙΚΑΙΩΜΑ ΣΥΝΤΑΞΗΣ:
- μετα τα 25 χρόνια
- αν απολυθει και έχει 20 συνταξιμα χρόνια
- αν απολυθει για ανικανότητα, μη υπηρεσιακη, και έχει 10 συνταξιμα
- αν απολυθει απο υπηρεσιακη ανικανότητα
name::
* McsElln.ΥΠΟΥΡΓΕΙΟ-ΠΑΙΔΕΙΑΣ,
ΔΙΕΥΘΥΝΣΗ ΣΠΟΥΔΩΝ Β/ΘΜΙΑΣ ΕΚΠ/ΣΗΣ ΤΜΗΜΑ Α':
ΠΛΗΡΟΦΟΡΙΕΣ Γ. ΚΛΙΤΣΑΣ ΤΗΛ-323.5722
Θεωρείται ο χρονος κανονικης προϋπηρεσίες
Ο χρόνος προϋπηρεσίας στο δημόσιο, εφόσον έγιναν κρατήσεις για τα ταμεία ή ο υπάλληλος αναγνωρίζει και εξαγοράζει το χρόνο απο τα ταμεία.
Είναι ο χρόνος που ο υπάλληλος εργάστηκε στο Δημοσιο ως ΜΟΝΙΜΟΣ και ΔΟΚΙΜΟΣ υπάλληλος, στον ίδιο κλάδο και στην ίδια κατηγορία υπαλλήλων.
Ως αφετηρια λαμβάνεται το ΦΕΚ διορισμού και τέρμα το ΦΕΚ απόλυσης.
Είναι ο
- χρόνος κανονικής υπηρεσίας και ο
- χρόνος προυπηρεσιας στο δημοσιο, νπδδ, οτα.
Οι ΩΡΕΣ μετατρεπονται σε ΜΕΡΕΣ διαιρώντας όλες τις ωρες δια του 7,5.
Οι ΜΕΡΕΣ μετατρέπονται σε ΜΗΝΕΣ διαιρώντας όλες τις μέρες δια του 25.
Είναι ο χρόνος
- κανονικής υπηρεσίας
- χρονος προυπηρεσίας στο δημόσιο
- χρόνος ενόπλων δυναμεων
- χρονος προυπηρεσίας στον ιδιωτικό τομέα εφόσον έγινε αναγνώριση και εξαγορά.
_SPECIFIC#ql:generic_concepts cptEconomy644#
ΛΙΣΤΑ:
* Καθηγητής
* Καθηγήτρια
* Αγγλικής Φιλολογίας
* Βιολογίας
* Βιοχημείας
* Γαλλικής Φιλολογίας
* Γερμανικής Φιλολογίας
* Γεωγραφίας
* Εικαστικών Τεχνών
* Ελληνικής Φιλολογίας
* Ηλεκτρολογίας
* Θεολογίας
* Μαθηματικών
* Μουσικής
* Οικιακής Οικονομίας
* Οικονομικών
* Πληροφορικής
* Σ.Ε.Π.
* Φυσικής
* Φυσικής Αγωγής
* Τεχνολογίας
* Χημείας
name::
* McsElln.ΚΑΘΗΓΗΤΗΣ.ΠΛΗΡΟΦΟΡΙΚΗΣ.ΜΕ,
* McsElln.καθηγητής-πληροφορικής-με@cptEconomy,
name::
* McsEngl.webex-minedu.gov.gr,
Αλλαγή κατάστασης μικροφώνου ή κάμερας
• Για την αλλαγή της κατάστασης μικροφώνου ή κάμερας χρησιμοποιούμε τα εικονίδια στο κυρίως παράθυρο(1).
• Προσοχή, αν βλέπετε το κίτρινο εικονίδιο αριστερά του ονόματός σας(2), έχετε τον ήχο/ηχεία του υπολογιστή σας σε σίγαση οπότε δεν ακούτε τους συμμετέχοντες. Αλλαγ ή εμφάνισης των βίντεο των μαθητών
• Μπορείτε να αλλάξετε την εμφάνιση των video των μαθητών πατώντας το εικονίδιο(3) για την επιλογή grid view/πολλαπλά παράθυρα.
Έλεγχος κατάστασης μαθητών
• Κάνοντας δεξί κλικ πάνω σε ένα μαθητή, έχουμε την δυνατότητα ενεργοποίησης/απενεργοποίησης του ήχου του επιλέγοντας mute/unmute(1), απενεργοποίηση της εικόνας του(2) καθώς και μεταφοράς του μαθητή εκτός τάξης(3).
Έλεγχος τάξης
• Για την εύρυθμη λειτουργία της τάξης, καλό είναι στην αρχή του μαθήματος να πατήσετε στο menu Participant(4) και να επιλέξετε Mute on Entry(5) ώστε όσοι μαθητές μπαίνουν στην τάξη να είναι σε σίγαση. Επίσης καλό, είναι να απενεργοποιήσετε το Anyone Can Share(6) ώστε να έχετε τον πλήρη έλεγχο διαμοιρασμού της οθόνης.
Κλείδωμα ψηφιακής τάξης.
• Για τον έλεγχο πρόσβασης, οι ψηφιακές τάξεις είναι καταρχήν κλειδωμένες και οι μαθητές περιμένουν στην αίθουσα αναμονής (lobby) για να τους επιτραπεί η συμμετοχή.
• Η λίστα όσων περιμένουν φαίνεται πατώντας στο πάνω μέρος της λίστας συμμετεχόντων(1).
• Μπορούμε να επιλέξουμε (2) και να επιτρέψουμε τη συμμετοχή πατώντας Admit(3).
• Αν κάποιος έρθει καθυστερημένα, μια ειδοποίηση θα φανεί στο ίδιο σημείο(4).
• Ο έλεγχος κλειδώματος/ξεκλειδώματος του μαθήματος γίνεται από το menu Meeting(5).
Διαμοιρασμός αρχείου / οθόνης του υπολογιστή σας (1/2)
• Για να μοιραστείτε την οθόνη του υπολογιστή σας, πατήστε το εικονίδιο Share Content(1).
• Αν θέλετε να προβάλετε ένα video με ήχο από τον υπολογιστή σας, τότε επιλέξτε ‘’optimize for motion and video’’ από το drop down menu(2). Αν θέλετε να προβάλετε απλά ένα κείμενο ή μία εικόνα ή έναν ιστότοπο, τότε δεν χρειάζεται η παραπάνω επιλογή.
• Πατήστε Share(3) για να μοιραστείτε την οθόνη με τους μαθητές.
• Στη θέση της εφαρμογής εμφανίζεται η οθόνη του υπολογιστή σας. Τα εικονίδια έχουν μεταφερθεί το πάνω μέρος της οθόνης και θα είναι κρυμμένα για να μην εμποδίζουν(1). Θα εμφανισθούν όταν πάτε το ποντίκι στο πάνω μέρος (πορτοκαλί) της οθόνης.
• Τα video των μαθητών φαίνονται στο μικρό παράθυρο επάνω δεξιά(2) και το δικό μας κάτω δεξιά(3). Και τα δύο μπορούν να κλείσουν για να μην εμποδίζουν.
• Μπορείτε να διαμοιράσετε όποιο πρόγραμμα επιθυμείτε (Word, Excel, PowerPoint, pdf reader, online content (σε ιστοσελίδα) κ.λ.π.
• Μπορείτε επίσης να σχεδιάσετε πάνω στο διαμοιρασμένο αρχείο χρησιμοποιώντας το εικονίδιο annotate(4).
Σχεδίαση σε κενό έγγραφο ή e-book
• Αν θέλετε να χρησιμοποιήσετε τη σχεδιάση, καλό είναι να ανοίξετε μια λευκή εφαρμογή π.χ. Notepad (μπορεί να χρησιμοποιηθεί ως πίνακας)
• Στο αριστερό μέρος της οθόνης υπάρχουν επιλογές όπως μολύβι, μαρκαδόρος, κείμενο, διάφορα χρώματα κ.λ.π.(1).
• Την ίδια στιγμή, μπορούν να σχεδιάσουν και οι μαθητές, αρκεί να ζητήσουν την άδεια και εσείς να την εγκρίνετε(2).
• Το κείμενο ή τα σχέδια τους φαίνονται με το χρώμα που επελεξαν(3).
• Όταν η σχεδίαση ολοκληρωθεί , μπορείτε να πατήσετε το x(4) ή σταματήσετε το διαμοιρασμό της οθόνης.
Γενικές οδηγίες Ολοκλήρωση του μαθήματος
• Όλες οι προηγούμενες λειτουργίες που αναφέραμε, αλλά και κάποιες επιπρόσθετες, μπορούν να επιλεγούν και από τα μενού επιλογών που υπάρχουν στο επάνω μέρος της εφαρμογής(1).
• Προτείνουμε να προγραμματίσετε μια δοκιμαστική συνεδρία και να δείτε όλες τις λειτουργίες πριν ξεκινήσετε συνεδρίες με μαθητές.
• Όταν το μάθημα τελειώσει πατήστε το εικονίδιο για να τερματίσετε την τηλε - εκπαίδευση(2).
1. Πως μπορώ να ελέγξω τον ήχο του υπολογιστή μου;
Είτε στην προεπισκόπηση(1) (πριν αρχίσει το μάθημα) ή πηγαίνοντας στο menu Audio -> Speaker, Microphone and Camera μπορείτε να επιλέξετε(2) τις συσκευές που θέλετε να χρησιμοποιήσετε αλλά και να ελέγξετε τη λειτουργία τους(3).
2. Η ποιότητα του video και του ήχου δεν είναι καλή και κάνουν διακοπές.
Ενδεχομένως η internet σύνδεση σας να μην είναι καλή ή να έχει προσωρινά χαμηλή ταχύτητα. Θα μπορούσατε να δοκιμάσετε να κλείσετε το video σας(δεν θα στέλνετε εικόνα), να μην έχετε full screen την οθόνη σας αλλά μικρότερη και να αποφύγετε το grid view διάταξη (στο κεντρικό video παράθυρο που βλέπετε τους άλλους συμμετέχοντες).
3. Μπορώ να έχω πληροφορίες για τη σύνδεση στο δίκτυο, τον υπολογιστή κ.λ.π.;
Πατώντας στο menu Help (1) και επιλέγοντας Health Checker και Summary έχετε μια τεχνική εικόνα του μαθήματος(2) τόσο για τον υπολογιστή (3) όσο και για το δίκτυο, τον ήχο, την εικόνα και την εφαρμογή (4).
4. Επίσης, το link θα το στείλω στους μαθητές με e mail; Θα ισχύει το ίδιο link για κάθε φορά που θέλουν να συνδεθούν;
Μετά την ενημέρωση γονέων/κηδεμόνων και μαθητών στη βάση των οδηγιών που έχουν δοθεί από το Υπουργείο, μπορείτε να αποστείλετε το link στο μαθητή μέσω email, messenger, κινητό, όπως επιλέξετε. Κάθε εκπαιδευτικός έχει ένα ατομικό, προσωπικό link για την εικονική του τάξη. Θα ισχύει το ίδιο link κάθε φορά.
6. Πώς μπορώ να συνδεθώ με σταθερό τηλέφωνο:
Κάτω από το Join meeting (Συνδεθείτε σε συνάντηση), σας δίνεται η επιλογή να συνδεθείτε και με άλλα μέσα (More ways to join). Αφού το επιλέξετε, θα εμφανιστεί ένας σταθερός τηλεφωνικός αριθμός και ένας κωδικός πρόσβασης (access code). Καλώντας αυτό το νούμερο, και σχηματίζοντας τον κωδικό, εκπαιδευτικοί και μαθητές μπορούν να συμμετάσχουν στην τηλεκπαίδευση μέσω σταθερού τηλεφώνου.
11. Ορισμένες χαρακτηριστικές λειτουργικότητες της πλατφόρμας;
Κατά τη σύγχρονη διδασκαλία, ο εκπαιδευτικός μπορεί να μοιραστεί με τους μαθητές του αρχεία, παρουσιάσεις, την εικόνα της οθόνης του, στην οποία έχει τη δυνατότητα να σημειώσει κ.ά. Επιπλέον, μεταξύ άλλων, μπορεί να επιβάλει την ησυχία, να «κλειδώσει» την τάξη, να βγάλει κάποιον μαθητή εκτός. Οι μαθητές, από την πλευρά τους, μπορούν να λάβουν το λόγο, να υποβάλουν ερωτήματα, να στείλουν γραπτά μηνύματα στον/στην εκπαιδευτικό τους, να «δουν» τους συμμαθητές τους. Είναι μία πλήρως διαδραστική τάξη μεταξύ μαθητών και εκπαιδευτικού.
12. Πώς μπορεί ένας μαθητής να ζητήσει το λόγο όταν κατά τη διάρκεια του μαθήματος, που θα είναι όλοι οι μαθητές mute, έχει κάποια απορία;
Ο μαθητής έχει τη δυνατότητα να ζητήσει εγγράφως το λόγο μέσω chat, καθώς και να βγάλει τον εαυτό του από τη σίγαση. Ο εκπαιδευτικός με τη σειρά του μπορεί να επιβάλει εκ νέου την ησυχία, καθώς και να απομακρύνει κάποιον μαθητή από την τάξη.
15. [Εκπαιδευτικός] Κάποιοι μαθητές δεν έχουν σύνδεση στο internet, πως μπορούν να παρακολουθήσουν το μάθημα;
Αν κάποιος μαθητής δεν έχει σύνδεση στο internet, μπορεί να χρησιμοποιήσει τη δυνατότητα Call In, δηλαδή την κλήση σταθερού Ελληνικού αριθμού από σταθερό ή κινητό τηλέφωνο. Αυτό θα του επιτρέψει να συμμετέχει στο μάθημα αλλά θα παρακολουθήσει μόνο το ηχητικό κομάτι. Η διαδικασία αυτή πρέπει να ακολουθηθεί κατ’ εξαίρεση εφόσον κάποιος μαθητής δεν έχει σύνδεση.
Αν έχετε τέτοιο αίτημα από μαθητές
1.Επικοινωνείτε μαζί τους δίνοντάς τους τον αριθμό που πρέπει να καλέσουν και τον εννιαψήφιο κωδικό της εικονικής σας αίθουσας. Για να βρείτε τον κωδικό (Meeting Number), έχοντας συνδεθεί στην αίθουσά σας, πατήστε το εικονίδιο στο πάνω αριστέρα μέρος του κυρίως παραθύρου ή πηγαίνετε στο menu Meeting και επιλέξτε Information. Ο κωδικός της αίθουσας δεν αλλάζει, οι μαθητές μπορούν να τον κρατήσουν και για επόμενα μαθήματα.
2.Ο αριθμός κλήσης είναι 211 990 2394. Προσοχή: αυτός είναι ο μόνος αριθμός που πρέπει να καλούν. Η εφαρμογή δίνει τη δυνατότητα κλήσης διεθνών τηλεφωνικών αριθμών, όμως κάτι τέτοιο θα έχει υψηλές χρεώσεις. Χρησιμοποιείτε μόνο τον Ελληνικό αριθμό.
3.Πριν καλέσουν οι μαθητές, πρέπει να ξεκλειδώσετε την αίθουσα. Πηγαίνετε στο menu Meeting και επιλέξτε Unlock Meeting. Προσοχή, όσο η αίθουσα είναι ξεκλείδωτη, είναι προσβάσιμη σε όλους. Αν συνδεθεί κάποιος που δεν έχει σχέση με το μάθημα, μπορείτε να τον απομακρύνετε πατώντας το δεξί πλήκτρο στο όνομά του και επιλέγοντας Expel.
4.Όταν συνδεθούν οι μαθητές τηλεφωνικά, μπορείτε να ξανακλειδώσετε την αίθουσα (menu Meeting -> Lock Meeting).
16. [Εκπαιδευτικός] Είμαι καθηγητής, έχω σύνδεση στο internet αλλά ο ήχος δεν είναι καλός (κάνει διακοπές, δεν ακούω τους μαθητές κλπ). Τι μπορώ να κάνω;
Ενδεχομένως η internet σύνδεση σας να μην είναι καλή ή να έχει προσωρινά χαμηλή ταχύτητα.
Θα μπορούσατε να δοκιμάσετε να κλείσετε το video σας(δεν θα στέλνετε εικόνα), να μην έχετε full screen την οθόνη σας αλλά μικρότερη και στο κυρίως παράθυρο που βλέπετε τους μαθητές, επιλέξτε την απλή διάταξη (εμφανίζεται αυτός που μιλάει) και όχι τα πολλά παράθυρα (grid view).
Αν το πρόβλημα συνεχίζεται, θα μπορούσατε να χρησιμοποιήσετε τη δυνατότητα Call In, δηλαδή την κλήση σταθερού Ελληνικού αριθμού από το σταθερό σας τηλέφωνο. Θα κρατήσετε τη σύνδεση στην αίθουσα με τον υπολογιστή σας για να μπορείτε να μοιράζεστε υλικό και να ελέγξετε το μάθημα αλλά ο ήχος θα έρχεται τηλεφωνικά.
Αν χρειαστεί κάτι τέτοιο, ακολουθείτε τα παρακάτω βήματα:
1 ) Όντας συνδεδεμένοι στην αίθουσα, πατήστε menu Audio και Audio Connection… . Στη συνέχεια, πατήστε disconnect για να σταματήσετε τη χρήση ήχου μέσω υπολογιστή. Πατήστε View, δεξιά της επιλογής Call In για να δείτε τις οδηγίες κλήσης. Συγκρατείστε τον κωδικό της αίθουσας (meeting number) και τον αριθμό συμμετέχοντα (attendee ID).
2) Από το menu Meeting, επιλέξτε Unlock meeting για να ξεκλειδώσετε την αίθουσα.
Προσοχή, όσο η αίθουσα είναι ξεκλείδωτη, είναι προσβάσιμη σε όλους. Αν συνδεθεί κάποιος που δεν έχει σχέση με το μάθημα, μπορείτε να τον απομακρύνετε πατώντας το δεξί πλήκτρο στο όνομά του και επιλέγοντας Expel.
3) Από το τηλέφωνό σας καλέστε 211- 9902394.
Προσοχή: αυτός είναι ο μόνος αριθμός που πρέπει να καλείτε.
Η εφαρμογή δίνει τη δυνατότητα κλήσης διεθνών τηλεφωνικών αριθμών, όμως κάτι τέτοιο θα έχει υψηλές χρεώσεις αν γίνει η κλήση από Ελλάδα.
Χρησιμοποιείτε μόνο τον Ελληνικό αριθμό.
1) Όταν ακούσετε το πρώτο ηχητικό μήνυμα, πληκτρολογήστε τον εννιαψήφιο κωδικό της αίθουσας και στο τέλος πατήστε δίεση (#).
2) Στο τέλος του δεύτερου μηνύματος πληκτρολογήστε τον αριθμό συμμετέχοντα και πατήστε δίεση (#).
3) Όταν συνδεθείτε, μπορείτε να ξανακλειδώσετε την αίθουσα (menu Meeting -> Lock Meeting).
17. [Μαθητής] Δεν έχω σύνδεση στο internet, πως μπορώ να συνδεθώ και να παρακολουθήσω το μάθημα;
Στην περίπτωση που δεν υπάρχει σύνδεση στο internet, μπορείτε να χρησιμοποιήσετε τη δυνατότητα Call In, δηλαδή την κλήση σταθερού Ελληνικού αριθμού από σταθερό ή κινητό τηλέφωνο. Αυτό θα σας επιτρέψει να συμμετέχετε στο μάθημα και να παρακολουθήσετε το ηχητικό κομάτι. Παρακαλούμε ακολουθήστε τα παρακάτω βήματα ΜΟΝΟ εφόσον δεν έχετε σύνδεση στο internet.
1.Ενημερώστε τον καθηγητή σας ότι θα παρακολουθήσετε τηλεφωνικά το μάθημα για να σας δώσει τον κωδικό της αίθουσας και να την ξεκλειδώσει. Ο κωδικός της αίθουσας δεν αλλάζει, μπορείτε να τον κρατήσετε και για επόμενα μαθήματα.
2.Από το τηλέφωνό σας καλέστε 211 990 2394. Προσοχή: αυτός είναι ο μόνος αριθμός που πρέπει να καλείτε. Η εφαρμογή δίνει τη δυνατότητα κλήσης διεθνών τηλεφωνικών αριθμών, όμως κάτι τέτοιο θα έχει υψηλές χρεώσεις. Χρησιμοποιείτε μόνο τον Ελληνικό αριθμό.
3.Όταν ακούσετε το πρώτο ηχητικό μήνυμα, πληκτρολογήστε τον εννιαψήφιο κωδικό της αίθουσας και στο τέλος πατήστε δίεση (#).
4.Στο τέλος του δεύτερου μηνύματος πατήστε απλά δίεση (#).
5.Αν ο καθηγητής έχει ξεκλειδώσει την αίθουσα συνδέεστε σ’ αυτή και μπορείτε να ακούσετε τον καθηγητή και τους συμμαθητές σας.
6.Αν για κάποιο λόγο δεν μπορείτε να συνδεθείτε, επικοινωνήστε με τον καθηγητή.
name::
* McsEngl.webex'resource,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* https://www.minedu.gov.gr/publications/docs2020/WebexMeetings_UserInstructions_Teacher.pdf,
name::
* McsEngl.open-eClass,
* McsEngl.eclass.sch.gr,
* McsElln.η-τάξη,
* McsElln.ηστ-ηλεκτρονική-σχολική-τάξη,
* McsElln.ηλεκτρονική-σχολική-τάξη,
name::
* McsEngl.eclass'resource,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* https://docs.openeclass.org/el/start,
* εγχειρίδιο-εκπαιδευτή: https://docs.openeclass.org/el:teacher,
* εγχειρίδιο-μαθητη: https://docs.openeclass.org/el:student,
* https://eclass.sch.gr/files/about.pdf,
* https://eclass.sch.gr/files/intro-student.pdf,
name::
* McsElln.ΚΕΠΛΗΝΕΤ-ΙΩΑΝΝΙΝΩΝ,
Κέντρο Πληροφορικής & Νέων Τεχνολογιών
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://blogs.sch.gr/plinetio//
Επικοινωνία
Για αναφορά προβλημάτων σχολικών μονάδων, προτείνεται να μην αποστέλλεται απευθείας email στο ΚΕΠΛΗΝΕΤ αλλά να γίνεται καταγραφή δελτίου μέσω της υπηρεσίας helpdesk του ΠΣΔ, ώστε να μπορεί να διαβιβάζεται στη συνέχεια στην κατάλληλη υπηρεσία, εφόσον χρειάζεται.
ΤΕΧΝΙΚΟΊ ΚΕΠΛΗΝΕΤ Κολιάς Σπυρίδων
Μπάθας Μιχαήλ
Σταλίκας Παύλος 2651074624
2651054418
ΥΠΕΎΘΥΝΟΣ ΚΕΠΛΗΝΕΤ Γεωργόπουλος Άλκης 2651001244
ΦΑΞ 2651038409
EMAIL plinet στο dide.ioa.sch.gr
_BLOG.PLINET.IO:
* http://blogs.sch.gr/plinetio//
* http://blogs.sch.gr/groups/plinetio,
name::
* McsElln.ΣΕΠΕΗΥ@cptEconomy,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* υποβολή_αιτημάτων: http://helpdesk.sch.gr//
* τεχνιτή_υποστήριξη: http://ts.sch.gr//
* http://ts.sch.gr/wiki//
* http://ts.sch.gr/wiki/Linux/LTSP,
* http://ts.sch.gr/wiki/IRC,
* ltsp#ql:ltsp@cptItsoft65.1#,
* http://alkisg.mysch.gr/steki/index.php?board=4.0,
name::
* McsEngl.ognEdg'human.STUDENT (hmnSdt),
* McsEngl.student,
* McsEngl.human.student,
* McsEngl.learner@cptEconomy,
* McsEngl.student@cptCore326.7,
* McsEngl.humanSdt,
* McsEngl.sdt,
=== _NOTES: pu·pil, pupils
a student in school.
synonyms: student scholar schoolchild schoolboy schoolgirl disciple follower student protιgι apprentice trainee novice
[google dict]
_DESCRIPTION:
A student (Also Pupil) is a learner, or someone who attends an educational institution. In some nations, the English term (or its cognate in another language) is reserved for those who attend university, while a schoolchild under the age of eighteen is called a pupil in English (or an equivalent in other languages), although in the United States and in Australia a person enrolled in grades K–12 is often called a student. In its widest use, student is used for anyone who is learning, including mid-career adults who are taking vocational education or returning to university.
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Student]
How Old Was the Youngest College Graduate?
The youngest college graduate was 10 years old.
Michael Kearney was the youngest college graduate, receiving a bachelor's
degree in anthropology from the University of South Alabama at the age of
10 in 1994. This achievement led to Kearney being entered into the Guinness
Book of World Records. Diagnosed with Attention Deficit Hyperactivity
Disorder (ADHD) at a young age, Kearney's parents refused to give the child
the prescription Ritalin which is usually given to those diagnosed with the
disorder. His parents chose to home school Kearney, and he was able to
graduate high school when he was 6 years old. Kearney continued his college
education, and at the age of 14 received his master's degree in
biochemistry from Middle Tennessee State University.
Read More: http://www.wisegeek.com/how-old-was-the-youngest-college-graduate.htm?m, {2015-01-07}
name::
* McsEngl.hmnSdt'knowledge,
* McsEngl.humanSdt'education,
name::
* McsEngl.hmnSdt'presense,
_DESCRIPTION:
The physical presence of the student in the classroom.
[hmnSngo.2015-06-06]
name::
* McsEngl.hmnSdt'skill,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://www.weforum.org/agenda/2016/03/21st-century-skills-future-jobs-students??
name::
* McsEngl.hmnSdt'cleaning,
How Do Schools in Japan Keep Their Classrooms So Tidy?
Many schools in Japan require students to take part in cleaning their classrooms, beginning as early as first grade.
Students can learn a lot at school, if they apply themselves. And American
schools can learn a lot from school practices in Japan, if they begin to
think outside the box. For example, in addition to turning out some of the
world’s best students, Japan’s educators teach students how to clean up
after themselves. Beginning in the first grade, elementary through high
school students are often required to help keep their schools tidy, from
scrubbing and organizing to sweeping and dusting. The thinking is that if
students are required to care for their surroundings, they will have a
greater respect for the environment around them.
Read More:
http://www.wisegeek.com/how-do-schools-in-japan-keep-their-classrooms-so-tidy.htm?m {2018-12-02}
name::
* McsEngl.hmnSdt.TERTIARY (hmnStc),
* McsEngl.student.tertiary,
* McsEngl.humanStc,
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.φοιτητής@cptEconomy,
name::
* McsEngl.hmnStc.ERASMUS,
* McsEngl.student.tertiary.erasmus,
Καλύτερες προοπτικές για αποφοίτους με διεθνή πείρα
ΑΘΗΝΑ 22/09/2014
Καλύτερες προοπτικές στην αγορά εργασίας έχουν οι απόφοιτοι με διεθνή πείρα, διαπιστώνει μελέτη σχετικά με τον αντίκτυπο του προγράμματος Erasmus της ΕΕ για την ανταλλαγή φοιτητών που έδωσε στη δημοσιότητα η Ευρωπαϊκή Επιτροπή.
Σύμφωνα με τη μελέτη, οι νέοι που σπουδάζουν ή παρακολουθούν προγράμματα κατάρτισης στο εξωτερικό έχουν 50% λιγότερες πιθανότητες να αντιμετωπίσουν μακροχρόνια ανεργία σε σύγκριση με εκείνους που δεν έχουν σπουδάσει ή δεν έχουν παρακολουθήσει κατάρτιση στο εξωτερικό και, πέντε χρόνια μετά την αποφοίτησή τους, το ποσοστό ανεργίας τους είναι κατά 23% χαμηλότερο.
Η μελέτη, η οποία εκπονήθηκε από ανεξάρτητους εμπειρογνώμονες, είναι η μεγαλύτερη του είδους της και έλαβε απαντήσεις από σχεδόν 80.000 άτομα, συμπεριλαμβανομένων φοιτητών και επιχειρήσεων.
Επιπλέον, η μελέτη διαπιστώνει ότι κατά τη λήψη αποφάσεων πρόσληψης, το 92% των εργοδοτών αναζητούν χαρακτηριστικά προσωπικότητας που ενισχύονται από το πρόγραμμα όπως ανεκτικότητα, αυτοπεποίθηση, ικανότητες επίλυσης προβλημάτων, φιλομάθεια, επίγνωση των προτερημάτων και των αδυναμιών, και αποφασιστικότητα.
Τεστ που πραγματοποιήθηκαν πριν και μετά τις περιόδους ανταλλαγής στο εξωτερικό απέδειξαν ότι οι φοιτητές Erasmus σημειώνουν καλύτερες επιδόσεις όσον αφορά αυτά τα χαρακτηριστικά προσωπικότητας, ακόμα και πριν από την ανταλλαγή τους· όταν επιστρέφουν, η διαφορά τους με τους άλλους φοιτητές όσον αφορά τα συγκεκριμένα χαρακτηριστικά αυξάνεται κατά 42% κατά μέσο όρο.
Οι φοιτητές που επωφελούνται από τη χρηματοδότηση Erasmus μπορούν να επιλέξουν να σπουδάσουν ή να κάνουν πρακτική άσκηση στο εξωτερικό.
Η έκθεση αποκαλύπτει ότι σε περισσότερους από έναν στους τρεις ασκούμενους Erasmus προτείνεται θέση στην επιχείρηση όπου πραγματοποιούν την πρακτική τους άσκηση.
Οι ασκούμενοι Erasmus έχουν επίσης περισσότερο επιχειρηματικό πνεύμα από εκείνους που μένουν στη χώρα τους: 1 στους 10 έχει ιδρύσει δική του εταιρεία και πάνω από 3 στους 4 σχεδιάζουν να το κάνουν ή μπορεί να εξετάσουν αυτό το ενδεχόμενο.
Επιπλέον, μπορούν να αναμένουν ταχύτερη επαγγελματική ανέλιξη, καθώς σύμφωνα με το 64% των εργοδοτών, στο προσωπικό που διαθέτει διεθνή πείρα ανατίθενται μεγαλύτερες επαγγελματικές ευθύνες.
Σύμφωνα με την ίδια μελέτη, το πρόγραμμα Erasmus όχι μόνο βελτιώνει τις προοπτικές σταδιοδρομίας, αλλά και ανοίγει στους φοιτητές ευρύτερους ορίζοντες και τους παρέχει κοινωνικές διασυνδέσεις.
Το 40% έχει αλλάξει χώρα διαμονής ή εργασίας τουλάχιστον μία φορά από την αποφοίτησή του, αριθμός σχεδόν διπλάσιος από τον αριθμό εκείνων που δεν ήταν κινητικοί κατά τη διάρκεια των σπουδών τους. Ενώ το 93% των φοιτητών με διεθνή πείρα μπορεί να φανταστεί να ζει στο εξωτερικό στο μέλλον, αυτό ισχύει μόνο για το 73% των ατόμων που παραμένουν στην ίδια χώρα κατά τη διάρκεια των σπουδών τους.
Οι πρώην φοιτητές Erasmus είναι επίσης πιθανότερο να έχουν διακρατικές σχέσεις: το 33% αυτών των φοιτητών έχει σύντροφο διαφορετικής υπηκοότητας, ενώ το αντίστοιχο ποσοστό για εκείνους που μένουν στη χώρα τους κατά τη διάρκεια των σπουδών τους είναι 13%. Το 27% των φοιτητών Erasmus συναντά τον μακροχρόνιο σύντροφό του στο πλαίσιο του Erasmus.
Κατά την επόμενη επταετία (2014-2020) το νέο πρόγραμμα Erasmus+ θα παρέχει ευκαιρίες μετάβασης στο εξωτερικό σε 4 εκατομμύρια άτομα, συμπεριλαμβανομένων 2 εκατομμυρίων φοιτητών τριτοβάθμιας εκπαίδευσης και 300.000 υπαλλήλων ιδρυμάτων τριτοβάθμιας εκπαίδευσης.
Επιπλέον, το πρόγραμμα θα χρηματοδοτήσει 135.000 ανταλλαγές φοιτητών και προσωπικού με τη συμμετοχή μη ευρωπαϊκών χωρών-εταίρων.
[http://www.nooz.gr/greece/kaliteres-prooptikes-gia-tous-apofoitous-me-die8ni-peira]
name::
* McsEngl.ognEdg'level-of-education,
* McsEngl.educational-stage@cptEconomy,
* McsEngl.ognEdg'stage,
_DESCRIPTION:
Formal learning is typically divided into a number of Educational stages covering early childhood education, primary education, secondary education and tertiary (or higher) education. The United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) recognizes seven levels of education in its International Standard Classification of Education system (ISCED, from Level 0 (pre-primary education) through Level 6 (second stage of tertiary education). UNESCO's International Bureau of Education maintains a database of country-specific education systems and their stages.
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Educational_stage]
name::
* McsEngl.ognEdg'relation-to-job,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2016/02/education-vs-work-skills-what-do-employers-really-want//
name::
* McsEngl.ognEdg'schedule,
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.σχολικο-ωραριο,
_DESCRIPTION:
ΣΕ ΠΟΛΛΕΣ ΧΩΡΕΣ ΟΠΩΣ ΕΛΛΑΔΑ, ΝΟΡΒΗΓΙΑ, ΓΕΡΜΑΝΙΑ ΚΑΙ ΙΤΑΛΙΑ, ΤΑ ΜΑΘΗΜΑΤΑ ΔΙΕΞΑΓΟΝΤΑΙ ΕΠΙ ΜΙΣΗ ΗΜΕΡΑ ΜΕΤΑΞΥ 8 Π.Μ. ΚΑΙ 1 Π.Μ. ΣΕ ΑΛΛΕΣ ΧΩΡΕΣ, ΟΠΩΣ ΓΑΛΛΙΑ, ΒΕΛΓΙΟ, ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑ ΚΑΙ ΕΛΒΕΤΙΑ, ΠΡΟΤΙΜΑΤΑΙ Η ΠΛΗΡΗΣ ΗΜΕΡΑ ΜΕ ΜΑΙ ΠΑΥΣΗ ΤΟ ΜΕΣΗΜΕΡΙ.
[ΒΗΜΑ, 29 ΑΥΓΟ 1993, WORLD MEDIA 3]
name::
* McsEngl.ognEdg'vacation,
* McsEngl.vacation.student@cptEconomy,
ΟΙ ΜΑΘΗΤΕΣ ΤΗΣ ΝΟΤΙΑΣ ΕΥΡΩΠΗΣ ΕΧΟΥΝ 10-12 ΒΔΟΜΑΔΕΣ. ΣΕ ΑΛΛΕΣ ΧΩΡΕΣ ΟΙ ΔΙΑΚΟΠΕΣ ΔΙΑΡΚΟΥΝ 8 ΕΒΔΟΜΑΔΕΣ ή ΑΚΟΜΑ ΚΑΙ 5-6 ΕΒΔΟΜΑΔΕΣ, ΟΠΩΣ ΣΤΗΝ ΕΛΒΕΤΙΑ, ΤΗΝ ΑΓΓΛΙΑ, ΤΗ ΓΕΡΜΑΝΙΑ ΚΑΙ ΤΗ ΔΑΝΙΑ.
[ΒΗΜΑ, 29 ΑΥΓΟ 1993, WORLD MEDIA 3]
name::
* McsEngl.ognEdg.specific,
* McsEngl.orgEdu.specific,
_SPECIFIC:
* orgEdu.Greece#cptEconomy39.25#
* orgEdu.primary#cptEconomy39.20#
* orgEdu.secondary#cptEconomy39.21#
* orgEdu.tertiary (3)#cptEconomy39.22#
* orgEdu.vocational#cptEconomy39.25#
_SPECIFIC:
* orgEdu.primary#cptEconomy39.20#
* orgEdu.secondary#cptEconomy39.21#
* orgEdu.tertiary (3)#cptEconomy39.22#
===
* college##
* school##
* polytechnic##
* university#cptEconomy660#
name::
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy326,
* McsEngl.education-sector@cptEconomy326, {2012-03-12}
* McsEngl.education-system,
* McsEngl.educational-system,
* McsEngl.knowledgeTeaching-sector@cptEconomy326, {2012-03-12}
* McsEngl.ecmsector.education@cptEconomy326,
* McsEngl.ecmsector.Teaching@cptEconomy326, {2012-03-12}
* McsEngl.sector.education,
* McsEngl.teaching-sector@cptEconomy326, {2012-03-13}
* McsEngl.sectorEdu@cptEconomy326, {2012-05-04}
* McsElln.ΕΚΠΑΙΔΕΥΣΗΣ-ΤΟΜΕΑΣ,
* McsElln.ΤΟΜΕΑΣ-ΕΚΠΑΙΔΕΥΣΗΣ@cptEconomy326,
_DESCRIPTION:
ΕΚΠΑΙΔΕΥΣΗΣ ΤΟΜΕΑΣ είναι ΥΠΟΤΕΜΕΑΣ του 'τομέα γνώσης' ασχολείται αποκλειστικά με την μετάδοση γνώσεων (εκπαίδευση).
[hmnSngo.1995-05]
name::
* McsEngl.sectorEdu'cost,
* McsEngl.cost-of-education,
At What Age Do Most People Pay off Their Student Loans?
Americans over 60 owe $66.7 billion USD in student debt, most of it used to put kids and grandkids through college.
The average cost of a college education in America is nearly $60,000 USD,
which for most people means that the student loans pile up as the
professors pile on the classwork. But those bills aren't necessarily
carried by the students alone -- as of 2017, U.S. citizens over age 60 owed
about $67 billion in student loan debt, with most of it coming from helping
to pay for their children's and grandchildren's educations. Since 2005, the
number of such debtors has expanded exponentially, from approximately
700,000 in 2005 to 2.8 million in 2015. The trend correlates to the rapidly
rising price for a bachelor's degree. In roughly the same time period, the
average cost for a year of college rose to nearly $25,000, or roughly
double what it was in 2000. One particularly troubling statistic is that
the older debtors default on their student loans twice as frequently as
those under age 50.
Read More:
http://www.wisegeek.com/at-what-age-do-most-people-pay-off-their-student-loans.htm?m {2018-07-27}
name::
* McsEngl.sectorEdu'goal,
* McsEngl.education'goal,
"I believe in a future where the point of education is not to prepare you for another useless job, but for a life well lived"
[Rutger-Bregman]
name::
* McsEngl.sectorEdu'resource,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2018/09/10-reasons-why-finlands-education-system-is-the-best-in-the-world,
name::
* McsEngl.sectorEdu.COMPULSORY,
* McsEngl.obligatory-education,
_DESCRIPTION:
Compulsory education refers to a period of education that is required of every person.
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Compulsory_education]
name::
* McsEngl.ognEdg.content.AGRICULTURAL,
* McsEngl.agricultural-education-sector@cptEconomy, {2012-12-09}
Agricultural education is instruction about crop production, livestock management, soil and water conservation, and various other aspects of agriculture. Agricultural education includes instruction in food education, such as nutrition. Agricultural and food education improves the quality of life for all people by helping farmers increase production, conserve resources, and provide nutritious foods.
There are four major fields of agricultural education:
Elementary agricultural education
Secondary agricultural education
Collegiate agricultural education
General education in agriculture
Elementary agriculture is taught in public schools and private schools, and deals with such subjects as how plants and animals grow and how soil is farmed and conserved. Vocational agriculture trains people for jobs in such areas as production, marketing, and conservation. College agriculture involves training of people to teach, conduct research, or provide information to advance the field of agriculture and food science in other ways. General education agriculture informs the public about food and agriculture.
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Agricultural_education]
name::
* McsEngl.ognEdg.content.BUSINESS,
* McsEngl.business-school,
* McsEngl.ognEdg.business,
name::
* McsEngl.ognEdg.ESCPEurope,
_DESCRIPTION:
Established in 1819, the world’s first business school, ESCP Europe was founded by a group of economic scholars and businessmen including the well-known economist Jean-Baptiste Say and the celebrated trader Vital Roux. Jean-Baptiste Say was an advocate of economic liberalism and is often credited with having coined the concept of entrepreneurship as early as 1800. Vital Roux is particularly known for having largely contributed to the elaboration of the Commercial Code in 1807 as well as for his up-front thinking in innovative pedagogy. One can therefore say that the creation of ESCP Europe represents the invention of the "business school" concept.
[http://www.escpeurope.eu/escp-europe/history-of-escp-europe-business-school/]
name::
* McsEngl.ognEdg.content.SCIENCE,
* McsEngl.sectorEdu.science@cptEconomy,
* McsEngl.study.science,
* McsEngl.education.science,
name::
* McsEngl.ognEdg.content.TECH.INFO,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy38.36.15,
* McsEngl.conceptIt198,
* McsEngl.education.infotech,
* McsEngl.education.TechInfo,
* McsEngl.education.technology.information,
* McsEngl.eduTechInfo@cptEconomy,
* McsEngl.sectorEdu'Information-technology,
* McsEngl.information-technology-knowledge-sector,
* McsEngl.knowledge-sector@cptIt198,
* McsEngl.ecmsector.education.IT,
* McsEngl.ognIct,
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.ΕΚΠΑΙΔΕΥΣΗ-ΚΑΙ-ΕΡΕΥΝΑ-ΣΤΗ-ΠΛΗΡΟΦΟΡΙΚΗ,
_WHOLE:
* ecmsector.knowledge#cptEconomy38.27.2#
_DESCRIPTION:
ΓΝΩΣΗΣ ΤΟΜΕΑΣ ΠΛΗΡΟΦΟΡΙΑΚΗΣ ΤΕΧΝΟΛΟΓΙΑΣ ονομάζω τον ΤΟΜΕΑ ΓΝΩΣΗΣ που ασχολείται με 'πληροφοριακή τεχνολογια'.
[hmnSngo.1995-05]
ΟΡΓΑΝΙΣΜΟΙ ΕΚΠΑΙΔΕΥΤΙΚΟΙ:
ΑΝΩΤΑΤΗ ΕΚΠΑΙΔΕΥΣΗ:
ΕΘΝΙΚΟ ΜΕΤΣΟΒΙΟ ΠΟΛΥΤΕΧΝΕΙΟ#
ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΙΚΟ ΠΑΝΕΠΙΣΤΗΜΙΟ ΑΘΗΝΩΝ (ΠΡΩΗΝ ΑΣΣΟΕ)
ΠΑΝΕΠΙΣΤΗΜΙΟ ΑΘΗΝΩΝ
ΠΑΝΕΠΙΣΤΗΜΙΟ ΚΡΗΤΗΣ
ΙΤΕ
ΠΑΝΕΠΙΣΤΗΜΙΟ ΠΑΤΡΩΝ
ΙΤΥ
ΠΑΝΕΠΙΣΤΗΜΙΟ ΠΕΙΡΑΙΩΣ
ΑΛΛΟΙ ΟΡΓΑΝΙΣΜΟΙ ΕΚΠΑΙΔΕΥΣΗΣ:
ΕΛΚΕΠΑ
ΕΙΠ {ΕΛΛΗΝΙΚΟ ΙΝΣΤΙΤΟΥΤΟ ΠΛΗΡΟΦΟΡΙΚΗΣ}
ΑΝΩΤΕΡΗ ΕΚΠΑΙΔΕΥΣΗ:
ΤΕΙ ΑΘΗΝΩΝ
ΔΕΥΤΕΡΟΒΑΘΜΙΑ ΕΚΠΑΙΔΕΥΣΗ:
ΑΠΟΦΟΙΤΟΙ,
ΟΡΓΑΝΙΣΜΟΙ ΣΧΕΤΙΚΟΙ ΜΕ ΕΚΠΑΙΔΕΥΣΗ/ΕΡΕΥΝΑ:
ΕΕΧΠΣΕ {ΕΝΩΣΗ ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑΤΙΩΝ ΧΡΗΣΤΩΝ ΠΛΗΡΟΦΟΡΙΚΩΝ ΣΥΣΤΗΜΑΤΩΝ ΕΛΛΑΔΑΣ}
ΕΠΥ {ΕΛΛΗΝΙΚΗ ΕΤΑΙΡΙΑ ΕΠΙΣΤΗΜΟΝΩΝ Η/Υ ΚΑΙ ΠΛΗΡΟΦΟΡΙΚΗΣ}
ΚΥΣΥΠ
ΤΕΣΥΠ
CEPIS
name::
* McsEngl.eEducation-198i,
* McsEngl.electronic-education,
* McsEngl.electronic-education-198i,
_DESCRIPTION:
Electronic education
By CNET STAFF February 28, 1997, 5:30 p.m. PT
In his State of the Union address just a few weeks ago, President Clinton extolled the virtues of connecting public schools and libraries to the Internet. But today's online learning revolution is not taking place in school, but at home.
Young entrepreneurs and mid-career professionals are heading to the Web in droves to get practical skills that will help them stay ahead of the learning curve. That means big business for virtual vocational schools teaching topics ranging from practical nursing to, of course, computer programming. Even established universities are getting into "distance learning," albeit at an academically deliberate pace.
This NEWS.COM special report examines who is doing what in online education and how Web technologies are changing the way students learn:
-Working the wires: Job training leads the way
-Technical difficulties: University inertia
-Tools of the trade: Chalk gives way to chat
-Gray areas: How the brain absorbs facts
ΣΥΜΦΩΝΑ ΜΕ ΣΤΟΙΧΕΙΑ ΤΟΥ ΥΠΟΥΡΓΕΙΟΥ ΠΑΙΔΕΙΑΣ ΜΕΧΡΙ ΤΟ 1991 ΑΠΟ ΤΑ ΤΜΗΜΑΤΑ ΠΛΗΡΟΦΟΡΙΚΗΣ ΑΠΕΦΟΙΤΗΣΑΝ 1.131 ΣΠΟΥΔΑΣΤΕΣ.
[HELLANEWS/ΕΞΠΡΕΣ, ΝΟΕΜ 1993, 20]
ΕΘΝΙΚΟ ΜΕΤΣΟΒΙΟ ΠΟΛΥΤΕΧΝΕΙΟ:
τμήμα ΗΛΕΚΤΡΟΛΟΓΩΝ ΜΗΧΑΝΙΚΩΝ ΚΑΙ ΜΗΧΑΝΙΚΩΝ ΥΠΟΛΟΓΙΣΤΩΝ, Ν. ΟΥΖΟΥΝΟΓΛΟΥ.
name::
* McsElln.ΔΕΥΤΕΡΟΒΑΘΜΙΑ'ΕΚΠΑΙΔΕΥΣΗ,
ΣΗΜΕΡΑ (1992) ΔΙΔΑΣΚΕΤΑΙ ΣΕ 410 ΓΥΜΝΑΣΙΑ (23.2%), ΣΕ 43 ΤΕΛ (17.2%) ΚΑΙ ΣΕ 25 ΕΠΛ (100%).
name::
* McsElln.ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΙΚΟ-ΠΑΝΕΠΙΣΤΗΜΙΟ-ΑΘΗΝΩΝ,
* McsEngl.conceptIt198.1,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy543,
* McsElln.ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΙΚΟ'ΠΑΝΕΠΙΣΤΗΜΙΟ'ΑΘΗΝΩΝ@cptEconomy543,
* McsElln.ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΙΚΟ-ΠΑΝΕΠΙΣΤΗΜΙΟ-ΑΘΗΝΩΝ,
* McsElln.ΠΡΩΗΝ-ΑΣΣΟΕ,
τμήμα ΕΦΑΡΜΟΣΜΕΝΗΣ ΠΛΗΡΟΦΟΡΙΚΗΣ, Π. ΜΗΛΙΩΤΗΣ. ΔΗΜΙΟΥΡΓΗΘΗΚΕ ΤΟ 1989 ΣΑΝ ΑΥΤΟΝΟΜΟ ΤΜΗΜΑ.
name::
* McsElln.ΠΑΝΕΠΙΣΤΗΜΙΟ-ΑΘΗΝΩΝ,
ΤΗΛΕΦΩΝΑ ΓΡΑΜΑΤΕΙΑΣ: 724.8154, 724.7495
τμήμα ΠΛΗΡΟΦΟΡΙΚΗΣ, Γ. ΦΙΛΟΚΥΠΡΟΥ.
ΕΠΙΚΟΥΡΟΣ ΚΑΘΗΓΗΤΗΣ ΓΕΩΡΓΙΑΔΗΣ ΠΑΝΑΓΙΩΤΗΣ, 729.1885
name::
* McsElln.ΠΑΝΕΠΙΣΤΗΜΙΟ-ΚΡΗΤΗΣ,
τμήμα ΕΠΙΣΤΗΜΗ ΤΩΝ ΥΠΟΛΟΓΙΣΤΩΝ, ΣΤΥΛΙΑΝΟΣ ΟΡΦΑΝΟΥΔΑΚΗΣ. ΔΗΜΙΟΥΡΓΗΘΗΚΕ ΤΟ 1984.
ΙΤΕ: ΤΟ ΙΝΣΤΙΤΟΥΤΟ ΠΛΗΡΟΦΟΡΙΚΗΣ.
name::
* McsElln.ΠΑΝΕΠΙΣΤΗΜΙΟ'ΠΑΤΡΩΝ,
τμήμα ΜΗΧΑΝΙΚΩΝ ΗΛΕΚΤΡΟΝΙΚΩΝ ΥΠΟΛΟΓΙΣΤΩΝ ΚΑΙ ΠΛΗΡΟΦΟΡΙΚΗΣ, ΠΑΥΛΟΣ ΣΠΥΡΑΚΗΣ. ΙΔΡΥΘΗΚΕ 1979.
ΙΤΥ ΕΙΝΑΙ ΤΟ ΕΡΕΥΝΗΤΙΚΟ ΙΝΣΤΙΤΟΥΤΟ ΤΟΥ ΠΑΝΕΠΙΣΤΗΜΙΟΥ ΠΑΤΡΩΝ.
name::
* McsElln.ΠΑΝΕΠΙΣΤΗΜΙΟ'ΠΕΙΡΑΙΩΣ,
τμήμα ΠΛΗΡΟΦΟΡΙΚΗΣ, ΠΡΟΕΔΡΟΣ Α. ΠΑΝΑΓΙΩΤΟΠΟΥΛΟΣ.
ΕΡΓΑ:
ΣΕΜΙΝΑΡΙΑ ΣΤΟ: ΚΕΝΤΡΟ ΕΡΕΥΝΩΝ ΤΟΥ ΠΑΝΕΠΙΣΤΗΜΙΟΥ, ΚΕΝΤΡΟ ΚΑΙΝΟΤΟΜΙΩΝ ΑΘΗΝΩΝ, ΕΜΕ, ΕΛΛΗΝΙΚΗ ΕΤΑΙΡΙΑ ΕΠΙΣΤΗΜΟΝΩΝ Η/Υ ΚΑΙ ΠΛΗΡΟΦΟΡΙΚΗΣ. ΕΚΠΑΙΔΕΥΣΗ 1000 ΕΚΠΑΙΔΕΥΤΙΚΩΝ ΠΛΗΡΟΦΟΡΙΚΗΣ.
ΣΥΓΓΡΑΦΗ ΣΧΟΛΙΚΩΝ ΒΙΒΛΙΩΝ ΠΛΗΡΟΦΟΡΙΚΗΣ.
name::
* McsEngl.ognEdg.content.VOCATIONAL-EDUCATION,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy38.36.5,
* McsEngl.ecmsector.education.vocational@cptEconomy326.5, {2012-06-09}
* McsEngl.vocational-education@cptEconomy326.5, {2012-06-09}
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.επαγγελματικη-εκπαιδευση@cptEconomy326.5, {2012-06-09}
* McsElln.τομεας.εκπαιδευση.επαγγελματικη@cptEconomy326.5, {2012-06-09}
name::
* McsEngl.ognEdg.doing.CREATING-KNOWLEDGE,
* McsEngl.ogn.Researching,
* McsEngl.ognEdg.creating,
* McsEngl.ognEdg.research,
* McsEngl.oznResearch,
* McsEngl.research-organization@cptEconomy,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* https://agenda.weforum.org/2015/07/which-countries-spend-the-most-on-research-and-development/
name::
* McsEngl.oznResearch.CERN,
* McsEngl.CERN-organization@cptEconomy,
* McsEngl.ognCERN@cptEconomy,
_DESCRIPTION:
The European Organization for Nuclear Research (French: Organisation europιenne pour la recherche nuclιaire), known as CERN (/'s??rn/; French pronunciation: ?[s??n]; derived from the name "Conseil Europιen pour la Recherche Nuclιaire"; see History), is a European research organization that operates the largest particle physics laboratory in the world. Established in 1954, the organization is based in a northwest suburb of Geneva on the Franco–Swiss border, (46°14'3?N 6°3'19?E) and has 21 member states.[3] Israel is the first (and currently only) non-European country granted full membership.[4]
The term CERN is also used to refer to the laboratory, which in 2013 had 2,513 staff members, and hosted some 12,313 fellows, associates, apprentices as well as visiting scientists and engineers[5] representing 608 universities and research facilities.[6]
CERN's main function is to provide the particle accelerators and other infrastructure needed for high-energy physics research – as a result, numerous experiments have been constructed at CERN as a result of international collaborations.
CERN is also the birthplace of the World Wide Web. The main site at Meyrin has a large computer facility containing powerful data processing facilities, primarily for experimental-data analysis; because of the need to make these facilities available to researchers elsewhere, it has historically been a major wide area networking hub.
[https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/CERN]
name::
* McsEngl.ognCern'resource,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2016/04/what-can-partical-physics-teach-us-about-international-co-operation//
name::
* McsEngl.oznResearch.CERTH,
* McsEngl.CERTH,
* McsEngl.Centre-for-Research-and-Technology-Hellas,
* McsElln.ΕΚΕΤΑ,
* McsElln.Εθνικό-Κέντρο-Έρευνας-και-ΤεχνολογικήςΑνάπτυξης,
_DESCRIPTION:
The Centre for Research and Technology-Hellas (CERTH) founded in 2000 is one of the leading research centres in Greece and listed among the TOP-20 E.U. research institutions with the highest participation in competitive research grants.
[https://www.certh.gr/5B4D1A98.en.aspx]
name::
* McsEngl.oznResearch.ERC,
* McsEngl.ERC@cptEconomy,
* McsEngl.ognERC@cptEconomy,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* https://erc.europa.eu//
_DESCRIPTION:
The main goal of the European Research Council (ERC) is to encourage high quality research in Europe through competitive funding. In this section you can find out more about the ERC and the vital role it plays in supporting European leadership in world class research.
[https://erc.europa.eu/about-erc]
name::
* McsEngl.ognEdg.doing.TEACHING-KNOWLEDGE-SKILS,
* McsEngl.ognTeaching,
* McsEngl.ognEdg.teaching@cptEconomy,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2016/03/21st-century-skills-future-jobs-students// The gap between the skills people learn and the skills people need is becoming more obvious, as traditional learning falls short of equipping students with the knowledge they need to thrive, according to the World Economic Forum report New Vision for Education: Fostering Social and Emotional Learning Through Technology.
name::
* McsEngl.ognEdg.level.COLLEGE,
* McsEngl.college@cptEconomy,
_DESCRIPTION:
A college (Latin: collegium) is an educational institution or a constituent part of one. Usage of the word college varies in English-speaking nations. A college may be a degree-awarding tertiary educational institution, a part of a collegiate university, or an institution offering vocational education.
In the United States, "college" formally refers to a constituent part of a university, but generally "college" and "university" are used interchangeably,[1] whereas in Ireland, the UK, New Zealand, Australia, Canada, Hong Kong and other former and present Commonwealth nations, "college" may refer to a secondary or high school, a college of further education, a training institution that awards trade qualifications, or a constituent part of a university. (See this comparison of British and American English educational terminology for further information.)
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/College] {2014-06-09}
What Percent of US Students Fail to Earn a Degree within 6 Years?
More than 40% of US students who start at a 4-year college do not have a
degree after 6 years.
More than 40% of US students who begin attending a four-year college will
fail to earn a degree six years, research shows. This is thought to be
caused in part by financial standing, because more than 90% of college
students from the top income bracket graduate, compared with just 15% of
those in the bottom income bracket. About 60% of college students who are
the first in their families to attend college do not graduate. This might
be because low-income parents are less likely to have gone to college
themselves and might not be able to offer first-hand knowledge or support.
Read More: http://www.wisegeek.com/what-percent-of-us-students-fail-to-earn-a-degree-within-6-years.htm?m, {2014-06-09}
name::
* McsEngl.ognEdg.level.EARLY-CHILDHOOOD,
* McsEngl.early-childhood-education##,
Early childhood education is the formal teaching and care of young children by people other than their family or in settings outside of the home. 'Early childhood' is usually defined as before the age of normal schooling - five years in most nations, though the U.S. National Association for the Education of Young Children (NAEYC) instead defines 'early childhood' as before the age of eight.
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Early_Childhood_Education]
name::
* McsEngl.ognEdg.level.K-12-Education (primary and secondary),
* McsEngl.K12-education@cptEconomy326i,
* McsEngl.K-12-education@cptEconomy326i,
_DESCRIPTION:
K–12 (pronounced "k twelve", "k through twelve", or "k to twelve") is a designation for the sum of primary and secondary-education#ql:secondary_education#. It is used in the United States, Canada, and Australia. P–12 is also occasionally used in Australia.[1] The expression is a shortening of Kindergarten (K) for 4–6-year-olds through twelfth grade (12) for 16–19-year-olds, the first and last grades of free education in these countries.
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/K-12]
name::
* McsEngl.ognEdg.level.POLYTECHNIC,
* McsEngl.polytechnic@cptEconomy,
_DESCRIPTION:
polytechnic
noun
an institution of higher education offering courses at degree level or below, especially in vocational subjects.
[google dict]
name::
* McsEngl.ognEdg.level.PRIMARY,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy38.36.13,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy559,
* McsEngl.organization.educating.primary@cptEconomy39.20, {2012-06-10}
* McsEngl.primary-education-organization@cptEconomy39.20, {2012-06-10}
* McsEngl.ognEdg.level.PRIMARY,
* McsEngl.eduA@cptEconomy,
* McsEngl.eduPrimary@cptEconomy,
* McsEngl.primary-education-sector@cptEconomy559,
* McsEngl.primary-education-sector@cptEconomy559,
* McsEngl.ecmsector.primary-education@cptEconomy559, {2012-04-01}
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.ΠΡΩΤΟΒΑΘΜΙΑ-ΕΚΠΑΙΔΕΥΣΗ@cptEconomy559,
* McsElln.ΣΤΟΙΧΕΙΩΔΗ-ΕΚΠΑΙΔΕΥΣΗ,
_GENERIC:
* entity.whole.systemHumansOrganization.economic.producing.information.educating#cptEconomy39.18#
_WHOLE:
* sector-Knowledge-teaching#cptEconomy38.36#
_DESCRIPTION:
ΣΤΟΙΧΕΙΩΔΗ ΕΚΠΑΙΔΕΥΣΗ είναι μέρος του ΤΟΜΕΑ ΓΝΩΣΗΣ και ασχολείται με το πρώτο σταδιο εκμάθησης γενικής γνωσης στα μικρά παιδιά.
[hmnSngo.1995-04]
===
Primary education is the first stage of compulsory education. It is preceded by pre-school or nursery education and is followed by secondary education. In North America, this stage of education is usually known as elementary education and is generally followed by middle school.
In most countries, it is compulsory for children to receive primary education although it is permissible for parents to provide it.. The major goals of primary education are achieving basic literacy and numeracy amongst all pupils, as well as establishing foundations in science, mathematics, geography, history and other social sciences. The relative priority of various areas, and the methods used to teach them, are an area of considerable political debate.
Typically, primary education is provided in schools, where the child will stay in steadily advancing classes until they complete it and move on to high school/secondary school. Children are usually placed in classes with one teacher who will be primarily responsible for their education and welfare for that year. This teacher may be assisted to varying degrees by specialist teachers in certain subject area often music or physical education. The continuity with a single teacher and the opportunity to build up a close relationship with the class is a notable feature of the primary education system.
Traditionally, various forms of corporal punishment have been an integral part of early education. Recently this practice has come under scrutiny, and in many cases been outlawed, especially in Western countries.
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Primary_education]
name::
* McsEngl.ognEdg.level.SECONDARY,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy39.21,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy582,
* McsEngl.organization.educating.secondary@cptEconomy39.21, {2012-06-10}
* McsEngl.secondary-education-organization@cptEconomy39.21, {2012-06-10}
* McsEngl.eduB,
* McsEngl.eduSecondary,
* McsEngl.secondary-education@cptEconomy,
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.ΔΕΥΤΕΡΟΒΑΘΜΙΑ-ΕΚΠΑΙΔΕΥΣΗ,
* McsElln.ΔΕΥΤΕΡΟΒΑΘΜΙΑ'ΕΚΠΑΙΔΕΥΣΗ@cptEconomy582,
* McsElln.ΜΕΣΗ-ΕΚΠΑΙΔΕΥΣΗ,
_GENERIC:
* entity.whole.systemHumansOrganization.economic.producing.information.educating#cptEconomy39.18#
_DESCRIPTION:
ΔΕΥΤΕΡΟΒΑΘΜΙΑ ΕΚΠΑΙΔΕΥΣΗ είναι μέρος του ΤΟΜΕΑ ΓΝΩΣΗΣ, που ασχολείται με το δεύτερο στάδιο εκπαίδευσης των παιδιών της κοινωνιας.
[hmnSngo.1995-04]
===
Secondary education is the stage of education following primary education. Except in countries where only primary or basic education is compulsory, secondary education includes the final stage of compulsory education and in many countries it is entirely compulsory. The next stage of education is usually college or university. Secondary education is characterized by transition from primary education for minors to tertiary, "post-secondary", or "higher" education (e.g., university, vocational school) for adults. Depending on the system, schools for this period or a part of it may be called secondary schools, high schools, gymnasia, lyceums, middle schools, sixth-form, sixth-form colleges, vocational schools and preparatory schools, and the exact meaning of any of these varies between the systems.
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Secondary_education]
name::
* McsEngl.ognEdg.level.SECONDARY.SocGreece,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy38.36.12,
* McsEngl.ecucation-sector.greece.secondary@cptEconomy326.12,
* McsEngl.greek-secondary-education@cptEconomy326.12, {2012-10-03}
* McsEngl.secondary-education.greece@cptEconomy326.12, {2012-10-03}
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.εκπαίδευση.δευτεροβάθμια.ελλάδα@cptCore326.12,
_ENTITY:
* socGreece#cptCore18#
_DESCRIPTION:
ΓΥΜΝΑΣΙΟ
ΛΥΚΕΙΟ
ΓΕΝΙΚΟ ΛΥΚΕΙΟ
ΕΠΛ {ΕΝΙΑΙΟ ΠΟΛΥΚΛΑΔΙΚΟ ΛΥΚΕΙΟ}
ΤΕΛ {ΤΕΧΝΙΚΟ ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑΤΙΚΟ ΛΥΚΕΙΟ}
ΤΕΣ {ΤΕΧΝΙΚΗ ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑΤΙΚΗ ΣΧΟΛΗ}
1777 γυμνάσια έχουμε σήμερα.
[ΚΑΘΗΜΕΡΙΝΗ, 25 ΦΕΒ. 1996, 17]
name::
* McsElln.ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑΤΙΚΟ-ΛΥΚΕΙΟ,
* McsElln.ΕΠΑΛ@cptEconomy,
_DESCRIPTION:
Με τον νόμο 3475/2006 (Φ.Ε.Κ.146 Τ. Α /13-7-2006) μετατρέπονται τα:
Τεχνικά Επαγγελματικά Εκπαιδευτήρια (Τ.Ε.Ε.) σε
Επαγγελματικά Λύκεια (ΕΠΑ.Λ.) και
Επαγγελματικές Σχολές ( ΕΠΑ.Σ.)
και επιδιώκεται ο συνδυασμός θεωρίας και πράξης, που στην σημερινή εποχή είναι περισσότερο, από ποτέ άλλοτε, απαραίτητος.
Τα ΕΠΑ.Λ. παρέχουν:
Γενική Μόρφωση
Τεχνική Επαγγελματική Εκπαίδευση
Εργαστηριακή Άσκηση
Οι ΕΠΑ.Σ. παρέχουν:
Τεχνική Επαγγελματική Εκπαίδευση
Εργαστηριακή Άσκηση
Οργανόγραμμα - Διάγραμμα της Δευτεροβάθμιας Εκπαίδευσης
Τροποποίηση της υπ΄ αριθμ.111276/Γ2/8-10-2007 Υ.Α. «Ωρολόγιο Πρόγραμμα της Α΄, Β΄ και Γ΄ Τάξης Ημερησίων ΕΠΑ.Λ» (ΦΕΚ 2057 Β΄). Η απόφαση αυτή θα ισχύσει για το σχολικό έτος 2011-12. Για τις τάξεις Β΄ και Γ΄ του Ημερήσιου ΕΠΑ.Λ. ισχύει η με αρ. πρωτ. 111276/Γ2/8-10-2007 Υ.Α.(ΦΕΚ 2057 Β΄).
Οι μαθητές στην Β΄τάξη επιλέγουν τον τομέα που θα παρακολουθήσουν.
Οι μαθητές στην Γ΄τάξη επιλέγουν την ειδικότητα που θα παρακολουθήσουν και η οποία θα πρέπει να είναι αντίστοιχη προς τον τομέα που παρακολούθησε στην Β΄ τάξη.
Α' Τάξη
Στην Α΄τάξη ΕΠΑΛ
Εγγράφονται: Απόφοιτοι Γυμνασίου
Στο μεταβατικό ωρολόγιο πρόγραμμα, αντί των κύκλων σπουδών θα υπάρχουν τρία αντίστοιχα μαθήματα επιλογής, από τα οποία οι μαθητές επιλέγουν υποχρεωτικά ένα από αυτά.
Η Α΄ Τάξη Ημερήσιου ΕΠΑ.Λ. περιέχει μαθήματα Γενικής Παιδείας συνολικής διάρκειας είκοσι μία (21) ωρών εβδομαδιαίας διδασκαλίας, Βασικών Δεξιοτήτων συνολικής διάρκειας επτά (7) ωρών εβδομαδιαίας διδασκαλίας, Επιλογής συνολικής διάρκειας δύο (2) ωρών εβδομαδιαίας διδασκαλίας και Υποστήριξης συνολικής διάρκειας τεσσάρων (4) ωρών εβδομαδιαίας διδασκαλίας.
Οι μαθητές της Α΄ τάξης ΕΠΑ.Λ. παρακολουθούν υποχρεωτικά μαθήματα συνολικής διάρκειας τριάντα τεσσάρων (34) ωρών εβδομαδιαίας διδασκαλίας.
Διδάσκονται:
Μαθήματα Γενικής Παιδείας (ώρες 21)
Ελληνική Γλώσσα1 - Νέα Ελληνική Γλώσσα (2 ώρες)
Νέα Ελληνική Λογοτεχνία (2 ώρες)
Θρησκευτικά (1 ώρα)
Ιστορία (2 ώρες)
Μαθηματικά2 - Άλγεβρα (2 ώρες)
Γεωμετρία (2 ώρες)
Ξένη Γλώσσα (3 ώρες)
Φυσικές Επιστήμες3 - Φυσική (3 ώρες)
Χημεία (2 ώρες)
Φυσική Αγωγή (2 ώρες)
1. Ενιαίο μάθημα με δύο κλάδους: α) Νέα Ελληνική Γλώσσα και β) Νέα Ελληνική Λογοτεχνία
2. Ενιαίο μάθημα με δύο κλάδους: α) Άλγεβρα και β) Γεωμετρία.
3. Ενιαίο μάθημα με δύο κλάδους: α) Φυσική και β) Χημεία
Μαθήματα Βασικών Δεξιοτήτων (ώρες 7)
Αρχές Οικονομίας (2 ώρες)
Εφαρμογές Πληροφορικής (3 ώρες)
Ερευνητικής Εργασία (Project) (2 ώρες)
Μαθήματα Επιλογής (ώρες 2)
Τεχνικό Σχέδιο
Ναυτική Τέχνη
Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση (Θεσμοί και Πολιτικές)
Μαθήματα Υποστήριξης (ώρες 4)
Νέα Ελληνική Γλώσσα (2 ώρες)
Μαθηματικά (2 ώρες)
Β' Τάξη
12 τομείς
Στην Β΄τάξη ΕΠΑΛ
Εγγράφονται:
Οι προαχθέντες από την Α΄Τάξη ΕΠΑΛ
Οι προαχθέντες από την Α΄Τάξη Γενικού Λυκείου
Οι έχοντες πτυχίο Α΄& Β΄ Κύκλου ΤΕΕ
Επιλέγουν τομέα ανεξάρτητα από τον κύκλο μαθημάτων που παρακολούθησαν στην Α΄Τάξη.
Διδάσκονται:
Μαθήματα γενικής παιδείας (ώρες 17)
Υποχρεωτική παρακολούθηση από όλους τους μαθητές
Θρησκευτικά (1 ώρα)
Νεοελληνική Γλώσσα (2 ώρες)
Νεοελληνική Λογοτεχνία (1 ώρα)
Ιστορία (1 ώρα)
Άλγεβρα (2 ώρες)
Γεωμετρία (1 ώρα)
Μαθηματικά Θετικής και Τεχν/κής Κατεύθυνσης (2 ώρες)
Φυσική (3 ώρες)
Χημεία (1 ώρα)
Ξένη Γλώσσα (2 ώρες)
Φυσική Αγωγή (1 ώρα)
Μαθήματα επαγγελματικών τομέων (ώρες 18)
Οι μαθητές παρακολουθούν τα μαθήματα του τομέα που επέλεξαν
Γ' Τάξη
19 ειδικότητες
Στην Γ΄τάξη ΕΠΑΛ
Εγγράφονται: Οι προαχθέντες από την Β΄ Τάξη ΕΠΑΛ
Επιλέγουν ειδικότητα από τον αντίστοιχο τομέα μαθημάτων που παρακολούθησαν στην Β΄ Τάξη.
Διδάσκονται:
Μαθήματα γενικής παιδείας (ώρες 12)
Υποχρεωτική παρακολούθηση από όλους τους μαθητές
(Με έντονη γραφή εμφανίζονται τα πανελληνίως εξεταζόμενα
μαθήματα για πρόσβαση στην τριτοβάθμια εκπαίδευση)
Α.Υποχρεωτικά μαθήματα (ώρες 10)
ΟΜΑΔΑ Α' (Μόνο ΤΕΙ):
Νεοελληνική Γλώσσα (2 ώρες)
Μαθηματικά Ι (5 ώρες)
Φυσική Ι (3 ώρες)
ΟΜΑΔΑ Β' (ΑΕΙ και ΤΕΙ):
Νεοελληνική Γλώσσα (2 ώρες)
Μαθηματικά ΙI (5 ώρες)
Φυσική ΙI (3 ώρες)
Β.Επιλογής ένα μάθημα (ώρες 2)
Νεότερη Ελληνική Ιστορία
Αρχές Οικονομικής Θεωρίας
Μαθηματικά και Στοιχεία Στατιστικής
Βιολογία Ι
Βιολογία ΙΙ
Διαχείριση Φυσικών Πόρων
Αρχές Οικονομικής Θεωρίας
(Οι μαθητές που παρακολουθούν τις ειδικότητες «Υπαλλήλων Τουριστικών Επιχειρήσεων» και «Υπαλλήλων Διοίκησης και Οικονομικών Υπηρεσιών», δεν μπορούν να επιλέξουν το μάθημα «Αρχές Οικονομικής Θεωρίας», διότι είναι μάθημα ειδικότητας)
Μαθήματα ειδικότητας (ώρες 23)
Οι μαθητές παρακολουθούν τα μαθήματα της ειδικότητας που επέλεξαν.
[http://1sek-ioann.ioa.sch.gr/joomla/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=98&Itemid=71]
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* Ο ΔΡΟΜΟΣ ΑΠΟ ΤΟ ΕΣΠΕΡΙΝΟ ΛΥΚΕΙΟ ΣΤΗΝ ΤΡΙΤΟΒΑΘΜΙΑ ΕΚΠΑΙΔΕΥΣΗ
- https://docs.google.com/viewer?a=v&q=cache:kmP_x7-g8HQJ:www.koropouli.gr/esperino_lykeio.doc+εσπερινό+λύκειο+υπδβμθ+ιδρύθηκε+με+το+νόμο&hl=en&pid=bl&srcid=ADGEESjl90NkzeCO7eGqezXQh5_sCwSQJfd9SBUM4JVe6M8eqh9NYW6AZVyjNvTqY-_wPfDX1sY4oFfE_o3DDXhzODtNDFloC3lxxgsm_s6Svj5sBIUIzfyaU5qXaJEujnXzsbJCRn1m&sig=AHIEtbRDaWikyv_bPZSsixdKCJBJB5xBlg&pli=1, ΡΕΘΥΜΝΟ 15-18 0ΚΤΩΒΡΙΟΥ 2009.
name::
* McsEngl.sectorEdu'INFORMATICS,
Απο τα 1777 γυμνάσια τα 1187 είναι εξοπλισμένα με αίθουσα υπολογιστών.
[ΚΑΘΗΜΕΡΙΝΗ, 25 ΦΕΒ. 1996, 17]
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://evaluation.minedu.gov.gr//
* http://blogs.sch.gr/plinetio/contact//
Ενημερωτικό του αιρετού στο ΚΥΣΔΕ
Νεκτάριου Κορδή
εκλεγμένου με το ψηφοδέλτιο των
Συνεργαζόμενων Εκπαιδευτικών Κινήσεων
Θέμα: Οι επιπτώσεις της κρίσης στην εκπαίδευση.
Συναδέλφισσες, συνάδελφοι,
Στα πλαίσια της τακτικής ενημέρωσης των εκπαιδευτικών σας ενημερώνουμε για κάποια στοιχεία
που δείχνουν τις πολλαπλές επιπτώσεις της οικονομικής κρίσης στην εκπαίδευση με βάση τα
στοιχεία του πληροφοριακού συστήματος myschool.
Τα στοιχεία αυτά είναι μέρος της εισήγησης μου για το πρόσφατο 11ο εκπαιδευτικό συνέδριο της ΟΛΜΕ
Ο συνολικός αριθμός των σχολικών μονάδων της Δευτεροβάθμιας Εκπαίδευσης ανέρχεται σε 3455.
Από αυτά 1877 είναι Γυμνάσια, 1060 Λύκεια, 508 ΕΠΑΛ και 10 σχολεία εκκλησιαστικής Εκπαίδευσης (ΠΙΝ 2).
Από τα σχολεία αυτά το 34% βρίσκεται στην περιοχή της Αθήνας και της Θεσσαλονίκης.
Το 18% των σχολείων βρίσκεται σε νησιά.
Το 6% των σχολείων είναι δυσπρόσιτα εκ των οποίων το 55% βρίσκεται στα νησιά.
Το πλήθος των σχολικών μονάδων έχει μειωθεί κατά 3%.
Η νησιωτικότητα και η γεωμορφολογία της χώρας επηρεάζει σημαντικά τη γεωγραφική διασπορά των σχολικών μονάδων και την ευκολία πρόσβασης σε αυτές.
Χαρακτηριστικά το Νότιο Αιγαίο έχει 50 δυσπρόσιτες σχολικές μονάδες, το Βόρειο Αιγαίο 24 και η Ανατολική Μακεδονία και Θράκη 23 (ΠΙΝ. 3)
Το 6% των σχολείων της Β/θμιας βρίσκεται σε Δήμους με πληθυσμό λιγότερο από 3000 κατοίκους ενώ το 39% βρίσκεται σε Δήμους με πληθυσμό μέχρι 10000 κατοίκους (ΠΙΝ 4).
Ο συνολικός αριθμός των μαθητών της Δευτεροβάθμιας είναι 601.566 επί συνόλου 1.335.544 σε όλη την εκπαίδευση.
Είναι χαρακτηριστικό ότι το 2008 είχαμε 691.760 μαθητές.
Συνεπώς υπάρχει μια συνολική μείωση του αριθμού των μαθητών κατά 13%!
Η μείωση αυτή οφείλεται κυρίως στην αποχώρηση οικονομικών μεταναστών αλλά και ελλήνων με τις οικογένειές τους από τη χώρα, την υπογεννητικότητα αλλά και στη μη συνέχιση της φοίτησης των μαθητών στα ΓΕΛ και στα ΕΠΑΛ μετά το Γυμνάσιο (ΠΙΝ. 5).
Ο συνολικός αριθμός των υπηρετούντων εκπαιδευτικών στη Δευτεροβάθμια είναι 66.196.
Το σχολικό έτος 2008-2009 είχαμε συνολικά 185.917 εκπαιδευτικούς εκ των οποίων 103.247 στη
Δευτεροβάθμια. Έχουμε συνεπώς μια μείωση των εκπαιδευτικών από το 2008 κατά 37.051 που
αντιστοιχεί σε ποσοστό μείωσης 35,88%! (ΠΙΝ 6).
Οι ελαστικές μορφές εργασίας αυξάνονται συνεχώς στη Δημόσια εκπαίδευση! Το σχ. έτος 2011-
2012 το ποσοστό των αναπληρωτών επί των μονίμων εκπαιδευτικών ήταν 8% για να φτάσουμε το
2015-2016 στο 14,1%! (ΠΙΝ. 7)
Παράλληλα αυξάνεται και το πλήθος των σχολικών μονάδων που διδάσκει πλέον ο εκπαιδευτικός!
Το 18% διδάσκει σε 2 σχολικές μονάδες και το 5% σε 3 και πάνω σχολικές μονάδες! (ΠΙΝ. 8)
Το 60% των Μονίμων Εκπαιδευτικών της δευτεροβάθμιας κατανέμεται μεταξύ 4 βασικών
ειδικοτήτων (16358 Φιλόλογοι, 7145 Μαθηματικοί, 7907 Καθηγητές Φυσικών Επιστημών και 7417
Ξένων Γλωσσών). Το 51% των διδακτικών ωρών στη Δευτεροβάθμια εκπαίδευση διδάσκονται με
αναθέσεις σε μοναδικές ειδικότητες. Τέλος το 17% των εκπαιδευτικών συμπληρώνει με 2 η ανάθεση
το διδακτικό του ωράριο (ΠΙΝ. 9)
Σχετικά με τις παραιτήσεις εκπαιδευτικών υπενθυμίζουμε ότι την 6ετία 2010-2016 είχαμε
συνολικά 18.794 αποχωρήσεις από τη Δευτεροβάθμια Εκπαίδευση. Πιο αναλυτικά το 2010 είχαμε
2839 αποχωρήσεις, το 2011 3503 αποχωρήσεις, το 2012 3186 αποχωρήσεις, το 2013 3442
αποχωρήσεις, το 2014 3235 αποχωρήσεις ,το 2015 1638 αποχωρήσεις και τέλος το 2016 951
αποχωρήσεις μέχρι τέλη Οκτώβρη.
2
Ο συνολικός αριθμός των προσλήψεων αναπληρωτών το 2014-15 ήταν 5164 και το 2015-16 6162.
Τη φετινή σχολική χρονιά έχουν προσληφθεί στη Γενική, Επαγγελματική και Ειδική Εκπαίδευση
4322 αναπληρωτές.
Η μέση τιμή της ηλικίας όλων των μονίμων εκπαιδευτικών είναι τα 49 έτη. Η αντίστοιχη τιμή
όλων των υπηρετούντων (και των αναπληρωτών) είναι τα 48 έτη. (ΠΙΝ.10)
Η μέση τιμή της ηλικίας των μονίμων εκπαιδευτικών ΠΕ02 είναι τα 48 έτη. Η αντίστοιχη τιμή των
αναπληρωτών με προϋπηρεσία είναι τα 39 έτη και των αναπληρωτών χωρίς προϋπηρεσία τα 31 έτη.
(ΠΙΝ. 11)
Η μέση τιμή της ηλικίας των μονίμων εκπαιδευτικών ΠΕ03 είναι τα 52 έτη. Η αντίστοιχη τιμή των
αναπληρωτών με προϋπηρεσία είναι τα 40 έτη και των αναπληρωτών χωρίς προϋπηρεσία τα 31 έτη.
(ΠΙΝ. 12)
Η μέση τιμή της ηλικίας των μονίμων εκπαιδευτικών ΠΕ04 είναι τα 52 έτη. Η αντίστοιχη τιμή των
αναπληρωτών με προϋπηρεσία είναι τα 41 έτη και των αναπληρωτών χωρίς προϋπηρεσία τα 33 έτη.
(ΠΙΝ 13).
Από τα στοιχεία αυτά φαίνεται ότι η οικονομική κρίση και οι πολιτικές λιτότητας έχουν
επιβαρύνει συνολικά το δημόσιο σχολείο και τον εκπαιδευτικό ειδικότερα. Η έλλειψη διορισμών τα
τελευταία χρόνια, οι αποχωρήσεις 19000 περίπου εκπαιδευτικών, η αύξηση των ελαστικών μορφών
εργασίας αποτελούν κάποιες μόνο πτυχές του προβλήματος που επιβαρύνουν σημαντικά τα
εργασιακά δικαιώματα των εκπαιδευτικών. Σε κάθε περίπτωση οι συνθήκες εργασίας των
εκπαιδευτικών αποτελούν και συνθήκες μάθησης των μαθητών μας! Ο εκπαιδευτικός-λάστιχο
για παράδειγμα που μετακινείται σε 3 ή και περισσότερα σχολεία πέρα από τη φυσική του
επιβάρυνση, αδυνατεί να αναπτύξει ουσιαστική παιδαγωγική σχέση με τους μαθητές του!
[2016-11-01]
name::
* McsEngl.ognEdg.level.TERTIARY,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy39.22,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy571,
* McsEngl.organization.educating.tertiary@cptEconomy39.22, {2012-06-10}
* McsEngl.post-secondary-education-organization@cptEconomy,
* McsEngl.tertiary-education-organization@cptEconomy39.22, {2012-06-10}
* McsEngl.eduC,
* McsEngl.eduTertiary,
* McsEngl.higher-education@cptEconomy326.2,
* McsEngl.post-secondary-education@cptEconomy326.2,
* McsEngl.sectorEdu'Tertiary-education, {2012-12-09}
* McsEngl.sectorEdu'Third-level-education,
* McsEngl.tertiary-education@cptEconomy326.2,
* McsEngl.third-level-education@cptEconomy326.2,
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.ΤΡΙΤΟΒΑΘΜΙΑ-ΕΚΠΑΙΔΕΥΣΗ,
* McsElln.τριτοβαθμια-εκπαιδευση@cptEconomy571,
_WHOLE:
* education-sector#cptEconomy38.36#
_GENERIC:
* entity.body.sysHmnsOrg.econ.producing.info.educating#cptEconomy39.18#
_DESCRIPTION:
Higher, post-secondary, tertiary, or third level education refers to the stage of learning that occurs at universities, academies, colleges, seminaries, and institutes of technology. Higher education also includes certain collegiate-level institutions, such as vocational schools, trade schools, and career colleges, that award academic degrees or professional certifications.
The right of access to higher education is enshrined in a number of international human rights instruments. The UN International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights of 1966 declares, in Article 13, that "higher education shall be made equally accessible to all, on the basis of capacity, by every appropriate means, and in particular by the progressive introduction of free education". In Europe, Article 2 of the First Protocol to the European Convention on Human Rights, adopted in 1950, obligates all signatory parties to guarantee the right to education.
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Higher_education]
===
ΤΡΙΤΟΒΑΘΜΙΑ ΕΚΠΑΙΔΕΥΣΗ είναι μέρος του ΤΟΜΕΑ ΓΝΩΣΗΣ που ασχολείται με ΤΡΙΤΟ σταδιο στην εκπαίδευση των ΝΕΩΝ.
[hmnSngo.1995-04]
_SPECIFIC:
* university#cptEconomy660#
Colleges, universities and polytechnics are the main institutions that provide tertiary education (sometimes known collectively as tertiary institutions). Tertiary education generally culminates in the receipt of certificates, diplomas, or academic degrees.
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tertiary_education]
name::
* McsEngl.eduC.Greece,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy571.1,
* McsEngl.greek-third-level-education@cptEconomy571.1#,
====== lagoGreek:,
* McsElln.τριτοβάθμιο-ίδρυμα,
_ATTRIBUTE:
* ΠΑΝΕΛΛΑΔΙΚΕΣ-ΕΞΕΤΑΣΕΙΣ#cptCore596#
_SPECIFIC:
* ΠΑΝΕΠΙΣΤΗΜΙΟ
* ΠΟΛΥΤΕΧΝΕΙΟ
* ΤΕΙ
===
* ΑΚΑΔΗΜΙΕΣ ΕΜΠΟΡΙΚΟΥ ΝΑΥΤΙΚΟΥ
* ΑΝΩΤΑΤΕΣ ΕΚΚΛΗΣΙΑΣΤΙΚΕΣ ΑΚΑΔΗΜΙΕΣ
* ΑΠΘ##
* ΑΣΠΑΙΤΕ
* ΑΣΤΥΝΟΜΙΚΕΣ ΣΧΟΛΕΣ
* ΓΕΩΠΟΝΙΚΟ ΠΑΝ.##
* ΔΠΘ##
* ΕΚΠΑ##
* ΕΜΠ##
* ΙΟΝΙΟ-ΠΑΝ/ΜΙΟ##
* ΠΑΝ.ΑΙΓΑΙΟΥ##
* ΠΑΝ.ΔΥΤ.ΜΑΚ##
* ΠΑΝ.ΘΕΣΣΑΛΙΑΣ##
* ΠΑΝ.ΙΩΑΝΝΙΝΩΝ##
* ΠΑΝ.ΚΡΗΤΗΣ##
* ΠΑΝ.ΜΑΚΕΔ.##
* ΠΑΝ. ΠΑΤΡΩΝ##
* ΠΑΝ.ΠΕΛ/ΝΗΣΟΥ##
* ΠΟΛ/ΧΝΕΙΟ ΚΡΗΤΗΣ##
* ΣΤΡΑΤ.ΣΧΟΛΕΣ##
* ΣΧΟΛΕΣ ΠΥΡΟΣΒΕΣΤΙΚΗΣ ΑΚΑΔΗΜΙΑΣ
name::
* McsEngl.ognEdg.level.UNIVERSITY (ognUvt),
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy660,
* McsEngl.university,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy39.3,
* McsEngl.producer.university@cptEconomy660,
* McsEngl.uni, [twitter]
* McsEngl.ognUvt, {2016-03-17}
* McsEngl.uvt@cptEconomy,
* McsEngl.unv@cptEconomy660, {2012-08-30}
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.πανεπιστημιο@cptEconomy660,
* McsElln.πανεπιστήμιο@cptEconomy660, {2012-08-30}
====== lagoEsperanto:
* McsEngl.universitato@lagoEspo,
* McsEspo.universitato,
_GENERIC:
* entity.body.sysHmnsOrg.econ.producing.info.educating.tertiary#cptEconomy39.22#
_DESCRIPTION:
A university is an institution of higher education and research, which grants academic degrees at all levels (bachelor, master, and doctorate) in a variety of subjects. A university provides both tertiary and quaternary education. The word university is derived from the Latin universitas magistrorum et scholarium, roughly meaning "community of teachers and scholars".
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/University]
===
ΠΑΝΕΠΙΣΤΗΜΙΟ είναι ΕΤΑΙΡΙΑ της τριτοβαθμιας εκπαίδευσης.
[hmnSngo.1996-04]
name::
* McsEngl.ognUvt'Evaluation,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://www.weforum.org/agenda/2016/03/these-are-the-top-10-universities-in-europe??
Which are the world’s top 10 universities?
By Paul Muggeridge
Jul 22 2015
Comments
9K+Share on Facebook (Opens in new window)9K+1K+Click to share on Twitter (Opens in new window)1K+1K+Click to share on LinkedIn (Opens in new window)1K+
Harvard comes out on top of the latest global university ranking, followed by Stanford and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology.
The list, released by the Center for World University Rankings, is based on eight measures, including the proportion of alumni who have won major international awards or held CEO positions at the world’s top companies, and the number of research papers appearing in reputable journals.
1. Harvard, USA,
2. Stanford, USA,
3. MIT, USA,
4. Cabridge, UK,
5. Oxford, UK,
6. Columbia, USA,
7. California, Berkeley, USA,
8. Chicago, USA,
9. Princeton , USA,
10. Cornell, USA,
150722-top universities
Eight of the top 10 positions are held by US institutions, with the UK’s Cambridge and Oxford holding the remaining two spots.
The only change from the top of the 2014 list is the inclusion of Cornell at number 10, at the expense of Yale.
The CWUR says its ranking is the only one that doesn’t rely on surveys and the universities’ own data submissions.
[https://agenda.weforum.org/2015/07/worlds-top-10-universities/?utm_content=bufferb5de4&utm_medium=social&utm_source=twitter.com&utm_campaign=buffer]
Times: Καλύτερο στην Ελλάδα το Πανεπιστήμιο Κρήτης
ΑΘΗΝΑ 05/10/2015
Το Πανεπιστήμιο Κρήτης έλαβε την καλύτερη βαθμολόγια ανάμεσα στα ελληνικά πανεπιστήμια, σύμφωνα με τη νέα διεθνή κατάταξη των βρετανικών «Τάιμς» (Times Higher Education World University Rankings 2015 - 2016), κατατασσόμενο στις θέσεις 351-400.
Σύμφωνα με το Πανεπιστήμιο, η κατάταξη των «Τάιμς» λαμβάνει υπόψη της διάφορα κριτήρια, όπως την ποιότητα σπουδών, τη διεξαγωγή έρευνας, τη διεθνοποίηση του πανεπιστημίου, την προσέλκυση, δηλαδή, φοιτητών και καθηγητών από άλλες χώρες και τις αναφορές από τρίτους στις δημοσιεύσεις των καθηγητών του.
Στο συγκεκριμένο μάλιστα τομέα, το Πανεπιστήμιο Κρήτης παίρνει αναλογικά τον καλύτερο «βαθμό» του. Τα προηγούμενα έτη η κατάταξη ήταν σε υψηλότερη κλίμακα, με τα έτη 2013 - 2014 να έχει βρεθεί στις θέσεις 301 - 350.
Πρώτο στον κόσμο για πέμπτη συνεχόμενη χρονιά, σύμφωνα με την ίδια κατάταξη, κατατάσσεται το Τεχνολογικό Ινστιτούτο της Καλιφόρνια (Caltech) των ΗΠΑ. Την πρώτη δεκάδα συμπληρώνουν κατά σειρά τα πανεπιστήμια Οξφόρδης (Βρετανία), Στάνφορντ (ΗΠΑ), Κέμπριτζ (Βρετανία), ΜΙΤ (ΗΠΑ), Χάρβαρντ (ΗΠΑ), Πρίνστον (ΗΠΑ), Imperial College (Βρετανία), ΕΤΗ (Ελβετία) και Σικάγο (ΗΠΑ).
Όπως ανακοίνωσε το Πανεπιστήμιο Κρήτης, από ελληνικής πλευράς ακολουθούν στη λίστα, κατά σειρά, το Πανεπιστήμιο Ιωαννίνων (401 - 500) την οποία μάλιστα χαρακτηρίζει ως μία θετική έκπληξη, το Πανεπιστήμιο Αθηνών (401 - 500), το Εθνικό Μετσόβιο Πολυτεχνείο (501 - 600), το Αριστοτέλειο Πανεπιστήμιο Θεσσαλονίκης (601 - 800), το Οικονομικό Πανεπιστήμιο Αθηνών (601 - 800) και το Πανεπιστήμιο Πατρών (601 - 800).
Σημειώνεται πως η Ευρώπη συνολικά έχει φέτος περισσότερα πανεπιστήμια από κάθε άλλη φορά στα πρώτα 200 του κόσμου και 345 στα καλύτερα 800. Τα περισσότερα είναι βρετανικά και φτάνουν στον αριθμό τα 34, ακολουθεί η Γερμανία με 20 πανεπιστήμια, η Ολλανδία με 12 πανεπιστημιακά ιδρύματα και η Γαλλία με πέντε.
Σύμφωνα με τα στοιχεία της κατάταξης που γνωστοποίησε το Πανεπιστήμιο Κρήτης: «Οι ΗΠΑ διαθέτουν έξι πανεπιστήμια στα πρώτα δέκα, από επτά το 2014, ενώ συνολικά, στην κατάταξη των 800 ΑΕΙ περιλαμβάνονται πανεπιστήμια από 70 χώρες, με στοιχεία που αποδεικνύουν πως το "παιγνίδι" του ανταγωνισμού στην ανώτατη εκπαίδευση συνεχώς "ανοίγει" με την ανάδυση και άλλων χωρών, όπως για παράδειγμα το Μπαγκλαντές που έχει πλέον πανεπιστήμιο ανάμεσα στα 800 καλύτερα».
[http://www.nooz.gr/greece/times-kalitero-elliniko-panepistimio-to-panepistimio-kritis]
name::
* McsEngl.ognUvt'Human,
name::
* McsEngl.Adjunct-Professor,
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.επίκουρος-καθηγητής,
name::
* McsEngl.ognUvt'School,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy39.29,
* McsEngl.school-of-university@cptEconomy39.29, {2012-08-30}
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.σxολή-πανεπιστημίου@cptEconomy39.29, {2012-08-30}
_DESCRIPTION:
It is a node of universtity with rootNumber 1.
[hmnSngo.2012-08-30]
name::
* McsEngl.ognUvt'evaluation,
_DESCRIPTION:
"I have quit my university job & will now focus on teaching & publishing research on http://saifedean.com, directly to students & readers.
Universities are a waste of time, talent & money for professors & students.
They are only good for administrators, whose jobs are obsolete"
[{2019-10-26} https://twitter.com/saifedean/status/1188110925749985280]
name::
* McsEngl.ognUvt.specific,
* McsEngl.universtiy.specific,
* McsEngl.unv.specific,
* McsEngl.uvt.specific,
_SPECIFIC: unv.alphabetically:
* unv.aristoteleio#cptEconomy39.8#
* unv.athens#cptEconomy39.27#
* unv.democritus#cptEconomy39.11#
* unv.greece#cptEconomy39.9#
* unv.GWU#cptEconomy39.4#
* unv.ioannina#cptEconomy39.5#
===
* Αριστοτέλειο Παναπιστήμιο Θεσσαλονίκης#cptEconomy39.8#
* ΠΑΝΕΠΙΣΤΗΜΙΟ ΙΩΑΝΝΙΝΩΝ#cptEconomy39.5#
name::
* McsEngl.ognUvt.location.EUROPE,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2016/03/these-are-the-top-10-universities-in-europe??
_SPECIFIC:
1. University-of-Oxford, UK,
2. University-of-Cambridge, UK,
3. Imperial-College-London, UK,
4. ETH-Zurich - Swiss-Federal-Institute-of-Technology, Switzerland,
5. University-Colledge-London, UK,
6. London-School-of-Economics-and-Political-Science, UK
7. University-of-Edinburg, UK
8. King's-Colledge-London, UK
9. Karolinska-Institute, Sweden,
10. LMU-Munich, Germany,
[https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2016/03/these-are-the-top-10-universities-in-europe?]
name::
* McsEngl.ognUvt.location.GREECE,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy39.9,
* McsEngl.ognEdg.level.university.GREECE,
* McsEngl.greek-universtity@cptEconomy39.9,
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.ελληνικο-πανεπιστημιο@cptEconomy39.9,
_SPECIFIC:
* ΑΡΙΣΤΟΤΕΛΕΙΟ ΠΑΝ. ΘΕΣΣΑΛΟΝΙΚΗΣ#cptEconomy39.8#
* ΓΕΩΡΓΙΚΟ-ΠΑΝΕΠΙΣΤΗΜΙΟ-ΑΘΗΝΩΝ,
* ΔΗΜΟΚΡΙΤΕΙΟ-ΠΑΝΕΠΙΣΤΗΜΙΟ-ΘΡΑΚΗΣ#cptEconomy563#
* ΕΘΝΙΚΟ-ΜΕΤΣΟΒΕΙΟ-ΠΟΛΥΤΕΧΝΕΙΟ-(1887)#cptEconomy21#
* ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΙΚΟ-ΠΑΝΕΠΙΣΤΗΜΙΟ-ΑΘΗΝΩΝ (ΠΡΩΗΝ ΑΣΣΟΕ)#cptIt198.1#
* ΠΑΝΕΠΙΣΤΗΜΙΟ-ΑΘΗΝΩΝ-(1837)#cptEconomy511#
* ΠΑΝΕΠΙΣΤΗΜΙΟ-ΑΙΓΑΙΟΥ,
* ΠΑΝΕΠΙΣΤΗΜΙΟ-ΘΕΣΣΑΛΙΑΣ,
* ΠΑΝΕΠΙΣΤΗΜΙΟ-ΙΟΝΙΟ,
* ΠΑΝΕΠΙΣΤΗΜΙΟ ΙΩΑΝΝΙΝΩΝ (1970)#cptEconomy39.5#
* ΠΑΝΕΠΙΣΤΗΜΙΟ-ΜΑΚΕΔΟΝΙΑΣ#cptEconomy620#
* ΠΑΝΤΕΙΟ ΠΑΝΕΠΙΣΤΗΜΙΟ ΑΘΗΝΩΝ,
_ΑΘΗΝΑ:
* ΓΕΩΡΓΙΚΟ-ΠΑΝΕΠΙΣΤΗΜΙΟ-ΑΘΗΝΩΝ,
* ΕΘΝΙΚΟ-ΜΕΤΣΟΒΕΙΟ-ΠΟΛΥΤΕΧΝΕΙΟ-(1887)#cptEconomy21#
* ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΙΚΟ-ΠΑΝΕΠΙΣΤΗΜΙΟ-ΑΘΗΝΩΝ (ΠΡΩΗΝ ΑΣΣΟΕ)#cptIt198.1#
* ΠΑΝΕΠΙΣΤΗΜΙΟ-ΑΘΗΝΩΝ-(1837)#cptEconomy511#
* ΠΑΝΤΕΙΟ ΠΑΝΕΠΙΣΤΗΜΙΟ ΑΘΗΝΩΝ,
_ΘΕΣΣΑΛΟΝΙΚΗ:
* ΑΡΙΣΤΟΤΕΛΕΙΟ ΠΑΝ. ΘΕΣΣΑΛΟΝΙΚΗΣ#cptEconomy39.8#
_ΙΩΑΝΝΙΝΑ:
* ΠΑΝΕΠΙΣΤΗΜΙΟ ΙΩΑΝΝΙΝΩΝ (1970)#cptEconomy39.5#
name::
* McsEngl.ognEdg.university.greece.ECONOMY,
* McsEngl.orgUniversityEconomyGreece,
* McsEngl.orgUniversityGreeceEconomy,
_SPECIFIC:
* http://edu.klimaka.gr/anakoinoseis-panellhnies/mhxanografiko/715-mhchanografiko-deltio-scholes-pedio-5-oikonomias-dioikhshs.html,
===
Οικονομικό Πανεπιστήμιο της Αθήνας (www.aueb.gr)
Οικονομικής Επιστήμης www.econ.aueb.gr
Διεθνών & Ευρωπαϊκών Οικονομικών Σπουδών www.aueb.gr/deos/
Λογιστικής & Χρηματοοικονομικής www.aislab.aueb.gr/accfin
Οργάνωσης & Διοίκησης Επιχειρήσεων www.ode.aueb.gr/
Διοικητικής Επιστήμης & Τεχνολογίας dmst.aueb.gr/
Μάρκετινγκ & Επικοινωνίας www.mbc.aueb.gr/
Στατιστικής http://www.stat-athens.aueb.gr/
Πληροφορικής http://www.cs.aueb.gr
Πανεπιστήμιο Πειραιώς (www.unipi.gr
Οικονομικής Επιστήμης www.unipi.gr
Οργάνωσης & Διοίκησης Επιχειρήσεων www.unipi.gr
Χρηματοοικονομικής & Τραπεζικής Διοικητικής web.xrh.unipi.gr/
Στατιστικής & Ασφαλιστικής Επιστήμης www.unipi.gr
Βιομηχανικής Διοίκησης & Τεχνολογίας www.tex.unipi.gr
Ναυτιλιακών Σπουδών http://www.maritime-studies.gr/
Πληροφορικής http://www.cs.unipi.gr/
Διεθνών και Ευρωπαϊκών Σπουδών http://www.unipi.gr/des/
Πανεπιστήμιο Μακεδονίας (www.uom.gr)
Λογιστικής & Χρηματοοικονομικής www.uom.gr
Οικονομικών Επιστημών econlab.uom.gr/econdep
Οργάνωσης & Διοίκησης Επιχειρήσεων www.uom.gr
Διεθνών και Ευρωπαϊκών Σπουδών http://www.uom.gr/index.php?tmima=214&categorymenu=3
Εφαρμοσμένης Πληροφορικής www.doai.uom.gr
Εθνικό και Καποδιστριακό Πανεπιστήμιο Αθηνών (www.uoa.gr)
Οικονομικών Επιστημών www.econ.uoa.gr
Αριστοτέλειο Πανεπιστήμιο Θεσσαλονίκης (www.auth.gr)
Οικονομικών Επιστημών www.auth.gr/econ
Δημοκρίτειο Πανεπιστήμιο Θράκης (www.duth.gr)
Διεθνών Οικον. Σχέσεων & Ανάπτυξης (Κομοτηνή) www.ierd.duth.gr
Διοίκησης Επιχειρήσεων http://www.ba.duth.gr/
Πανεπιστήμιο Πατρών (www.upatras.gr)
Οικονομικών Επιστημών www.econ.upatras.gr
Διοίκησης Επιχειρήσεων http://www.bma.upatras.gr/
Πανεπιστήμιο Αιγαίου (www3.aegean.gr)
Διοίκησης Επιχειρήσεων (Χίος) www.ba.aegean.gr
Ναυτιλίας και Επιχειρησιακών Υπηρεσιών http://www.stt.aegean.gr/
Στατιστικής και Αναλογιστικών - Χρηματοοικονομικών Μαθηματικών http://www.actuar.aegean.gr/
Μηχανικών Οικονομίας και Διοίκησης http://www.fme.aegean.gr/
Πανεπιστήμιο Κρήτης (www.uoc.gr)
Οικονομικών Επιστημών (Ρέθυμνο) www.soc.uoc.gr/econ/
Πάντειο Πανεπιστήμιο (www.panteion.gr)
Δημόσιας Διοίκησης pubadmin.panteion.gr
Οικονομικής & Περιφερειακής Ανάπτυξης opa.panteion.gr/
Πανεπιστήμιο Ιωαννίνων (www.uoi.gr)
Οικονομικών Επιστημών www.econ.uoi.gr
Διοίκησης Επιχειρήσεων Αγροτικών Προϊόντων και Τροφίμων http://www.agricman.uoi.gr/
Πανεπιστήμιο Θεσσαλίας (www.uth.gr)
Οικονομικών Επιστημών (Βόλος) www.econ.uth.gr
Πανεπιστήμιο Πελοποννήσου (www.uop.gr)
Οικονομικών Επιστημών (Τρίπολη) econ.uop.gr/~econ/
Οργάνωσης και Διαχείρισης Αθλητισμού http://sparti.uop.gr/~toda/index.html
Πανεπιστήμιο Στερεάς Ελλάδας (www.ucg.gr )
Περιφερειακής Οικονομικής Ανάπτυξης www.poa.ucg.gr
Ανοιχτό Πανεπιστήμιο (www.eap.gr)
Διοίκησης Επιχειρήσεων και Οργανισμών
[http://www.oe-e.gr/OE/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=115&Itemid=114&lang=el]
name::
* McsEngl.ognUvt.location.USA,
* McsEngl.university.usa,
* McsEngl.ognEdg.level.university.USA,
Some US universities have shortened medical school programs from four years
to three.
The standard US model for medical school is typically four years, but some
universities have experimented with 3-year medical school programs,
including New York University and Texas Tech. In recent years, fewer
medical school students have chosen to study primary care, such as
pediatrics, and more have picked specialties that earn higher pay, such as
dermatology or cardiology. Three-year programs generally are offered as an
incentive for students to pick primary care, in order to prevent shortages
of primary care doctors. Rather than having to spend two years taking basic
courses and two years of doing clinical work in different specialties to
determine their preferred fields, students in accelerated programs finish
in three years because they spend only one year doing clinical work because
they already have chosen primary care.
http://www.wisegeek.com/are-there-3-year-medical-school-programs.htm?m, {2013-06-18}
name::
* McsEngl.ognEdg.level.university.ATHENS,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy39.27,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy511,
* McsEngl.University-of-Athens,
* McsEngl.uoa@cptEconomy39.27,
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.ΠΑΝΕΠΙΣΤΗΜΙΟ-ΑΘΗΝΩΝ@cptCore511,
_WHOLE:
ΤΡΙΤΟΒΑΘΜΙΑ ΕΚΠΑΙΔΕΥΣΗ#cptEconomy571#
_DESCRIPTION:
ΤΟ ΠΑΝΕΠΙΣΤΗΜΙΟ ΑΘΗΝΩΝ είναι μέρος της ΤΡΙΤΟΒΑΘΜΙΑΣ ΕΚΠΑΙΔΕΥΣΗΣ της 'ελλάδας'.
[hmnSngo.1995-05]
Ανοιχτά μαθήματα online από το Πανεπιστήμιο Αθηνών
Ετοιμη η διαδικτυακή πλατφόρμα για την ανάπτυξη των μαθημάτων
ΔΗΜΟΣΙΕΥΣΗ: 10/10/2014 17:54
Ανοιχτά μαθήματα online από το Πανεπιστήμιο Αθηνών
8
emailεκτύπωση
Ανοικτά ακαδημαϊκά μαθήματα (massive open online courses) θα αρχίσουν να προσφέρονται σταδιακά από αυτόν τον μήνα από Πανεπιστήμιο Αθηνών.
Ήδη μάλιστα, σε ειδική ημερίδα που οργανώθηκε χθες Πέμπτη στο Πανεπιστήμιο Αθηνών παρουσιάσθηκε, σχεδόν στην τελική της μορφή, η πλατφόρμα ανάπτυξης των ανοικτών ακαδημαϊκών μαθημάτων στα ελληνικά Πανεπιστήμια.
Μάλιστα, τα προγράμματα αυτά θα γίνουν, όπως ανακοινώθηκε ήδη από το Ίδρυμα από την αστική μη κερδοσκοπικού χαρακτήρα εταιρεία «Ακαδημαϊκό Διαδίκτυο» («Gunet»), στην οποία και συμμετέχουν όλα τα ακαδημαϊκά Ιδρύματα της χώρας.
Τα «ανοικτά μαθήματα» είναι ευρέως διαδεδομένα στο εξωτερικό, ενώ με τον όρο αυτό περιγράφεται η ελεύθερη πρόσβαση στο περιβάλλον του μαθήματος με εμπλουτισμένο πολυμεσικό περιεχόμενο (διαφάνειες, σημειώσεις, βίντεο, podcasts, διαδραστικό περιεχόμενο) και στο εκπαιδευτικό υλικό του.
Τα αντίστοιχα «ανοικτά ακαδημαϊκά μαθήματα» στο Πανεπιστήμιο Αθηνών στοχεύουν στην ανάπτυξη ανοικτών ψηφιακών μαθημάτων, διαθέσιμων δωρεάν τόσο στους φοιτητές και τις φοιτήτριες του Πανεπιστημίου Αθηνών, όσο και στο ευρύ κοινό.
Όπως αναφέρεται σε ανακοίνωση των πρυτανικών αρχών του Ιδρύματος «πρόκειται για μια μεγάλη ευκαιρία του Πανεπιστημίου Αθηνών τόσο για την προβολή του εκπαιδευτικού έργου του, όσο και για την επίτευξη ακόμα πιο ενεργού ρόλου στη διεθνή σκηνή της ανοικτής εκπαίδευσης. Με τη δράση αυτή τα ελληνικά Ανώτατα Εκπαιδευτικά Ιδρύματα ανταποκρίνονται σε μια από τις πλέον σύγχρονες και προκλητικές τάσεις της ανώτατης εκπαίδευσης, αυτήν της ανάπτυξης ανοικτών ακαδημαϊκών μαθημάτων (massive open online courses - "moocs")».
Στο Πανεπιστήμιο Αθηνών θα αναπτυχθούν από αυτό τον μήνα έως τον επόμενο Σεπτέμβριο περίπου 500 ανοικτά ακαδημαϊκά μαθήματα.
Πάντως, την τελευταία δεκαετία, το Πανεπιστήμιο Αθηνών έχει πρωτοστατήσει στην ανάπτυξη και διάθεση ψηφιακών μαθημάτων, καθώς λειτουργεί εδώ και 11 χρόνια πλατφόρμα Ασύγχρονης Τηλεκπαίδευσης (http://eclass.uoa.gr/), η οποία υποστηρίζει συνολικά 4.672 μαθήματα και 130.653 χρήστες!
[http://www.tovima.gr/society/article/?aid=639987]
name::
* McsEngl.uoa'evoluting,
{time.1924}:
Ο Μιχαήλ Στεφανίδης (1868-1957) ορίστηκε έκτακτος καθηγητής στην αυτοτελή έδρα της ΙΣΤΟΡΙΑΣ ΤΩΝ ΦΥΣΙΚΩΝ ΕΠΙΣΤΗΜΩΝ στη φυσικομαθηματική σχολή και δίδαξε μέχρι το 1939. Σύμφωνα με τον Τζορτζ Σάρτον, πατέρα της ιστορίας των επιστημών, η ειδική αυτή έδρα ήταν η πρώτη που ιδρύθηκε παγκοσμίως.
[ΚΑΘΗΜΕΡΙΝΗ, 28 ΜΑΙΟΥ 1995, 41]
{time.1904}:
Η ΦΥΣΙΚΟΜΑΘΗΜΑΤΙΚΗ ΣΧΟΛΗ, αυτονομείται από τη φιλοσοφικη.
[ΚΑΘΗΜΕΡΙΝΗ, 28 ΜΑΙΟΥ 1995, 41]
{time.1837, 3 MAIOY:
Γίνονται τα εγκαίνια.
[ΚΑΘΗΜΕΡΙΝΗ, 28 ΜΑΙΟΥ 1995, 41]
name::
* McsEngl.uoa'resourceInfHmn,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://en.uoa.gr//
* Βαρουφάκης, http://www.protagon.gr/?i=protagon.el.article&id=17830, {2012-08-30}
name::
* McsEngl.uoa'school,
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.σxολή-πανεπιστημίου-αθηνών,
_SPECIFIC:
Schools and Faculties
Aiming at the constant improvement of both fields of teaching and research in a broad spectrum of science, the Departments of the University of Athens are grouped in 6 large acedemic units, the Schools, though some Departments for historical or practical reasons are not part of any School.
School of Theology
Deanship
Faculty of Theology
Faculty of Social Theology
School of Law, Economics & Political Sciences
Faculty of Law
Faculty of Economics
Faculty of Political Science & Public Administration
School of Health Sciences
Faculty of Medicine
Faculty of Dentistry
Faculty of Pharmacy
Faculty of Nursing
School of Philosophy
Faculty of Philology
Faculty of Philosophy, Pedagogy and Psychology
Faculty of History and Archaeology
Faculty of English Language and Literature
Faculty of Italian and Spanish Language and Literature
Faculty of French Language & Literature
Faculty of German Language and Literature
Faculty of Music Studies
Faculty of Theatre Studies
Faculty of Turkish and Modern Asian Studies
Faculty of Slavic Studies
School of Science
Deanship
Faculty of Physics
Faculty of Chemistry
Faculty of Mathematics
Faculty of Biology
Faculty of Geology and Geoenviromment
Faculty of Informatics and Telecommunications
Independent Faculties
Faculty of Physical Education and Sport Science
Faculty of Primary Education
Faculty of Early Childhood Education
Faculty of Communication and Mass Media Studies
Faculty of the Philosophy and History of Science
Interdepartmental / Interuniversity Programs
Museum Studies Postgraduate Course
Postgraduate Program in Medical and Radiation Physics
Undergraduate Program on Gender and Equality Issues
[http://en.uoa.gr/schools-and-faculties.html]
name::
* McsEngl.ognEdg.level.university.ATHENS-UNIVERSITY-of-ECONOMICS-and-BUSINESSS,
* McsEngl.athens-university-of-economics-and-business@cptEconomy,
* McsEngl.aueb@cptEconomy,
* McsEngl.ognEdg.athens-university-of-economics-and-business,
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.Οικονομικό-Πανεπιστήμιο-Αθηνών@cptEconomy,
* McsElln.ΟΠΑ@cptEconomy,
_SPECIFIC:
ΣΧΟΛΕΣ
* Σχολή Οικονομικών Επιστημών (School of Economic Sciences) στην οποία εντάσσονται τα Τμήματα:
Τμήμα Οικονομικής Επιστήμης
Τμήμα Διεθνών και Ευρωπαϊκών Οικονομικών Σπουδών
* Σχολή Διοίκησης Επιχειρήσεων (School of Business) στην οποία εντάσσονται τα Τμήματα:
Τμήμα Οργάνωσης και Διοίκησης Επιχειρήσεων
Τμήμα Μάρκετινγκ και Επικοινωνίας
Τμήμα Λογιστικής και Χρηματοοικονομικής
Τμήμα Διοικητικής Επιστήμης και Τεχνολογίας
* Σχολή Επιστημών και Τεχνολογίας της Πληροφορίας (School of Information Sciences and Technology) στην οποία εντάσσονται τα Τμήματα:
Τμήμα Πληροφορικής
Τμήμα Στατιστικής
[http://www.aueb.gr/pages/spoudes/index.php]
name::
* McsEngl.ognEdg.level.university.ARISTOTELEIO-of-Thessaloniki,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy39.8,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy228,
* McsEngl.auth@cptEconomy,
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.ΑΡΙΣΤΟΤΕΛΕΙΟ-ΠΑΝΕΠΙΣΤΗΜΙΟ-ΘΕΣΣΑΛΟΝΙΚΗΣ,
_WHOLE:
ΤΡΙΤΟΒΑΘΜΙΑ ΕΚΠΑΙΔΕΥΣΗ#cptEconomy571#
_DEFINITION:
ΑΡΙΣΤΟΤΕΛΕΙΟ ΠΑΝΕΠΙΣΤΗΜΙΟ ΘΕΣΣΑΛΟΝΙΚΗΣ είναι 'οργανισμος' της 'τριτοβαθμιας εκπαίδευσης'.
[hmnSngo.1995-04]
name::
* McsEngl.ognEdg.level.university.CRETE,
* McsEngl.university.crete@cptEconomy,
* McsEngl.university-of-crete@cptEconomy,
* McsEngl.uoc@cptEconomy,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://www.uoc.gr//
name::
* McsEngl.uoc'evaluation,
_DESCRIPTION:
Το Πανεπιστήμιο της Κρήτης είναι το μοναδικό ελληνικό πανεπιστήμιο που κατάφερε να συμπεριλαμβάνεται στα 400 καλύτερα του κόσμου, σύμφωνα με τη νέα παγκόσμια κατάταξη των βρετανικών «Τάιμς» (Times Higher Education World University Rankings 2014 - 2015).
[http://www.nooz.gr/ 2014-10-02]
name::
* McsEngl.ognEdg.level.university.DEMOCRITUS University of Thrace,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy39.11,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy563,
* McsEngl.Democritus-University-of-Thrace,
* McsElln.ΔΗΜΟΚΡΙΤΕΙΟ-ΠΑΝΕΠΙΣΤΗΜΙΟ-ΘΡΑΚΗΣ,
_WHOLE:
ΤΡΙΤΟΒΑΘΜΙΑ ΕΚΠΑΙΔΕΥΣΗ#cptEconomy571#
ΔΗΜΟΚΡΙΤΕΙΟ ΠΑΝΕΠΙΣΤΗΜΙΟ ΘΡΑΚΗΣ είναι 'παραγωγης οργανισμος' της 'τριτοβαθμιας εκπαίδευσης'.
[hmnSngo.1995-04]
1994: εξελέγη ο Ι. ΠΑΝΟΥΣΗΣ, από τους συντάκτες του νόμου πλαισίου του Πασοκ για τα ΑΕΙ (Ν-1268-1982).
name::
* McsEngl.ognEdg.level.university.GEORGE-WASHINGTON,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy39.4,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy661,
* McsEngl.GWU@cptEconomy661,
* McsEngl.george-washington-university,
_GENERIC:
university#cptEconomy660#
_DESCRIPTION:
The GWU is the UNIVERSITY where I got the Ms 'information management, at Washington DC.
[NIKOS, APR. 1996]
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://www.gwu.edu//
ADDRESS:
GWU - The George Washington Universtity
DEPARTMENT OF ENGINEERING MANAGEMENT
632 GELMAN LIBRARY
2130 H ST, NW
WASHINGTON DC, 20052
REGISTRAR OFFICE:
2121 I ST NW, SUITE 101
WASHINGTON DC 20052
FHONES:
Tel. 202-994.7541 Fax 202-994.4606
GWU - ISO 994.6860
GWU - Information Center 994.4949
GWU - Registrar 994.4900, 202-994.4918
Social Security number:000-03-7148
Student number: 636944
devision: 23 SEAS
Degree: 61 MS
Major: 377 Information Management
department: 111 EMGT
IHPP The Intergovernmental Health Policy Project at GW
Institute for Computer and Telecommunications Systems Policy
Center for International Science and Technology Policy
Institute for Equity and Excellence in Education
EAC East The Evaluation Assistance Center East
The Office of Sponsored Research
National Environmental Information Resources Center (NEIRC)
The Notational Engineering Laboratory
Institute for Artificial Intelligence
The National Clearinghouse for Bilingual Education
The National Crash Analysis Center
The National Indian Policy Center
The Institute of Brazilian Business and Public Management Issues
Schools
School of Engineering and Applied Science
Elliott School of International Affairs
Law School
School of Business and Public Management
Graduate School of Political Management
Academic Departments
Department of Health Services Management & Policy
German and Slavic Languages and Literatures Department
The Department of Mathematics
The Department of Economics
Art, Department of (Art History and Fine Art)
The Department of Chemistry
Department of Statistics
Naval Science Department
English as a Foreign Language
Academic Programs
University Honors Program
International Institute of Tourism Studies
The Educational Technology Leadership Program
Off-Campus Programs
The Program in Human Sciences
Summer and Experimental Programs
CEEP, the Continuing Engineering Education Program
Political Communication
Master of Science in Finance
Government Contracts Program
Contemporary Executive Development
The Communication Program
Interactive Multimedia Program
Graduate Telecommunication Program
name::
* McsEngl.ognEdg.level.university.IOANNINA (uoi) {1970|1964},
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy222,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy39.5,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy222,
* McsEngl.university-of-Joannina,
* McsEngl.university.ioannina@cptEconomy222,
* McsEngl.uoi@cptEconomy,
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.ΠΑΝΕΠΙΣΤΗΜΙΟ-ΙΩΑΝΝΙΝΩΝ,
* McsElln.ΠΑΝΕΠΙΣΤΗΜΙΟ.ΙΩΑΝΝΙΝΩΝ@cptEconomy222,
_GENERIC:
* university#cptEconomy660#
_WHOLE:
* ΤΡΙΤΟΒΑΘΜΙΑ ΕΚΠΑΙΔΕΥΣΗ#cptEconomy571#
_DESCRIPTION:
ΠΑΝΕΠΙΣΤΗΜΙΟ ΙΩΑΝΝΙΝΩΝ είναι ΠΑΝΕΠΙΣΤΗΜΙΟ στα ΓΙΑΝΝΕΝΑ#cptEarth1738#.
[hmnSngo.1996-04]
===
ΠΑΝΕΠΙΣΤΗΜΙΟ ΙΩΑΝΝΙΝΩΝ είναι 'οργανισμος' της 'τριτοβαθμιας εκπαίδευσης'.
Σπούδασα μαθηματικός, στη φυσικομαθηματική σχολή, 1976-1981.
[hmnSngo.1995-04]
===
name::
* McsEngl.uoi'structure,
The basic autonomous units of the University are the Departments, which reflect the traditional division into the various sciences. They are loosely connected into Schools, representing broader areas of knowledge. The Schools and Departments operating at present are:
School of Education , with Departments in Preschool Education Primary Education The School of Humanities, with Departments in History and Archaeology Philology offers courses of studies in Classical, Mediaeval and Modern Greek Literature and Linguistics Philosophy, Education and Psychology Medical School School of Natural Sciences , with Departments in Chemistry Computer Science Mathematics Physics Independent Departments , with Departments in Economics
[University of Ioannina, P.O.Box 1186, 45110 IOANNINA, GREECE Copyright © by University of Ioannina Maintained by: noc Last Update: May 8, 1998 ]
The University of Ioannina has three Schools and ten Departments:
* SCHOOL OF LIBERAL ARTS AND SOCIAL SCIENCES
Department of Literature (Philology)
Department of History and Archaeology
Department of Philosophy, Education and Psychology
* SCHOOL OF NATURAL SCIENCES AND MATHEMATICS
Department of Mathematics
Department of Physics
Department of Chemistry
Department-of-Informatics-(Computer-Science)#ql:uoi'department.informatics#
* MEDICAL SCHOOL
* INDEPENDENT DEPARTMENTS
Department of Elementary Education
Department of Kindergarten Education
[http://feidias.cc.uoi.gr:9030/english/UOI/]
name::
* McsEngl.uoi'department.INFORMATICS {2013|1993|1990},
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy222.1,
* McsEngl.uoiCs@cptEconomy222.1,
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.Τμήμα-Μηχανικών-Η/Υ-και-Πληροφορικής, {2013}
* McsElln.Τμήμα-Πληροφορικής,
ΠΡΟΓΡΑΜΜΑ ΜΕΤΑΠΤΥΧΙΑΚΩΝ ΣΠΟΥΔΩΝ:
ΔΙΕΥΘΥΝΤΗΣ:
καθ. Γ. Ακρίβης
0651-97300
email: akrivis@cs.uoi.gr
the graduate committee: G. Akrivis, S. Nikolopoulos and E. Pitoura.
Διδακτικό Ερευνητικό Προσωπικό (ΔΕΠ) του Τμήματος
* Ακρίβης Γεώργιος, Καθηγητής, Αριθμητική Επίλυση Διαφορικών Εξισώσεων με Μερικές Παραγώγους.
* Λαγαρής Ισαάκ, Καθηγητής, Βελτιστοποίηση, Κβαντική-Κλασική Προσομοίωση, Δημιουργία Προτύπων, Νευρωνικά Δίκτυα.
* Λύκας Αριστείδης, Καθηγητής, Θεωρία και Εφαρμογές Υπολογιστικής Νοημοσύνης (νευρωνικά δίκτυα, ασαφής λογική, γενετικοί αλγόριθμοι), Διακριτή Βελτιστοποίηση, Παράλληλοι Αλγόριθμοι, Αναγνώριση Προτύπων.
* Νικολόπουλος Δ. Σταύρος, Καθηγητής, Σχεδίαση και Ανάλυση Αλγορίθμων, Παράλληλοι Αλγόριθμοι, Αλγοριθμική Θεωρία Γραφημάτων, Δομές Δεδομένων, Προσομοίωση Διακριτών Γεγονότων.
Πιτουρά Ευαγγελία, Καθηγήτρια, Βάσεις Δεδομένων, Κατανεμημένα Συστήματα και Ετερογενής Υπολογισμός.
* Δημακόπουλος Βασίλειος, Αναπλ. Καθηγητής, Παράλληλα και Κατανεμημένα Συστήματα, Παράλληλος Προγραμματισμός, Δίκτυα Διασύνδεσης, Συλλογικές Επικοινωνίες, Δίκτυα Ομοτίμων.
* Κόντης Λυσίμαχος Παύλος, Αναπλ. Καθηγητής, Πολυμεσικές Τηλεπικοινωνίες, Επεξεργασία, Συμπίεση και Μετάδοση Εικόνας και Βίντεο, Ασύρματες Τηλεπικοινωνίες.
Παληός Λεωνίδας, Αναπλ. Καθηγητής, Σχεδίαση και Ανάλυση Αλγορίθμων, Υπολογιστική Γεωμετρία, Θεωρία Γραφημάτων, Δομές Δεδομένων.
* Φούντος Ιωάννης, Αναπλ. Καθηγητής, Αλγόριθμοι για Συστήματα CAD/CAM, Αναπαράσταση και Διαχείριση Γεωμετρικών Αντικειμένων, Συστήματα Λογισμικού Αυτόματης Επεξεργασίας και Διαχείρισης Γεωμετρικής Πληροφορίας, Γραφικά Υπολογιστών, Τεχνικές Ανάκτησης Εικόνων.
* Αναστασιάδης Στέργιος, Επίκ Καθηγητής, Λειτουργικά Συστήματα, Κατανεμημένα Συστήματα, Αξιολόγηση Απόδοσης Συστημάτων.
* Βασιλειάδης Παναγιώτης, Επίκ. Καθηγητής, Βάσεις Δεδομένων και Γνώσεων.
* Γεωργιάδης Λουκάς, Επίκ. Καθηγητής, Σχεδίαση και ανάλυση αλγορίθμων και δομών δεδομένων, Υλοποίηση και πειραματική μελέτη αλγορίθμων και δομών δεδομένων, Αλγόριθμοι γραφημάτων, Υπολογιστική γεωμετρία, Συνδυαστική βελτιστοποίηση.
* Ευθυμίου Αριστείδης, Επίκ. Καθηγητής, Αρχιτεκτονική υπολογιστών, Σχεδίαση Ψηφιακών Κυκλωμάτων.
* Ζάρρας Απόστολος, Επίκ. Καθηγητής, Τεχνολογία Λογισμικού.
* Καβουσιανός Χρυσοβαλάντης, Επίκ. Καθηγητής, Σχεδίαση Ψηφιακών Συστημάτων, Τεχνικές Ελέγχου Ορθής Λειτουργίας Ολοκληρωμένων Κυκλωμάτων.
* Κοντογιάννης Σπυρίδων, Επίκ. Καθηγητής, Σχεδίαση και Ανάλυση Αλγορίθμων, Αλγόριθμοι προσέγγισης και άμεσης απόκρισης, Αλγοριθμικά Θέματα Δικτύων, Αλγοριθμική Θεωρία Παιγνίων, Θεωρία Γραφημάτων, Συνδυαστική βελτιστοποίηση.
* Μανής Γεώργιος, Επίκ. Καθηγητής, Υπολογιστικά Συστήματα - Ιατρική Πληροφορική.
* Μπλέκας Κωνσταντίνος, Επίκ. Καθηγητής, Τεχνητή Νοημοσύνη.
* Νίκου Χριστόφορος, Επίκ. Καθηγητής, Ψηφιακή Επεξεργασία Εικόνας, Υπολογιστική Όραση.
* Νομικός Χρήστος, Επίκ. Καθηγητής, Σχεδιασμός και Ανάλυση Αλγορίθμων, Τυπικές Γλώσσες, Θεωρία Γραφημάτων, Υπολογιστική Πολυπλοκότητα, Εφαρμογές Λογικής στην Επιστήμη Υπολογιστών.
* Παπαπέτρου Ευάγγελος, Επίκ. Καθηγητής, Δίκτυα Υπολογιστών, Δίκτυα Τηλεπικοινωνιών.
* Παρσόπουλος Κωνσταντίνος, Επίκ. Καθηγητής, Βελτιστοποίηση και Μοντελοποίηση.
* Τσαπάρας Παναγιώτης, Επίκ. Καθηγητής, Διαχείριση και Εξόρυξη Δεδομένων. Ανάλυση κοινωνικών δικτύων. Ανάκτηση πληροφορίας από τον Παγκόσμιο Ιστό.
* Τσιατούχας Γεώργιος, Επίκ. Καθηγητής, Σχεδίαση και Έλεγχος Ορθής Λειτουργίας VLSI Κυκλωμάτων, Μικροαρχιτεκτονικές.
Το διδακτικό έργο του Τμήματος συμπληρώνεται με προσωπικό που προσλαμβάνεται με σύμβαση ιδιωτικού δικαίου σύμφωνα με το Π.Δ. 407/80.
[http://www.uoi.gr/gr/schools/sciences/cs.php] {2015-08-25}
ΔΙΔΑΚΤΙΚΟ ΠΡΟΣΩΠΙΚΟ:
Όνομα e-mail Τηλέφωνο Ειδικότητα
** Γεώργιος Ακρίβης Καθηγητής akrivis@cs.uoi.gr (0651) 97300 Αριθμητικές μέθοδοι για διαφορικές εξισώσεις με μερικές παραγώγους
** Ισαάκ Λαγαρής Αναπηρωτής Καθηγητής lagaris@cs.uoi.gr (0651) 97304 Βελτιστοποίηση
** Σταύρος Νικολόπουλος Επίκουρος Καθηγητής stavros@cs.uoi.gr (0651) 97301 Παράλληλοι αλγόριθμοι - Θεωρία γραφημάτων
** Λεωνίδας Παληός Επίκουρος Καθηγητής palios@cs.uoi.gr (0651) 97307 -
** Αριστείδης Λύκας Λέκτορας arly@cs.uoi.gr (0651) 97310 Νευρωνικά δίκτυα
** Στράτος Πάσχος Λέκτορας paschos@cs.uoi.gr (0651) 97302 Δίκτυα υπολογιστών
** Ευαγγελία Πιτουρά Λέκτορας pitoura@cs.uoi.gr (0651) 97311 Συστήματα βάσεων δεδομένων
** Παναγιώτης Ροντογιάννης Λέκτορας prondo@cs.uoi.gr (0651) 97312 -
** Δημήτριος Φωτιάδης Λέκτορας fotiadis@cs.uoi.gr (0651) 97303 Υπολογιστική ιατρική - Βιομηχανική
Διδακτικό Προσωπικό βάσει του Π.Δ. 407/1980
Όνομα Email Τηλέφωνο Ειδικότητα
** Βασίλειος Δημακόπουλος dimako@cs.uoi.gr (0651) 97309 -
** Βασίλειος Ζορκάδης zorkadis@cs.uoi.gr (0651) 97306 Τηλεματική - Ασφάλεια
** Ιωάννης Φούντος fudos@cs.uoi.gr (0651) 97305 Γραφικά - CAD
[http://zeus.cs.uoi.gr/ 1999]
_ΔΙΕΥΘΥΝΣΗ:
Γραμματεία
Λαμπρινή Κοτσώνη
Τμήμα Πληροφορικής
Πανεπιστήμιο Ιωαννίνων
451 10 Ιωάννινα
τηλ. 0651 97197 97196
departmental secretary at +30-651-97317
email: www.cs.uoi.gr
url: http://zeus.cs.uoi.gr/
name::
* McsEngl.uoiCs'website,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://www.uoi.gr/gr/schools/sciences/cs.php,
name::
* McsEngl.uoiCs'structure,
Δομή του Τμήματος - Τομείς
Η δομή του Τμήματος Μηχανικών Η/Υ και Πληροφορικής δεν στηρίζεται σε τομείς.
[http://www.uoi.gr/gr/schools/sciences/cs.php]
name::
* McsEngl.uoiCs'resource,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://www.uoi.gr/gr/schools/sciences/cs.php,
name::
* McsEngl.uoiCs.time.EVOLUTING,
{time.1990}:
It was founded in 1990 and has been enrolling students since the academic year 1993-1994.
[http://zeus.cs.uoi.gr/]
name::
* McsEngl.uoi'Management,
ΜΑΘΗΜΑΤΙΚΟ:
ΣΩΤΗΡΗΣ ΛΟΥΚΑΣ
ΣΟΦΟΚΛΗΣ ΓΑΛΑΝΗΣ
ΚΟΜΠΙΟΥΤΕΡ:
ΓΛΗΝΟΣ, ΜΑΘΗΜΑΤΙΚΟ ΕΠΙΚ.
ΜΙΚΡΟΠΟΥΛΟΣ, ΠΑΙΔΑΓΩΓΙΚΟ, ΜΜ
ΤΣΟΜΩΚΟΣ, ΛΕΚΤΟΡΑΣ
ΑΝΔΡΕΟΥ ΘΟΔΩΡΟΣ
ΝΤΑΝΤΟΥΡΗΣ ΚΩΣΤΑΣ, ΓΛΩΣΣΑ ΤΕΛΟΣ
name::
* McsEngl.uoi.time.EVOLUTING,
The University of Ioannina was founded in 1964, originally as an annex to the Aristotelian University of Thessaloniki.
The School of Liberal Arts and Social Sciences was founded in 1964, the Department of Mathematics in 1966, and the Department of Physics in 1970.
The University of Ioannina became autonomous in 1970.
Subsequently were established the Medical School (1977), the Department of Chemistry (1977), the Department of Elementary Education (1984), the Department of Kindergarten Education (1987) and the Department of Informatics (Computer Science) (1990).
[http://feidias.cc.uoi.gr:9030/english/UOI/]
1964: ΦΙΛΟΣΟΦΙΚΗ ΣΧΟΛΗ
Λειτουργεί για πρώτη φορά σαν τμήμα της φιλ. σχολής του Παν. Θεσσαλονίκης.
1966: ΜΑΘΗΜΑΤΙΚΟ ΤΜΗΜΑ
Λειτουργεί για πρώτη φορά σαν τμήμα της φυσ/κης σχολής του Παν. Θεσσαλονίκης.
1970: ΙΔΡΥΣΗ
με το ΝΔ-746-1970 σαν αυτοδιοικούμενο νομικό πρόσωπο δημοσίου δικαίου.
1977: ΧΗΜΙΚΟ ΤΜΗΜΑ. ΙΑΤΡΙΚΗ ΣΧΟΛΗ.
Λειτουργούν για πρωτη φορά.
name::
* McsEngl.ognEdg.level.university.MACEDONIA,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy620,
* McsEngl.uom'(university-of-Macedonia),
====== lagoGreek:,
* McsElln.ΠΑΝΕΠΙΣΤΗΜΙΟ-ΜΑΚΕΔΟΝΙΑΣ@cptEconomy620,
ΠΑΝΕΠΙΣΤΗΜΙΟ ΜΑΚΕΔΟΝΙΑΣ είναι 'οργανισμος' της 'τριτοβαθμιας εκπαίδευσης'.
[hmnSngo.1995-04]
_GENERIC:
* entity.body.sysHmnsOrg.econ.reproducing#cptEconomy7#
name::
* McsEngl.ognEdg.level.university.NTUA,
* McsEngl.conceptCore39.10,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy21,
* McsEngl.NTUA@cptEconomy39.10, {2012-03-26}
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.ΕΘΝΙΚΟ-ΜΕΤΣΟΒΙΟ-ΠΟΛΥΤΕΧΝΕΙΟ@cptEconomy39.10,
* McsElln.ΕΜΠ@cptEconomy39.10,
* McsElln.ΕΘΝΙΚΟ-ΜΕΤΣΟΒΙΟ-ΠΟΛΥΤΕΧΝΕΙΟ,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://www.ntua.gr/index_en.html,
1887
Ιδρύεται ως "Σχολείο Βιομηχάνων Τεχνών".
[ΚΑΘΗΜΕΡΙΝΗ, 28 ΜΑΙΟΥ 1995, 41]
name::
* McsEngl.ognEdg.level.university.PATRAS,
* McsEngl.conceptCore39.28,
* McsEngl.university-of-patras@cptEconomy39.28, {2012-08-30}
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.ΠΑΝΕΠΙΣΤΗΜΙΟ-ΠΑΤΡΩΝ,
* McsElln.πανεπιστήμιο-πατρών@cptEconomy39.28, {2012-08-30}
name::
* McsEngl.ognEdg.owner.PUBLIC.NO,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy38.36.14,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy621,
* McsEngl.private-education-sector@cptEconomy38.36.14, {2012-12-25}
* McsEngl.private-knowledge-sector@cptEconomy621, {2012-05-10}
* McsElln.ΙΔΙΩΤΙΚΗ-ΕΚΠΑΙΔΕΥΣΗ,
_WHOLE:
knowledge sector#cptEconomy38.27.2#
_DESCRIPTION:
ΙΔΙΩΤΙΚΗ ΕΚΠΑΙΔΕΥΣΗ ονομάζω το μέρος του ΤΟΜΕΑ ΓΝΩΣΗΣ που αποτελείται απο 'ιδιωτικους οργανισμους'...
[hmnSngo.1995-04]
name::
* McsEngl.ognEdg.society.GREECE,
* McsEngl.orgEdu.greece,
* McsEngl.education.greece@cptEconomy,
* McsEngl.sectorEduGrc@cptEconomy, {2013-09-24}
_GENERIC:
* info-organization#cptEconomy39#
name::
* McsEngl.SCH.GR,
* McsEngl.sch.gr@cptEconomy,
* McsEngl.schgr@cptEconomy,
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.ΠΑΝΕΛΛΗΝΙΟ-ΣΧΟΛΙΚΟ-ΔΙΚΤΥΟ,
* McsElln.ΠΣΔ@cptEconomy,
name::
* McsEngl.schgr'resource,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://grafis.sch.gr/public.php?service=files&t=0e240a26a1cf2f4984242fe85bd9be45,
_SPECIFIC:
* ΓΕΛ#cptItsoft532#
* ΓΥΜΝΑΣΙΟ#cptItsoft538#
* ΔΗΜΟΤΙΚΟ-ΣΧΟΛΕΙΟ##
* ΕΠΑΛ##
* ΕΠΑΣ#cptEconomy38.36.11#
* ΙΕΚ#cptEconomy39.19#
* ΝΗΠΙΑΓΩΓΕΙΟ##
* ΠΑΝΕΠΙΣΤΗΜΙΟ#cptEconomy39.9#
* ΤΕΙ
===
* ΑΝΩΤΕΡΗ
ΤΕΙ
* ΑΝΩΤΑΤΗ:
Πανεπιστημιο#cptEconomy39.9#
===
name::
* McsEngl.ognEdgGrc.ΕΛΛΗΝΙΚΗ-ΕΤΑΙΡΙΑ-ΔΙΟΙΚΗΣΕΩΣ-ΕΠΙΧΕΙΡΗΣΕΩΝ,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy636,
* McsElln.ΕΕΔΕ@cptEconomy636,
* McsElln.ΕΛΛΗΝΙΚΗ-ΕΤΑΙΡΙΑ-ΔΙΟΙΚΗΣΕΩΣ-ΕΠΙΧΕΙΡΗΣΕΩΝ,
ΕΕΔΕ είναι ελληνικος#cptCore18.1# ΙΔΙΩΤΙΚΟΣ ΟΡΓΑΝΙΣΜΟΣ του τομέα εκπαίδευσης ...
[hmnSngo.1995-05]
Η ΕΕΔΕ ιδρύθηκε το 1962 και είναι μη κερδοσκοπικό σωματείο, που σκοπό έχει τη διάδοση, ανάπτυξη και προβολή των αρχών, των μεθόδων και της πρακτικής του σύγχρονου management.
_WHOLE:
* greece#cptCore18#
knowledge sector#cptEconomy38.27.2#
ΙΝΣΤΙΤΟΥΤΑ ΤΗΣ ΕΕΔΕ:
ΕΙΜ {Ελληνικο ινστιτουτο marketing},
ΕΙΠ {Ελληνικο ινστιτουτο πληροφορικης},
ΙΔΙΠ {Ινστιτουτο διοικησεως παραγωγης},
ΙΕΚΑ {Ινστιτουτο εκπαιδευσης και αναπτυξης ανθρωπινου δυναμικου},
ΙΟΔ {Ινστιτουτο οικονομικης διοικησεως},
name::
* McsEngl.ognEdgGrc.abroad,
_WEBPAGE.EDU:
* http://www.tovima.gr/education/article/?aid=530104,
name::
* McsEngl.ognEdgGrc.PUBLIC.NO,
_ORGANIZATION:
ΕΕΔΕ#cptEconomy636#
ΕΙΜ {ΕΛΛΗΝΙΚΟ ΙΝΣΤΙΤΟΥΤΟ MARKETING}#it.nfo-355#
ΙΕΚΑ {ΙΝΣΤΙΤΟΥΤΟ ΕΚΠΑΙΔΕΥΣΗΣ ΚΑΙ ΑΝΑΠΤΥΞΗΣ ΑΝΘΡΩΠΙΝΟΥ ΔΥΝΑΜΙΚΟΥ}
ΙΔΙΠ {ΙΝΣΤΙΤΟΥΤΟ ΔΙΟΙΚΗΣΕΩΣ ΠΑΡΑΓΩΓΗΣ}
ΙΟΔ {ΙΝΣΤΙΤΟΥΤΟ ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΙΚΗΣ ΔΙΟΙΚΗΣΕΩΣ}
ΚΕ&ΕΜ
name::
* McsEngl.ognEdg.student-presence.DISTANCE-EDUCATION,
* McsEngl.distance-education@cptEconomy,
* McsEngl.distance-learning@cptEconomy,
_DESCRIPTION:
Distance education as a generic term used to define the field [1] or distance learning is a mode of delivering education and instruction, often on an individual basis, to students who are not physically present in a traditional setting such as a classroom. Distance learning provides "access to learning when the source of information and the learners are separated by time and distance, or both."[2] Distance education courses that require a physical on-site presence for any reason (excluding taking examinations) may be referred to as hybrid[3] or blended[4] courses of study. Massive open online courses (MOOCs), aimed at large-scale interactive participation and open access via the web or other network technologies, are recent developments in distance education. A number of other terms (distributed learning, e-learning, online learning, etc.) are used roughly synonymously with distance education. However distance is the oldest and mostly commonly used term globally. It is also the broadest term and has the largest collection of related research articles.
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Distance_education]
name::
* McsEngl.ognEdg.student-presence.ONLINE,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy672.1,
* McsEngl.online-learning-organization,
* McsEngl.ognEdg.internet, {2015-11-05}
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy38.36.4,
* McsEngl.e-Education@cptEconomy326.4, {2012-05-18}
* McsEngl.eEducation@cptEconomy326.4, {2012-05-18}
* McsEngl.eLearning@cptEconomy326.4, {2012-05-18}
* McsEngl.online-education@cptEconomy326.4, {2012-05-18}
* McsEngl.online-learning@cptEconomy326.4, {2012-05-18}
* McsEngl.online-study@cptEconomy, {2015-06-07}
* McsEngl.ognEdg.network, {2015-08-19}
* McsEngl.web-education@cptEconomy326.4, {2012-05-18}
* McsEngl.web-learning@cptEconomy326.4, {2012-05-18}
* McsEngl.e-learning@cptCore506i,
* McsEngl.electronic-learning@cptCore506i,
* McsEngl.ognEdgOnln,
* McsEngl.sectorEduOnln@cptEconomy, {2013-03-27}
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.διαδικτυακό-σχολείο@cptEconomy,
_DESCRIPTION:
Let’s start first by looking at what exactly it is. Online education takes two major forms.
The first: for-credit courses where students enrolled in tertiary education take online classes offered by home or other higher education learning institutions for credit. Some well-known cases include the MIT OpenCourseWare and the Harvard Online learning.
The second form of online education consists of professional training and certification preparation. Such online learning is usually targeted at professionals or students seeking training or preparing for certification exams. Popular courses include training in foreign languages, accounting and nursing.
[https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2016/09/is-online-learning-the-future-of-education?]
===
Electronic learning or e-learning is a general term used to refer to computer-enhanced learning. It is used interchangeably in so many contexts that it is critical to be clear what one means when one speaks of 'eLearning'. In many respects, it is commonly associated with the field of advanced learning technology (ALT), which deals with both the technologies and associated methodologies in learning using networked and/or multimedia technologies.
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Learning_2.0]
===
E-learning comprises all forms of electronically supported learning and teaching. The information and communication systems, whether networked learning or not, serve as specific media to implement the learning process.[1] The term will still most likely be utilized to reference out-of-classroom and in-classroom educational experiences via technology, even as advances continue in regard to devices and curriculum.
E-learning is essentially the computer and network-enabled transfer of skills and knowledge. E-learning applications and processes include Web-based learning, computer-based learning, virtual education opportunities and digital collaboration. Content is delivered via the Internet, intranet/extranet, audio or video tape, satellite TV, and CD-ROM. It can be self-paced or instructor-led and includes media in the form of text, image, animation, streaming video and audio.
Abbreviations like CBT (Computer-Based Training), IBT (Internet-Based Training) or WBT (Web-Based Training) have been used as synonyms to e-learning. Today one can still find these terms being used, along with variations of e-learning such as elearning, Elearning, and eLearning. The terms will be utilized throughout this article to indicate their validity under the broader terminology of E-learning.
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Online_education]
name::
* McsEngl.ognEdgOnln'evaluation,
ΗΠΑ: κατώτερες οι επιδόσεις μαθητών που φοιτούν σε διαδικτυακά σχολεία
Σήμερα στις ΗΠΑ σε διαδικτυακά ανάδοχα σχολεία φοιτούν σχεδόν 200.000 παιδιά
ΔΗΜΟΣΙΕΥΣΗ: 06:00 2015-11-05
Καθώς ο θεσμός των ανάδοχων σχολείων (charter schools) - χρηματοδοτούμενα από το κράτος ανεξάρτητα σχολεία τα οποία μπορούν να συσταθούν από συλλόγους γονέων, από συλλόγους καθηγητών, από πανεπιστήμια, ακόμα και από ιδιωτικές επιχειρήσεις - επεκτείνεται ολοένα και περισσότερο στις ΗΠΑ, οι ειδικοί της εκπαιδευτικής τεχνολογίας επιδιώκουν να φέρουν επανάσταση στην εκπαίδευση του 21ου αιώνα συνδυάζοντας την αυτονομία και τις καινοτόμες μεθόδους διδασκαλίας των ανάδοχων σχολείων με την ευελιξία της διαδικτυακής εκπαίδευσης.
Σήμερα στις ΗΠΑ σε διαδικτυακά ανάδοχα σχολεία φοιτούν σχεδόν 200.000 παιδιά - ενώ πριν από δύο χρόνια ήταν περίπου 65.000 - και ο αριθμός των αμερικανικών οικογενειών που στρέφονται προς τη διαδικτυακή εκπαίδευση αυξάνεται σημαντικά από χρόνο σε χρόνο. Ένα τέτοιου τύπου «εικονικό», όπως επίσης αποκαλείται, ανάδοχο σχολείο στην πολιτεία της Πενσυλβάνια δέχτηκε περισσότερους από 10.000 μαθητές και μαθήτριες.
Σύμφωνα, ωστόσο, με πρόσφατη έκθεση που συντάχθηκε έπειτα από μεγάλη έρευνα σε 17 πολιτείες των ΗΠΑ όπου λειτουργούν διαδικτυακά ανάδοχα σχολεία, οι επιδόσεις των μαθητών που φοιτούν σε αυτά στα μαθήματα των Μαθηματικών και της Ανάγνωσης είναι αισθητά κατώτερες από τις επιδόσεις των μαθητών που φοιτούν σε παραδοσιακά σχολεία.
Αυτό που διαπίστωσαν οι συντάκτες της έκθεσης - ερευνητές από το Στάνφορντ, το πανεπιστήμιο της Ουάσινγκτον και το ινστιτούτο Mathematica Policy Research - είναι ότι ο δάσκαλος ή μάλλον η φυσική παρουσία του δασκάλου είναι αναντικατάστατη όσον αφορά την μετάδοση των όποιων γνώσεων στους μαθητές.
Κατά μέσο όρο, οι μαθητές και οι μαθήτριες που φοιτούν σε συμβατικά σχολεία περνούν καθημερινά με τους δασκάλους τους όσο χρόνο περνούν οι διαδικτυακοί μαθητές και μαθήτριες κατά τη διάρκεια μιας εβδομάδας. Και το πιο σημαντικό πρόβλημα που εντόπισαν οι ερευνητές σχετικά με την διαδικτυακή εκπαίδευση έγκειται στη δυσκολία των μαθητών να παραμένουν συγκεντρωμένοι.
«Οι προκλήσεις όσον αφορά τη συνεχή συμμετοχή των μαθητών είναι εγγενείς στην διαδικτυακή διδασκαλία», δήλωσε ο Μπράιν Γκιλ, ένας από τους συντάκτες της έκθεσης, προσδιορίζοντας ότι τα όποια προβλήματα επιδεινώνονται κυρίως εξαιτίας της περιορισμένης επαφής ανάμεσα στους μαθητές και τους δασκάλους τους.
Ο Τζέιμς Γουντγουόρθ από το πανεπιστήμιο Στάνφορντ χαρακτήρισε τα συμπεράσματα της έρευνας «ζοφερά», προσδιορίζοντας ωστόσο ότι θα μπορούσαν να συμβάλουν στη βελτίωση της διαδικτυακής μάθησης. Λιγότερο απαισιόδοξοι οι ερευνητές από το Πανεπιστήμιο της Ουάσινγκτον ανέφεραν πως «η έκθεση αναδεικνύει την ανάγκη για τη δημιουργία ενός αρτιότερου κανονιστικού πλαισίου για την λειτουργία των διαδικτυακών σχολείων».
Πάντως στην έκθεση επισημαίνεται πως κάποιες συγκεκριμένες ομάδες μαθητών - όπως παιδιά που ζουν σε απομακρυσμένες αγροτικές περιοχές, που αντιμετωπίζουν προβλήματα υγείας ή που ανήκουν σε οικογένειες που μετακινούνται, όπως επίσης και όσα παιδιά αδυνατούν να προσαρμοστούν στο σχολικό περιβάλλον - επωφελούνται σημαντικά από το θεσμό των διαδικτυακών σχολείων.
[http://www.tovima.gr/world/article/?aid=751416]
name::
* McsEngl.ognEdgOnln'course,
* McsEngl.online-course@cptEconomy,
name::
* McsEngl.ognEdgOnln'Price,
{time.2015}:
=== worth:
Last year, the e-learning market was worth an enormous $166.5 billion. It’s been estimated that this will grow to $255 billion by 2017. Its growing financial value is matched only by the swelling numbers of students choosing to follow an online course.
[https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2016/09/is-online-learning-the-future-of-education]
name::
* McsEngl.ognEdgOnln'Resource,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2016/09/is-online-learning-the-future-of-education??
* https://agenda.weforum.org/2015/07/is-online-education-reaching-the-masses/
Coursera and Udacity are not alone in the rush to offer mostly free online educational alternatives. Start-up companies like Minerva and Udemy, and, separately, the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, have recently announced similar platforms.
[http://www.nytimes.com/2012/04/18/technology/coursera-plans-to-announce-university-partners-for-online-classes.html]
_SPECIFIC:
* Coursera
* edX
* Khan_academy
* Minerva
* MITx
* Udacity
* Udemy
name::
* McsEngl.ognEdgOnln.AGGREGATE.ALL,
* McsEngl.e-learning-market,
* McsEngl.elearning-market,
* McsEngl.elearning-sector,
* McsEngl.online-edcuation-sector,
* McsEngl.sector.elearning,
* McsEngl.sector.online-education,
_PRICE:
Last year, the e-learning market was worth an enormous $166.5 billion. It’s been estimated that this will grow to $255 billion by 2017.
[https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2016/09/is-online-learning-the-future-of-education?]
name::
* McsEngl.ognEdgOnln.Coursera,
* McsEngl.coursera@cptEconomy,
_DESCRIPTION:
Take the world's best courses, online, for free.
Search
Join 3,903,777 Courserians.
Learn from 389 courses, from our 83 partners.
[https://www.coursera.org/] 2013-06-22,
===
Unlike previous video lectures, which offered a “static” learning model, the Coursera system breaks lectures into segments as short as 10 minutes and offers quick online quizzes as part of each segment.
[http://www.nytimes.com/2012/04/18/technology/coursera-plans-to-announce-university-partners-for-online-classes.html]
name::
* McsEngl.ognEdgOnln.edX,
* McsEngl.edX@cptEconomy,
edX is a massive open online course platform founded by Massachusetts Institute of Technology and Harvard University to offer online university-level courses in a wide range of disciplines to a worldwide audience at no charge. The two institutions have each contributed $30 million of resources to the nonprofit project. edX launched in Fall 2012 and builds on MITx, a similar project launched by MIT in December 2011.[1]
The "learning platform" will be developed as open-source software and made available to other institutions of higher learning that want to make similar offerings; there are plans to allow other schools to offer courses on the edX website also. Plans are to create online learning software that moves beyond videos of lectures to interactive experience.[2] For a modest fee certificates of successful completion will be offered but not college credit. Neither MIT nor Harvard students may take the online courses for credit; they will be used to enrich their learning experience.[2] In addition to educational offerings the project will be used to research learning and distance education.[2][3][4]
Anant Agarwal of MIT will lead the project with Alan M. Garber, Provost of Harvard University, assisted by Michael D. Smith, a computer scientist who is Dean of the Faculty of Arts and Sciences, handling Harvard contributions. Seven courses are planned for the initial offering in fall 2012.[3] The design of a viable business model for sustainability of the enterprise is in progress.[4]
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/EdX]
name::
* McsEngl.ognEdgOnln.Khan-academy,
* McsEngl.Khan-Academy@cptEconomy330.1i,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://www.khanacademy.org//
_DESCIPTION:
A free world-class education for anyone anywhere.
The Khan Academy is an organization on a mission. We're a not-for-profit with the goal of changing education for the better by providing a free world-class education to anyone anywhere.
All of the site's resources are available to anyone. It doesn't matter if you are a student, teacher, home-schooler, principal, adult returning to the classroom after 20 years, or a friendly alien just trying to get a leg up in earthly biology. The Khan Academy's materials and resources are available to you completely free of charge.
[http://www.khanacademy.org/about] 2012-03-12
name::
* McsEngl.ognEdgOnln.MOOC,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy672.2,
* McsEngl.mooc-ogn,
* McsEngl.massive-open-online-course@cptEconomy,
* McsEngl.MOOC@cptEconomy,
* McsEngl.ognMooc@cptEconomy672.2,
* McsEngl.ognEdgMooc@cptEconomy672.2,
name::
* McsEngl.ognMooc'Resource,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2016/12/you-can-now-take-a-course-at-the-world-s-best-universities-for-free-here-s-how-that-happened??
name::
* McsEngl.ognMooc.EVOLUTING,
2016: The University of Oxford announces its first Mooc, a move that will help to strengthen the credibility of Moocs.
[https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2016/12/you-can-now-take-a-course-at-the-world-s-best-universities-for-free-here-s-how-that-happened?]
2015: The number of students signing up for at least one Mooc passes 35 million – up from an estimated 16-18 million in 2014.
[https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2016/12/you-can-now-take-a-course-at-the-world-s-best-universities-for-free-here-s-how-that-happened?]
2014: The number of universities offering Moocs doubles to more than 400.
22 of the top 25 US universities in US News World Report rankings now offer courses online for free.
[https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2016/12/you-can-now-take-a-course-at-the-world-s-best-universities-for-free-here-s-how-that-happened?]
2013: The Open University creates its own Mooc platform FutureLearn, offering courses from UK universities.
Other Moocs platforms pop up, including Open2Study in Australia and iversity in Germany.
[https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2016/12/you-can-now-take-a-course-at-the-world-s-best-universities-for-free-here-s-how-that-happened?]
2012: The popularity of the Stanford courses inspires more universities to offer Moocs, and two more platforms emerge: Coursera and EdX. The New York Times declares 2012 ‘The Year of the Mooc’.
[https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2016/12/you-can-now-take-a-course-at-the-world-s-best-universities-for-free-here-s-how-that-happened?]
2011: Stanford University opens up three courses free to anyone with a web connection.
One of these, a Mooc on artificial intelligence taught by Sebastian Thrun and Peter Norvig, attracts over 160,000 students.
On the back of this success, Thrun and Norvig build a new business model for online education, Udacity.
[https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2016/12/you-can-now-take-a-course-at-the-world-s-best-universities-for-free-here-s-how-that-happened?]
name::
* McsEngl.ognEdgOnln.EVOLUTING,
{time.2011.fall}:
===
Last fall a course in artificial intelligence taught by Sebastian Thrun, then at Stanford, and Google’s director of research, Peter Norvig, attracted more than 160,000 students from 190 countries.
[http://www.nytimes.com/2012/04/18/technology/coursera-plans-to-announce-university-partners-for-online-classes.html]
name::
* McsEngl.ognEdg.student-tuition.FREE,
* McsEngl.free-education@cptEconomy,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://thecodeship.com/general/quality-computer-science-education-free-yes-please//
name::
* McsEngl.ognEdg.Wikipedia,
Educational institutions are often categorised along several dimensions. The most important is perhaps the age or level of the students in the institution, but funding source, affiliation, and gender, racial, or ethnic exclusivity are also commonly used.
Contents [hide]
1 By age
1.1 Infants and toddlers
1.2 Primary school
1.3 Middle school
1.4 Secondary school
1.5 Post-secondary education
1.6 Postgraduate education
2 By funding source
3 By gender
4 By race, language, ethnicity
5 By living arrangements
6 By exclusivity
7 Miscellaneous
8 See also
[edit]By age
[edit]Infants and toddlers
For children up to about age 5. In most places, this level of education is still optional, with some students staying home with parents until the next stage. Schools of this type are often not part of any formal education system, and many are not free of charge even where the school system as a whole is.
Nursery school
Reception (chiefly UK)
Preschool
Daycare
Kindergarten
[edit]Primary school
The first years of the formal educational system are known most generally as "primary school", although they also have the following names in some areas (not all entirely synonymous):
Elementary school
Grammar school
Grade school
Infant school
First school
Junior school
Lower school
[edit]Middle school
Many jurisdictions have no formal "middle" level between primary school and secondary school, but in those that do, "middle school" is a generic term for it. Some areas treat "junior high" as an interchangeable synonym for "middle school", but others maintain a distinction as to level (junior high being slightly higher) or style (junior high being modeled more closely after a secondary school). Some jurisdictions have both, in which case the middle school is typically grades 5–6 and the junior high grades 7–8. Some also use "intermediate" school.
In some areas, there is no formal middle school, but the secondary schools have a "junior division". This is more common among private schools.
In England, a "Preparatory school" is a specific type of middle school.
[edit]Secondary school
Secondary school can start at different ages (typically anywhere from 11 to 15). They usually educate children up to the ages of 18 or 19. They go by a variety of now-mostly-synonymous names:
High school
Upper school
Grammar school
Comprehensive school
Secondary school
Secondary modern school
College preparatory school (or just "prep school")
Academy
Lyceum (esp. in areas with Continental European influence)
Gymnasium (in areas with German influence)
College (archaic, see below)
[edit]Post-secondary education
There is no truly generic term for all post-secondary education. Some types of post-secondary (or tertiary) education include:
University
Comprehensive college
Liberal arts college
Seminary
Normal school (archaic)
Junior college or community college
Vocational school, Polytechnic or Technical University
A special note about the term "college": in North American and especially US usage, this is a truly generic term for all post-secondary education, right up to and including university, but can also be understood to mean a smaller, four-year, baccalaureate institution. Elsewhere, it is more commonly understood to mean only the junior colleges and vocational schools. An older usage still persists in the proper names of some secondary schools. Generally, the term is not suitable for an international audience without further definition.
[edit]Postgraduate education
Schools that offer postgraduate education are often, but not always, one unit of a larger university. Categories include:
Graduate school
Professional school
Medical school
Law school
Business school
[edit]By funding source
Another major classifier is whether the institution is state-funded or not.(1) This is complicated by contradictory international usage.
Public schools (or, in England and parts of the Commonwealth, State schools) receive nearly all their funding from the government. Most are open to all students.
Magnet schools are a type of public school with enrollment restricted according to placement test scores. In some cases, racial or ethnic quotas are also used.
Charter schools, which started in the 1990s, are in much of the United States and in Alberta, Canada. They are funded like other public schools, but are run independently of any school district, with separate oversight bodies.
In the US, "State schools" refers chiefly to publicly funded universities.
In Canada, "Separate schools" are publicly funded religious schools.
Private schools or Independent schools (or, in England and parts of the Commonwealth, Public schools) are those owned by a private (non-government) entity, and that normally receive some or all of their funding through tuition charged to individual students.
Parochial schools are those attached to a particular parish or congregation, or possibly religious schools in general.
In England, "Grammar school" is a specific type of school catering for the more able student. Grammar schools in England can be found either in the state sector (i.e., publicly funded) or in the private sector (i.e., fee-paying schools).
Note (1): While full public (aka state) funding generally denotes a public school in North America, technically this isn't always the case, and isn't the literal definition of a public school. A government may provide full funding for a student to go to a private school, such as school vouchers, even paying for all students at such a school, but it remains private, as a private organization owns and controls the school. Conversely, a "public" school may charge high fees, and seek other private funding sources, but be "public" by virtue of the "public" owning and controlling the school (e.g. it is owned by a public school board, or other public authority).
[edit]By gender
Historically, most schools were segregated by gender (and many more were all-male than all-female). The modern norm is for schools to be coeducational; the vast majority of publicly funded schools in the English-speaking world are so, although this is not universal worldwide. Many private schools, both religious and secular, remain single-sex schools.
[edit]By race, language, ethnicity
Until the mid-20th century, schools in much of the US were explicitly racially segregated. This is no longer the case, although a number of institutions of higher learning still call themselves historically black colleges.
In many areas of the world where different ethnicities coexist, especially when different languages are spoken in those communities, parallel school systems are often organised to serve them. Motivations for this can vary; such a system can be oppressive if one of the parallel systems is inferior to the other, but it can be empowering if it enables a minority community to perpetuate its languages, traditions, and norms.
[edit]By living arrangements
Residential schools are those where most or all students live at the school.
Boarding school is a term for residential schools that carries connotations of being private, old, and/or elite.
A day school is a private school where no students live at the school; the term is used in contexts where this is not the default, and dates from a time when most private schools were boarding schools.
[edit]By exclusivity
Selective schools are those that only allow students to enter if they achieved successful results in an annual entrance examination. These schools are commonly the highest ranked schools in Australia where they are especially prevalent in New South Wales and Victoria
Partially selective schools have accelerated classes set aside for students who have achieved successful.
Geographically selective schools only allow students from a certain zone to enter. In some cases these schools are selective in allowing any students from outside this zone.
[edit]Miscellaneous
Military schools are secondary schools, run under strict disciplinary regimens and providing military training, but also providing a general secondary education. Chiefly U.S.
Classical and Christian schools structure education according to the ancient Trivium of liberal arts. They often require the study of Latin, formal logic and formal rhetoric.
Art school - a school focusing on art education
Special school - a school for students with special needs
Specialist school - a secondary school that specializes in a particular discipline (UK)
Specialized school - a secondary school that specializes in a particular discipline (US, former USSR)
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Taxonomy_of_schools] {2012-11-25}
name::
* McsEngl.ognEdg.ΕΘΝΙΚΟ-ΙΔΡΥΜΑ-ΕΡΕΥΝΩΝ,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy666,
* McsElln.ΕΘΝΙΚΟ-ΙΔΡΥΜΑ-ΕΡΕΥΝΩΝ,
* McsElln.ΕΙΕ@cptEconomy666,
_GENERIC:
KNOWLEDGE-BUSINESS#ql:[Level CONCEPT:rl? conceptEconomy663]##cptEconomy39.2#
* entity.body.sysHmnsOrg.econ.reproducing#cptEconomy7#
name::
* McsEngl.ognEdg.ΕΠΑΣ (ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑΤΙΚΗ-ΣΧΟΛΗ),
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy38.36.11,
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.ΕΠΑΣ@cptEconomy326.11, {2012-09-06}
ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑΤΙΚΕΣ ΣΧΟΛΕΣ
ΠΑΡΟΥΣΙΑΣΗ ΕΠΑΣ
Οι Επαγγελματικές σχολές (ΕΠΑΣ), απευθύνονται σε μαθητές οι οποίοι επιθυμούν να φοιτήσουν σε ειδικότητες που δεν απαιτούν ισχυρή θεωρητική υποστήριξη, αλλά επικεντρώνονται κυρίως στην πρακτική εξάσκηση, ώστε οι απόφοιτοι τους να εντάσσονται άμεσα στην αγορά εργασίας ως ειδικευμένοι τεχνίτες.
ΦΟΙΤΗΣΗ
Η φοίτηση στις ΕΠΑΣ είναι διετής και περιλαμβάνει τις τάξεις Α' και Β' οι οποίες οργανώνονται σε τμήματα ειδικότητας. Στην περίπτωση που εφαρμόζονται προγράμματα άσκησης στο επάγγελμα ή προγράμματα μαθητείας, η φοίτηση μπορεί να επιμηκύνεται έως και ένα έτος ακόμη. Τα προγράμματα διδασκαλίας περιλαμβάνουν μαθήματα τεχνικά, επαγγελματικά και εργαστηριακές ασκήσεις.
ΕΓΓΡΑΦΕΣ
Η φοίτηση στις επαγγελματικές σχολές είναι διετής. Σε αυτές εγγράφονται μαθητές που έχουν ολοκληρώσει επιτυχώς την φοίτηση είτε στην Α' τάξη των Επαγγελματικών Λυκείων (ΕΠΑΛ) είτε στην Α' τάξη των Γενικών Λυκείων. Ακόμα μπορούν να εγγραφούν και όσοι έχουν προαχθεί στη Β' τάξη του Α' κύκλου των ΤΕΕ.
Στη Β' τάξη εγγράφονται μόνο όσοι έχουν ολοκηρώσει τη φοίτηση στην Α' τάξη των ΕΠΑΣ.
ΤΙΤΛΟΙ ΣΠΟΥΔΩΝ
Στους αποφοίτους των ΕΠΑΣ χορηγείται πτυχίο επιπέδου 3 της περ. γ΄της παρ. 1 του άρθρου 6, του ν. 2009/1992 (ΦΕΚ18Α).
Οι απόφοιτοι έχουν δικαίωμα
- να λάβουν άδεια ασκήσεως επαγγέλματος
- να εγγράφονται στα ΙΕΚ.
Τα επαγγελματικά δικαιώματα των αποφοίτων ΕΠΑΣ καθορίζονται από τις διατάξεις της παρ.3 του άρθρου 6 του ν. 2009/1992 (ΦΕΚ18Α).
[http://edu.klimaka.gr/leitoyrgia-sxoleivn/epaggelmatika/epas/444-epas-epaggelmatikes-sxoles-paroysiash.html]
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://www.pedia.gr/edu/2g/tesg.html,
_SPECIFIC:
ΕΠΑ.Σ ΜΑΘΗΤΕΙΑΣ ΔΙΕΥΘΥΝΤΕΣ ΤΗΛ. ΔΙΕΥΘΥΝΤΩΝ ΤΗΛΕΦΩΝΑ ΓΡΑΜΜΑΤΕΙΑΣ ΔΙΕΥΘΥΝΣΕΙΣ ΕΠΑ.Σ FAX
1 ΑΓ.ΑΝΑΡΓΥΡΩΝ ΥΦΑΝΤΗΣ ΓΕΩΡΓΙΟΣ 210-2315881 210-2311083 ΠΥΡΓΟΣ ΒΑΣΙΛΙΣΣΗΣ 2315881
2 ΑΓΡΙΝΙΟΥ ΚΑΛΙΑΚΜΑΝΗΣ ΑΝΤΩΝΙΟΣ 26410-55314 26410-21630 ΕΘΝ. ΟΔΟΣ ΑΓΡΙΝΙΟΥ-ΑΜΦΙΛΟΧΙΑΣ 23008
3 ΑΙΓΑΛΕΩ ΚΑΡΜΙΡΗΣ ΑΘΑΝΑΣΙΟΣ 210-5989434 210-5989452-4 ΠΛΑΠΟΥΤΑ 11 5908512
4 ΑΛΕΞ/ΠΟΛΗΣ ΚΡΥΣΤΑΛΛΗΣ ΚΩΝ/ΝΟΣ 25510-38155 25510-23709 20ΧΛΜ ΑΛΕΞ/ΠΟΛΗΣ- ΠAΛΑΓΙΑΣ 38154
5 ΑΡΓΟΛΙΔΑΣ ΚΟΛΟΡΙΖΑ ΙΩΑΝΝΑ 27520-28654 27520-28675,29232 Λ. ΑΡΓΟΥΣ-ΝΑΥΠΛΙΟΥ,ΤΥΡΙΝΘΑ 97556
6 ΑΡΤΑΣ ΜΙΧΑΛΗ ΕΛΕΝΗ 26810-70006 26810- 70006 ΔΙΟΔΙΑ ΑΡΤΑΣ - ΠΕΤΤΑ 22244
7 ΒΕΡΟΙΑΣ ΣΙΣΣΑΣ ΑΣΤΕΡΙΟΣ 23310-22397 23310-28167 ΑΣΩΜΑΤΑ ΗΜΑΘΙΑΣ 29430
8 ΒΟΛΟΥ ΧΥΜΑΣ ΒΑΣΙΛΕΙΟΣ 24210-63684 24210-63687-8 ΑΘΗΝΩΝ 64 ΒΟΛΟΣ 63684
9 ΓΑΛΑΤΣΙΟΥ ΣΤΑΥΡΟΠΟΥΛΟΥ ΕΥΓΕΝΙΑ 210-2284900 210-2287460 Λ.ΓΑΛΑΤΣΙΟΥ 15 ΑΘΗΝΑ 2284900
10 ΔΡΑΜΑΣ ΑΣΛΑΝΙΔΟΥ ΑΘΗΝΑ 25210-81170 25210-81131 ΠΕΡΙΟΧΗ ΜΥΛΟΠΟΤΑΜΟΥ 81304
11 ΕΛΕΥΣΙΝΑΣ ΠΕΠΠΑΣ ΠΑΝΤΕΛΗΣ 210-5545298 210-5542375 ΜΑΝΔΡΑ ΑΤΤΙΚΗΣ 5542014
12 ΗΡΑΚΛΕΙΟΥ ΑΤΤ. ΙΩΑΚΕΙΜ ΝΙΚΟΛΑΟΣ 210-2816074 210-2819659 ΠΕΥΚΩΝ 112 2819672
13 ΗΡΑΚΛΕΙΟΥ ΚΡ. ΦΑΣΟΥΛΑΚΗΣ ΓΕΩΡΓΙΟΣ 2810-250260 2810-317770,250215 ΓΙΟΦΥΡΟ 253314
14 1ο ΘΕΣ/ΝΙΚΗΣ ΚΟΤΣΙΦΑΚΗΣ ΚΩΝ/ΝΟΣ 2310-721330 2310-721858 ΛΑΓΚΑΔΑ 117-119 721855
15 2ο ΘΕΣ/ΝΙΚΗΣ ΧΑΡΙΣΟΠΟΥΛΟΥ ΚΩΝ/ΝΑ 2310-729061 2310-729250 ΛΑΓΚΑΔΑ 117-119 729791
16 ΙΩΑΝΝΙΝΩΝ ΖΑΨΑΣ ΓΕΩΡΓΙΟΣ 26510-43616 26510-40858 3ο ΧΛΜ.ΙΩΑΝΝΙΝΩΝ-ΑΘΗΝΩΝ 43466
17 ΚΑΒΑΛΑΣ ΝΕΡΑΤΖΗΣ ΒΡΑΧΙΩΝΗΣ 2510-231169 2510-228834 ΠΕΡΙΓΙΑΛΙ 2 ΚΑΒΑΛΑ 232197
18 ΚΑΛΑΜΑΚΙΟΥ ΖΑΝΤΑΣ ΔΗΜΗΤΡΙΟΣ 210-9925300 210-9915025 ΔΩΔΕΚΑΝΗΣΟΥ 6 ΑΛΙΜΟΣ 9925711
19 ΚΑΛΑΜΑΤΑΣ ΓΙΑΝΝΕΤΟΥ ΑΘΑΝΑΣΙΑ 27210-69320 27210-69320 ΕΘΝ. ΟΔΟΣ ΚΑΛΑΜΑΤΑΣ-ΑΘ.-ΑΣΠΡΟΧΩΜΑ 69952
20 ΚΑΡΔΙΤΣΑΣ ΖΩΗ ΕΥΔΟΚΙΑ 24410-71561 24410-71560 ΤΡΙΚΑΛΩΝ 226 - ΚΑΡΔΙΤΣΑ 71563
21 ΚΑΣΤΟΡΙΑΣ ΔΟΣΙΟΣ ΒΑΣΙΛΕΙΟΣ 24670-81972,84394 24670-81208 ΚΑΡΑΟΛΗ 10- ΚΑΣΤΟΡΙΑ 84393
22 ΚΑΤΕΡΙΝΗΣ ΑΛΕΞΙΑΔΗΣ ΑΝΑΣΤΑΣΙΟΣ 23510-34298 23510-35165 ΤΕΡΜΑ ΟΔΟΥ ΤΕΡΖΟΠΟΥΛΟΥ 35165
23 ΚΕΡΚΥΡΑΣ ΓΡΗΓΟΡΙΑΔΗΣ ΣΩΤΗΡΙΟΣ 26610-49002 26610-39250 3οΧΛΜ. ΕΘΝ.ΟΔΟΥ ΛΕΥΚΙΜΜΗΣ 39250
24 ΚΙΛΚΙΣ ΔΕΔΕΔΑΚΗΣ ΝΙΚΟΛΑΟΣ 23410-70642 23410-20596,20896 Γ. ΑΡΓΥΡΙΟΥ 16 70643
25 ΚΟΖΑΝΗΣ ΜΙΧΑΗΛΙΔΗΣ ΓΕΩΡΓΙΟΣ 24610-20169 24610-20041 11οΧΛΜ. ΚΟΖΑΝΗΣ-ΛΑΡΙΣΑΣ 20169
26 ΚΟΜΟΤΗΝΗΣ ΑΚΡΙΒΟΠΟΥΛΟΣ ΑΒΡΑΑΜ 25310-36199 25310-24918 ΧΙΛΙΑ ΔΕΝΤΡΑ 22407
27 ΛΑΚΚΙΑΣ ΠΥΞΑΡΑΣ ΑΝΑΣΤΑΣΙΟΣ 23960-22771 23960-22769,22508 ΛΑΚΚΙΑ ΒΑΣΙΛΙΚΩΝ 22508
28 ΛΑΜΙΑΣ ΚΑΡΑΚΑΝΤΖΑΣ ΑΘΑΝΑΣΙΟΣ 22310-51231 22310-24151 ΜΕΓΑΛΗ ΒΡΥΣΗ 43236
29 ΛΑΡΙΣΑΣ ΠΟΣΟΝΙΔΗΣ ΕΛΕΥΘΕΡΙΟΣ 2410-254766 2410-564653 ΕΡΜΟΓΕΝΟΥΣ 10 564652
30 ΜΕΣΟΛΟΓΓΙΟΥ ΚΟΥΤΡΟΥΜΠΟΥΣΗΣ ΙΩΑΝΝΗΣ 26310-51383,55788 26310-51013 ΠΑΡΟΔΟΣ ΣΤΑΥΡΟΠΟΥΛΟΥ 51383
31 ΜΟΣΧΑΤΟΥ ΠΟΥΛΑΚΟΣ ΝΙΚΟΛΑΟΣ 210-4818329 210-4829882 ΘΕΣΣΑΛΟΝΙΚΗΣ 47 4817687
32 ΜΥΤΙΛΗΝΗΣ ΦΩΤΕΙΝΟΣ ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΗΣ 22510-32444 22510-32617-8 ΕΘΝ.ΟΔΟΣ ΜΥΤΙΛ.-ΘΕΡΜΗΣΠΑΝ. 32444
33 ΞΑΝΘΗΣ ΤΟΠΑΛΙΔΟΥ ΙΩΑΝΝΑ 25410-62825 25410-62833-4 ΛΑΧΑΝΟΚΗΠΟΙ 2 64927
34 ΟΡΕΣΤΙΑΔΑΣ ΣΑΒΒΑΚΗΣ ΑΠΟΤΟΛΟΣ 25520-23307 25520-23307 ΑΡΧΗ ΚΩΝ/ΠΟΛΗΣ 23956
35 ΠΑΛΛΗΝΗΣ ΚΑΝΔΑΡΑΚΗΣ ΜΙΧΑΗΛ 210-6030466 210-6667917 ΔΩΔΩΝΗΣ, ΘΕΣΗ ΠΑΠΑΧΩΡΑΦΙ 6030467
36 ΠΑΤΡΑΣ ΜΕΣΙΣΚΛΗΣ ΗΛΙΑΣ 2610-966902 2610-966904 Λ. ΑΘΗΝΩΝ - ΡΙΟ 991734
37 ΠΕΙΡΑΙΑ ΝΙΚΟΛΟΠΟΥΛΟΣ ΓΕΩΡΓΙΟΣ 210-4120948 210-4175919 ΜΑΥΡΟΜΙΧΑΛΗ 17-19 4121916
38 ΠΤΟΛΕΜΑΪΔΑΣ ΚΑΡΑΝΙΚΟΛΑΣ ΧΡΗΣΤΟΣ 24630-80870 24630-80444 ΠΕΡΙΟΧΗ ΚΟΥΡΙ 22850
39 ΠΥΡΓΟΥ ΜΑΡΙΤΣΑΣ ΠΑΝΑΓΙΩΤΗΣ 26210-33154 26210-33012 4οΧΛΜ. ΛΕΩΦ. ΠΥΡΓΟΥ-ΠΑΤΡΩΝ 33154
40 ΡΕΝΤΗ ΓΙΣΔΑΚΗΣ ΣΠΥΡΙΔΩΝ 210-3410388 210-3478333 ΠΕΤΡΟΥ ΡΑΛΛΗ - ΚΗΦΙΣΟΥ 3474040
41 ΡΟΔΟΥ ΑΘΑΝΑΣΙΟΥ ΚΩΝ/ΝΟΣ 22410-22039 22410-31077 Θ. ΣΟΦΟΥΛΗ 93 31083
42 ΣΑΛΑΜΙΝΑΣ ΣΑΡΡΟΣ ΠΑΝΑΓΙΩΤΗΣ 210-4649586 210-464649826-4677784 ΝΑΥΣΤΑΘΜΟΣ ΣΑΛΑΜΙΝΑΣ 4648503
43 ΣΕΡΡΩΝ ΝΑΖΗΡΙΔΗΣ ΔΗΜΗΤΡΙΟΣ 23210-90725 23210-90720 6οΧΛΜ.ΕΘ.ΣΕΡΡΩΝ-ΘΕΣ/ΝΙΚΗΣ, ΛΕΥΚΩΝΑΣ 90721
44 ΣΠΑΡΤΗ ΣΚΑΡΠΕΝΤΖΟΣ ΠΑΝΑΓΙΩΤΗΣ 27310-27997 27310-27997,82270 ΠΑΡΟΡΕΙΟ ΣΠΑΡΤΗΣ, ΛΑΚΩΝΙΑ 27946
45 ΤΡΙΠΟΛΗΣ ΜΗΤΣΑΚΟΣ ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΟΣ 2710-233061 2710-233061 ΤΕΡΜΑ ΚΑΡΑΪΣΚΑΚΗ,ΠΕΡΙΟΧΗ ΣΕΧΙ 233062
46 ΤΡΙΚΑΛΑ 24310-20560 24310-20890 ΛΕΠΤΟΚΑΡΥΑ - ΤΡΙΚΑΛΩΝ 20090
47 ΥΜΗΤΤΟΥ ΜΟΥΡΟΥΤΣΟΣ ΣΠΥΡΟΣ 210-9704343 210-9704343 ΘΡΑΚΗΣ 2, ΥΜΗΤΤΟΣ 9730636
48 ΦΛΩΡΙΝΑΣ ΜΑΥΡΟΣ ΠΑΝΤΕΛΗΣ 23850-44466 23850-22357 3ο ΧΛΜ.ΦΛΩΡΙΝΑΣ-ΝΙΚΗΣ 46445
49 ΧΑΛΚΙΔΑΣ ΛΙΑΣΚΟΣ ΙΩΑΝΝΗΣ 22210-54104 22210-54106 ΒΑΣΙΛΙΚΟ ΧΑΛΚΙΔΟΣ, ΕΥΒΟΙΑ 54108
50 ΧΑΝΙΩΝ ΟΡΦΑΝΟΥΔΑΚΗΣ ΕΜΜΑΝΟΥΗΛ 28240-22316 28240-22186 ΤΑΥΡΩΝΙΤΗΣ ΚΙΣΣΑΜΟΥ-ΚΟΛΥΜΙ 22186
51 ΧΙΟΥ ΒΟΥΡΛΙΩΤΑΚΗΣ ΙΩΑΝΝΗΣ 22710-20065 22710-29531 Λ. ΚΑΡΦΑ - ΛΕΥΚΩΝΙΑ 22307
52 ΩΡΑΙΟΚΑΣΤΡΟΥ ΠΑΠΑΤΣΕΧΙΛΙΔΗΣ ΙΩΑΝΝΗΣ 2310-696215 2310-696216 ΘΕΣΣΑΛΟΝΙΚΗΣ 73 696214-694611
name::
* McsEngl.ognEdg.ΙΕΚ,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy39.19,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy568,
* McsEngl.ognEdg.iek,
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.ΙΕΚ@cptEconomy39.19,
* McsElln.ΙΝΣΤΙΤΟΥΤΟ-ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑΤΙΚΗΣ-ΚΑΤΑΡΤΙΣΗΣ,
_GENERIC:
* entity.whole.systemHumansOrganization.economic.producing.information.educating#cptEconomy39.18#
_WHOLE:
* greece#cptCore18#
ΤΡΙΤΟΒΑΘΜΙΑ ΕΚΠΑΙΔΕΥΣΗ#cptEconomy571#
_DESCRIPTION:
ΙΕΚ είναι ΟΡΓΑΝΙΣΜΟΣ της 'τριτοβαθμιας εκπαιδευσης' της 'ελλαδας#cptCore18.1#'.
[hmnSngo.1995-04]
===
Είναι ανάλογα με τα ΚΟΛΛΕΓΙΑ ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑΤΙΚΗΣ ΚΑΤΑΡΤΙΣΗΣ του εξωτερικού σύμφωνα με τον προεδρο του ΟΕΕΚ.
[ΚΑΘΗΜΕΡΙΝΗ, 1 ΟΚΤ. 1995, 14]
_Goal:
Η ύπαρξη των ιδρυμάτων έχει άμεση σχέση με τις συνεχώς αυξανόμενες απαιτήσεις της αγοράς.
[ΚΑΘΗΜΕΡΙΝΗ, 1 ΟΚΤ. 1995, 14]
Ο ΝΟΜΟΣ Ν-2009-1992 ΠΡΟΒΛΕΠΕΙ ΤΗ ΛΕΙΤΟΥΡΓΙΑ ΤΩΝ ΙΕΚ ΑΠΟ ΦΟΡΕΙΣ ΤΟΣΟ ΤΗΣ ΔΗΜΟΣΙΑΣ, ΟΣΟ ΚΑΙ ΤΗΣ ΙΔΙΩΤΙΚΗΣ ΕΚΠΑΙΔΕΥΣΗΣ. ΠΡΟΚΕΙΤΑΙ ΓΙΑ ΕΝΑΝ ΝΕΟ ΘΕΣΜΟ ΠΟΥ ΚΑΘΙΕΡΩΝΕΙ ΤΗ ΜΕΤΑΛΥΚΕΙΑΚΗ ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑΤΙΚΗ ΚΑΤΑΡΤΙΣΗ. ΕΥΡΩΠΑΙΚΟΣ ΘΕΣΜΟΣ, ΔΙΠΛΩΜΑ ΑΝΑΓΝΩΡΙΣΜΕΝΟ ΕΛΛΑΔΑ ΚΑΙ ΕΥΡΩΠΗ.
52 ΕΙΔΙΚΟΤΗΤΕΣ.
ΔΗΜΟΣΙΑ:
64 [ΚΑΘΗΜΕΡΙΝΗ, 1 ΟΚΤ. 1995, 14]
ΙΔΙΩΤΙΚΑ:
86 [ΚΑΘΗΜΕΡΙΝΗ, 1 ΟΚΤ. 1995, 14]
51 και θα προστεθουν άλλα 8-10 απο το φεβρουαριο.
[ΚΑΘΗΜΕΡΙΝΗ, 10 ΙΟΥΛ. 1994, 14]
name::
* McsElln.Εθνικός-Οργανισμός-Πιστοποίησης-Προσόντων-και-Επαγγελματικού-Προσανατολισμού, {2012-10-23}
* McsElln.ΕΟΠΠ@cptEconomy, {2012-10-23}
* McsElln.ΕΟΠΠΕΠ@cptEconomy, {2012-10-23}
Ο ΕΟΠΠ (Εθνικός Οργανισμός Πιστοποίησης Προσόντων) είναι νομικό πρόσωπο ιδιωτικού δικαίου το οποίο ιδρύθηκε με το Νόμο 3879/21-9-2010 «Ανάπτυξη της Διά Βίου Μάθησης και λοιπές διατάξεις» και εποπτεύεται από τον Υπουργό Παιδείας, Διά Βίου Μάθησης και Θρησκευμάτων.
Αποτελεί τον εθνικό φορέα πιστοποίησης των εκροών της μη τυπικής εκπαίδευσης και της άτυπης μάθησης και λειτουργεί ως εθνική δομή των Ευρωπαϊκών Δικτύων που διαχειρίζονται θέματα προσόντων και Ευρωπαϊκών εργαλείων διαφάνειας και κινητικότητας.
Βασικός στόχο του Οργανισμού είναι η δημιουργία και ανάπτυξη του Εθνικού Πλαισίου Προσόντων και η αντιστοίχιση του με το Ευρωπαϊκό Πλαίσιο Προσόντων.
Επιπλέον, ο Ε.Ο.Π.Π. συνεχίζει να υλοποιεί το έργο του καταργηθέντος Ο.Ε.Ε.Κ. όσον αφορά στην πιστοποίηση, τη χορήγηση ισοτιμιών και την αναγνώριση επαγγελματικών δικαιωμάτων των αποφοίτων όλων των κατηγοριών.
[http://www.eoppep.gr/index.php/home/eopp-who-we-are]
Ο νόμος ίδρυσης 2009/1992 προέβλεται τη σύσταση επιτροπών για την κατάρτιση προεδρικών διαταγμάτων με τα οποία θα διαμορφωθούν τα επαγγελματικά δικαιώματα των σπουδαστών. Ομως αυτό δέν έχει γίνει ακόμη. Εχουν γίνει μόνο οι επιτροπές.
[ΚΑΘΗΜΕΡΙΝΗ, 10 ΙΟΥΛ. 1994, 14]
52 σε 38 πόλεις.
[ΚΑΘΗΜΕΡΙΝΗ, 10 ΙΟΥΛ. 1994, 14]
_SPECIFIC:
* Βιοχημικού & Μικροβιολογικού Εργαστηρίου
* Γραφίστας Εντύπου & Ηλεκτρονικών Μέσων
* Ειδικός Ναυτιλιακής Κατεύθυνσης
* Επαγγελματικό Μακιγιάζ
* Στέλεχος Διεθνούς Εμπορίου
* Τεχνικός Τεχνολογίας Internet
name::
* McsElln.μι.μάρκετινγκ@cptEconomy,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://repository.edulll.gr/edulll/retrieve/3116/912.pdf,
ΠΕΡΙΕΧΟΜΕΝΑ
ΠΡΟΛΟΓΟΣ 9
1ο ΚΕΦΑΛΑΙΟ ΒΑΣΙΚΕΣ ΈΝΝΟΙΕΣ ΜΑΡΚΕΤΙΝΓΚ .. 11
1.1 Έννοια και ορισµός του Marketing 11
1.2 Πεδία Εφαρµογής του Μάρκετινγκ 14
1.3 Μάρκετινγκ στις ΜΜΕ . 17
Σύνοψη 18
Παράρτηµα.. 19
Οδηγός για περαιτέρω µελέτη. 19
Βιβλιογραφία.. 19
2ο ΚΕΦΑΛΑΙΟ ΜΙΓΜΑ ΜΑΡΚΕΤΙΝΓΚ.. 21
2.1 Το Μίγµα του Μάρκετινγκ στις υπηρεσίες... 25
2.2 Το Μίγµα του Μάρκετινγκ στις διεπιχειρησιακές συναλλαγές .. 25
2.3 Η Νέα διάσταση του Μίγµατος Μάρκετινγκ 26
2.4 Από τα 4Ps στα 4 Cs του Μίγµατος Μάρκετινγκ 28
2.5 Προϊόν .. 29
2.5.1 Ταξινόµηση των προϊόντων σε κατηγορίες .. 30
2.5.2 Στρατηγικές Μίγµατος Προϊόντων 33
2.5.3 Μοντέλα Ανάλυσης Χαρτοφυλακίου Προϊόντων 34
2.6 Τιµολογιακή Πολιτική... 35
2.7 ?ιανοµή . 40
2.8 Προώθηση 45
2.8.1 Προωθητικές ενέργειες µε στόχο τον τελικό καταναλωτή . 45
2.8.2 Η παροχή των κινήτρων .. 46
2.8.3 Τα χαρακτηριστικά των πετυχηµένων προωθητικών ενεργειών... 46
2.8.4 Μορφές προωθητικών ενεργειών προς τους τελικούς καταναλωτές... 47
2.9 Πωλήσεις.. 49
2.9.1. Το πρόγραµµα πωλήσεων ... 50
2.9.2 Ο σχεδιασµός και η ανάπτυξη του προγράµµατος πωλήσεων .. 50
2.9.3 Γενικές κατευθύνσεις 50
2.9.4 Ανάλυση της δραστηριότητας πωλήσεων . 51
2.9.5 Οι προβλέψεις των πωλήσεων ... 51
2.9.6 Οι κύκλοι πωλήσεων. 60
2.9.7 Οι περιοχές πωλήσεων. 60
2.9.8 Πώς θα σχεδιάσετε το πρόγραµµα επισκέψεων των πωλητών σας 61
2.9.9 Πώς θα προσδιορίσετε το σωστό αριθµό πωλήσεων. 61
2.9.10 Ο προϋπολογισµός των πωλήσεων . 64 6
Σύνοψη 64
Παράρτηµα.. 65
Οδηγός για περαιτέρω µελέτη. 67
Βιβλιογραφία.. 68
3ο ΚΕΦΑΛΑΙΟ Η ΣΥΜΠΕΡΙΦΟΡΑ Τ?Ν ΚΑΤΑΝΑΛ?Τ?Ν ΚΑΙ ΑΓΟΡΑΣΤ?Ν ... 69
3.1. Οι θεωρίες συµπεριφοράς του καταναλωτή. 70
3.2 Η οικονοµική προσέγγιση . 70
3.3. Η ψυχολογική προσέγγιση .. 71
3.3.1 Η θεωρία της µάθησης. 71
3.3.2 Η θεωρία της προσωπικής αντίληψης... 71
3.3.3 Η ψυχαναλυτική θεωρία .. 72
3.3.4 Τα κίνητρα της ανθρώπινης συµπεριφοράς .. 72
3.3.5 Οι ανθρώπινες ανάγκες 73
3.3.6 Οι επιθυµίες και οι απαιτήσεις... 75
3.3.7 Τα µέσα ικανοποίησης των αναγκών, επιθυµιών και απαιτήσεων . 76
3.4. Η διαδικασία λήψης αποφάσεων για την αγορά καταναλωτικών προϊόντων ή προσωπι-
κών υπηρεσιών . 78
3.4.1 Η αναγνώριση της ανάγκης.. 79
3.4.2 Αναζήτηση πληροφοριών . 79
3.4.3 Αξιολόγηση εναλλακτικών δυνατοτήτων ικανοποίησης της ανάγκης . 80
3.4.4 Απόφαση αγοράς... 80
3.4.5 Αξιολόγηση των αποτελεσµάτων 80
3.5 Οι κατηγορίες των καταναλωτών. 80
3.6 Οι κατηγορίες πελατών σύµφωνα µε τη συχνότητα των αγορών τους 82
3.7 Κατηγορίες αγοραστών. 82
3.8. Η αγοραστική συµπεριφορά στην πράξη. 83
3.8.1 Αγορές από Super markets... 84
3.8.2 Αγορές από εµπορικά καταστήµατα .. 86
3. 12 Η αγοραστική συµπεριφορά των επιχειρήσεων και οργανισµών . 87
3.9.1 Τα στάδια της αγοραστικής διαδικασίας βιοµηχανικών προϊόντων ... 88
Σύνοψη 90
Παράρτηµα.. 91
Οδηγός για περαιτέρω µελέτη. 92
Βιβλιογραφία.. 92
4ο ΚΕΦΑΛΑΙΟ Η ΤΜΗΜΑΤΟΠΟΙΗΣΗ ΤΗΣ ΑΓΟΡΑΣ ... 93
4.1 Η τµηµατοποίηση της αγοράς καταναλωτικών προϊόντων... 94
4.1.1 Γεωγραφική τµηµατοποίηση 94
4.1.2 ?ηµογραφική τµηµατοποίηση. 95 7
4.1.3 Ψυχογραφική τµηµατοποίηση. 95
4.1.4 Προνοµιακή τµηµατοποίηση 96
4.1.5 Ποσοτική τµηµατοποίηση 96
4.1.6 Τµηµατοποίηση σύµφωνα µε το προσδοκώµενο όφελος .. 98
4.1.7 Τµηµατοποίηση σύµφωνα µε τα χαρακτηριστικά του προϊόντος ή άλλων στοιχείων του
µίγµατος Μάρκετινγκ (Marketing attributes). 98
4.2 Η τµηµατοποίηση της αγοράς βιοµηχανικών προϊόντων.. 99
4.3 Η τµηµατοποίηση της αγοράς στις υπηρεσίες . 99
4.4 Η σηµασία της τµηµατοποίησης 100
4.5 Πότε ένα τµήµα της αγοράς είναι ελκυστικό για την επιχείρησή σας. 100
4.6 Πώς θα τµηµατοποιήσετε εύκολα την αγορά σας.. 101
4.7 Ενοποίηση τµηµάτων της αγοράς 102
Σύνοψη .. 103
Παράρτηµα 104
Οδηγός για περαιτέρω µελέτη.. 106
Βιβλιογραφία 106
5o ΚΕΦΑΛΑΙΟ ΑΝΤΑΓ?ΝΙΣΜΟΣ .. 107
5.1. Η απόκτηση ανταγωνιστικών πλεονεκτηµάτων 108
5.1.1 Η διαθεσιµότητα και διαχείριση των πόρων .. 108
5.1.2 Οι θεµελιώδεις ικανότητες (core competencies) . 108
5.1.3 Περιοχές εστίασης των ανταγωνιστικών πλεονεκτηµάτων. 109
5.2 Οι δυνάµεις του ανταγωνιστικού περιβάλλοντος... 110
5.2.1 Απειλή εισόδου νέων ανταγωνιστών ... 110
5.2.2 Ανταγωνισµός µεταξύ υφισταµένων επιχειρήσεων.. 110
5.2.3 Απειλή υποκατάστατων προϊόντων ή υπηρεσιών . 111
5.2.4 Η διαπραγµατευτική δύναµη αγοραστών και προµηθευτών ... 111
5.3. Οι ανταγωνιστικές στρατηγικές του Porter 112
5.3.1. Η στρατηγική ηγεσίας κόστους 112
5.3.2 Η στρατηγική διαφοροποίησης. 114
5.3.3 Η στρατηγική της εστίασης. 114
5.4 Οι ανταγωνιστικές στρατηγικές του G. Day .. 115
5.5 Η τυπολογία των ανταγωνιστών 116
5.5.1 Ανταγωνιστές πεδίων . 116
5.5.2 Άµεσοι και έµµεσοι ανταγωνιστές ... 116
5.5.3 Ισχυροί και αδύνατοι ανταγωνιστές 117
5.5.4 Οι «καλοί» και «κακοί» ανταγωνιστές 117
Σύνοψη .. 118
Παραρτήµατα ... 119
Οδηγός για περαιτέρω µελέτη.. 120
Βιβλιογραφία 121 8
6ο ΚΕΦΑΛΑΙΟ ΕΡΕΥΝΑ ΑΓΟΡΑΣ.. 123
6.1 Τι είναι η έρευνα αγοράς. 124
6.1.1 Έρευνα αγοράς 124
6.1.2 Έρευνα µάρκετινγκ.. 124
6.1.3 Έρευνα ανταγωνισµού ... 124
6.1.4 Κλαδική έρευνα... 124
6.2 Πηγές πληροφοριών 124
6.3 Η έρευνα γραφείου.. 125
6.3.1 Οι πηγές πληροφοριών στην έρευνα γραφείου . 125
6.3.2 Οι εφαρµογές της έρευνας γραφείου 126
6.4 Τα είδη της έρευνας αγοράς... 127
6.4.1 Ποσοτικές και ποιοτικές έρευνες. 127
6.4.2 Έρευνες καταναλωτικές και βιοµηχανίας ή εµπορίου . 127
6.4.3 Έρευνες ad-hoc και έρευνες κοινής συµµετοχής .. 128
6.5 Οι καταναλωτικές έρευνες. 128
6.6 Οι βιοµηχανικές έρευνες. 129
6.7 Οι έρευνες εµπορίου 129
6.7.1 Οι ?είκτες Λιανικού Εµπορίου. 129
6.8 Οι ποιοτικές έρευνες ... 132
6.8.1 Οι τεχνικές της ποιοτικής έρευνας .. 132
6.9 Μέθοδοι συλλογής στοιχείων 133
6.9.1 Μέθοδοι συλλογής στοιχείων µέσω επικοινωνιακής διαδικασίας 134
6.10 Η δηµιουργία και η λειτουργία του ερωτηµατολογίου . 137
6.10.1 Η προετοιµασία του ερωτηµατολογίου. 137
6.10.2 Τα είδη των ερωτήσεων ... 137
6.10.3 Προϋποθέσεις δηµιουργίας ενός σωστού ερωτηµατολογίου. 138
6.10.4 Τα είδη των ερωτηµατολογίων.. 138
Σύνοψη .. 139
Παραρτήµατα ... 139
Οδηγός για περαιτέρω µελέτη.. 142
Βιβλιογραφία 142
7o ΚΕΦΑΛΑΙΟ ΤΕΧΝΟΛΟΓΙΑ ΣΤΟ ΜΑΡΚΕΤΙΝΓΚ.. 143
7.1 Η εξέλιξη των τεχνολογιών φέρνει την εταιρεία κοντά στον πελάτη 143
7.2 Αλλαγή εστίασης από το προϊόν στον καταναλωτή. 145
7.3 Το Ιντερνετ αλλάζει την αγορά.. 145
Σύνοψη .. 148
Παραρτήµατα ... 148
Οδηγός για περαιτέρω µελέτη.. 149
Βιβλιογραφία 149
?ικτυακές συνδέσεις.. 150
name::
* McsElln.μι01.1οΚΕΦΑΛΑΙΟ ΒΑΣΙΚΕΣ ΈΝΝΟΙΕΣ ΜΑΡΚΕΤΙΝΓΚ μι01.σ11,
1.1 Έννοια και ορισµός του Marketing 11
1.2 Πεδία Εφαρµογής του Μάρκετινγκ 14
Παράρτηµα.. 19
Οδηγός για περαιτέρω µελέτη. 19
Βιβλιογραφία.. 19
name::
* McsElln.μι01.2οΚΕΦΑΛΑΙΟ ΜΙΓΜΑ ΜΑΡΚΕΤΙΝΓΚ μι01.σ21,
2.1 Το Μίγµα του Μάρκετινγκ στις υπηρεσίες... 25
2.2 Το Μίγµα του Μάρκετινγκ στις διεπιχειρησιακές συναλλαγές .. 25
2.3 Η Νέα διάσταση του Μίγµατος Μάρκετινγκ 26
2.4 Από τα 4Ps στα 4 Cs του Μίγµατος Μάρκετινγκ 28
2.5 Προϊόν .. 29
2.5.1 Ταξινόµηση των προϊόντων σε κατηγορίες .. 30
2.5.2 Στρατηγικές Μίγµατος Προϊόντων 33
2.5.3 Μοντέλα Ανάλυσης Χαρτοφυλακίου Προϊόντων 34
2.6 Τιµολογιακή Πολιτική... 35
2.7 ?ιανοµή . 40
2.8 Προώθηση 45
2.8.1 Προωθητικές ενέργειες µε στόχο τον τελικό καταναλωτή . 45
2.8.2 Η παροχή των κινήτρων .. 46
2.8.3 Τα χαρακτηριστικά των πετυχηµένων προωθητικών ενεργειών... 46
2.8.4 Μορφές προωθητικών ενεργειών προς τους τελικούς καταναλωτές... 47
2.9 Πωλήσεις.. 49
2.9.1. Το πρόγραµµα πωλήσεων ... 50
2.9.2 Ο σχεδιασµός και η ανάπτυξη του προγράµµατος πωλήσεων .. 50
2.9.3 Γενικές κατευθύνσεις 50
2.9.4 Ανάλυση της δραστηριότητας πωλήσεων . 51
2.9.5 Οι προβλέψεις των πωλήσεων ... 51
2.9.6 Οι κύκλοι πωλήσεων. 60
2.9.7 Οι περιοχές πωλήσεων. 60
2.9.8 Πώς θα σχεδιάσετε το πρόγραµµα επισκέψεων των πωλητών σας 61
2.9.9 Πώς θα προσδιορίσετε το σωστό αριθµό πωλήσεων. 61
2.9.10 Ο προϋπολογισµός των πωλήσεων . 64 6
Σύνοψη 64
Παράρτηµα.. 65
Οδηγός για περαιτέρω µελέτη. 67
Βιβλιογραφία.. 68
name::
* McsElln.μι01.3οΚΕΦΑΛΑΙΟ Η ΣΥΜΠΕΡΙΦΟΡΑ ΤΩΝ ΚΑΤΑΝΑΛΩΤΩΝ ΚΑΙ ΑΓΟΡΑΣΤΩΝ μι01.σ69,
3.1. Οι θεωρίες συµπεριφοράς του καταναλωτή. 70
3.2 Η οικονοµική προσέγγιση . 70
3.3. Η ψυχολογική προσέγγιση .. 71
3.3.1 Η θεωρία της µάθησης. 71
3.3.2 Η θεωρία της προσωπικής αντίληψης... 71
3.3.3 Η ψυχαναλυτική θεωρία .. 72
3.3.4 Τα κίνητρα της ανθρώπινης συµπεριφοράς .. 72
3.3.5 Οι ανθρώπινες ανάγκες 73
3.3.6 Οι επιθυµίες και οι απαιτήσεις... 75
3.3.7 Τα µέσα ικανοποίησης των αναγκών, επιθυµιών και απαιτήσεων . 76
3.4. Η διαδικασία λήψης αποφάσεων για την αγορά καταναλωτικών προϊόντων ή προσωπι-
κών υπηρεσιών . 78
3.4.1 Η αναγνώριση της ανάγκης.. 79
3.4.2 Αναζήτηση πληροφοριών . 79
3.4.3 Αξιολόγηση εναλλακτικών δυνατοτήτων ικανοποίησης της ανάγκης . 80
3.4.4 Απόφαση αγοράς... 80
3.4.5 Αξιολόγηση των αποτελεσµάτων 80
3.5 Οι κατηγορίες των καταναλωτών. 80
3.6 Οι κατηγορίες πελατών σύµφωνα µε τη συχνότητα των αγορών τους 82
3.7 Κατηγορίες αγοραστών. 82
3.8. Η αγοραστική συµπεριφορά στην πράξη. 83
3.8.1 Αγορές από Super markets... 84
3.8.2 Αγορές από εµπορικά καταστήµατα .. 86
3. 12 Η αγοραστική συµπεριφορά των επιχειρήσεων και οργανισµών . 87
3.9.1 Τα στάδια της αγοραστικής διαδικασίας βιοµηχανικών προϊόντων ... 88
Σύνοψη 90
Παράρτηµα.. 91
Οδηγός για περαιτέρω µελέτη. 92
Βιβλιογραφία.. 92
name::
* McsElln.μι01.4οΚΕΦΑΛΑΙΟ Η ΤΜΗΜΑΤΟΠΟΙΗΣΗ ΤΗΣ ΑΓΟΡΑΣ μι01.σ93,
4.1 Η τµηµατοποίηση της αγοράς καταναλωτικών προϊόντων... 94
4.1.1 Γεωγραφική τµηµατοποίηση 94
4.1.2 ?ηµογραφική τµηµατοποίηση. 95 7
4.1.3 Ψυχογραφική τµηµατοποίηση. 95
4.1.4 Προνοµιακή τµηµατοποίηση 96
4.1.5 Ποσοτική τµηµατοποίηση 96
4.1.6 Τµηµατοποίηση σύµφωνα µε το προσδοκώµενο όφελος .. 98
4.1.7 Τµηµατοποίηση σύµφωνα µε τα χαρακτηριστικά του προϊόντος ή άλλων στοιχείων του
µίγµατος Μάρκετινγκ (Marketing attributes). 98
4.2 Η τµηµατοποίηση της αγοράς βιοµηχανικών προϊόντων.. 99
4.3 Η τµηµατοποίηση της αγοράς στις υπηρεσίες . 99
4.4 Η σηµασία της τµηµατοποίησης 100
4.5 Πότε ένα τµήµα της αγοράς είναι ελκυστικό για την επιχείρησή σας. 100
4.6 Πώς θα τµηµατοποιήσετε εύκολα την αγορά σας.. 101
4.7 Ενοποίηση τµηµάτων της αγοράς 102
Σύνοψη .. 103
Παράρτηµα 104
Οδηγός για περαιτέρω µελέτη.. 106
Βιβλιογραφία 106
name::
* McsElln.μι01.5oΚΕΦΑΛΑΙΟ ΑΝΤΑΓΩΝΙΣΜΟΣ μι01.σ107,
5.1. Η απόκτηση ανταγωνιστικών πλεονεκτηµάτων 108
5.1.1 Η διαθεσιµότητα και διαχείριση των πόρων .. 108
5.1.2 Οι θεµελιώδεις ικανότητες (core competencies) . 108
5.1.3 Περιοχές εστίασης των ανταγωνιστικών πλεονεκτηµάτων. 109
5.2 Οι δυνάµεις του ανταγωνιστικού περιβάλλοντος... 110
5.2.1 Απειλή εισόδου νέων ανταγωνιστών ... 110
5.2.2 Ανταγωνισµός µεταξύ υφισταµένων επιχειρήσεων.. 110
5.2.3 Απειλή υποκατάστατων προϊόντων ή υπηρεσιών . 111
5.2.4 Η διαπραγµατευτική δύναµη αγοραστών και προµηθευτών ... 111
5.3. Οι ανταγωνιστικές στρατηγικές του Porter 112
5.3.1. Η στρατηγική ηγεσίας κόστους 112
5.3.2 Η στρατηγική διαφοροποίησης. 114
5.3.3 Η στρατηγική της εστίασης. 114
5.4 Οι ανταγωνιστικές στρατηγικές του G. Day .. 115
5.5 Η τυπολογία των ανταγωνιστών 116
5.5.1 Ανταγωνιστές πεδίων . 116
5.5.2 Άµεσοι και έµµεσοι ανταγωνιστές ... 116
5.5.3 Ισχυροί και αδύνατοι ανταγωνιστές 117
5.5.4 Οι «καλοί» και «κακοί» ανταγωνιστές 117
Σύνοψη .. 118
Παραρτήµατα ... 119
Οδηγός για περαιτέρω µελέτη.. 120
Βιβλιογραφία 121 8
name::
* McsElln.μι01.6οΚΕΦΑΛΑΙΟ ΕΡΕΥΝΑ ΑΓΟΡΑΣ μι01.σ123,
6.1 Τι είναι η έρευνα αγοράς. 124
6.1.1 Έρευνα αγοράς 124
6.1.2 Έρευνα µάρκετινγκ.. 124
6.1.3 Έρευνα ανταγωνισµού ... 124
6.1.4 Κλαδική έρευνα... 124
6.2 Πηγές πληροφοριών 124
6.3 Η έρευνα γραφείου.. 125
6.3.1 Οι πηγές πληροφοριών στην έρευνα γραφείου . 125
6.3.2 Οι εφαρµογές της έρευνας γραφείου 126
6.4 Τα είδη της έρευνας αγοράς... 127
6.4.1 Ποσοτικές και ποιοτικές έρευνες. 127
6.4.2 Έρευνες καταναλωτικές και βιοµηχανίας ή εµπορίου . 127
6.4.3 Έρευνες ad-hoc και έρευνες κοινής συµµετοχής .. 128
6.5 Οι καταναλωτικές έρευνες. 128
6.6 Οι βιοµηχανικές έρευνες. 129
6.7 Οι έρευνες εµπορίου 129
6.7.1 Οι ?είκτες Λιανικού Εµπορίου. 129
6.8 Οι ποιοτικές έρευνες ... 132
6.8.1 Οι τεχνικές της ποιοτικής έρευνας .. 132
6.9 Μέθοδοι συλλογής στοιχείων 133
6.9.1 Μέθοδοι συλλογής στοιχείων µέσω επικοινωνιακής διαδικασίας 134
6.10 Η δηµιουργία και η λειτουργία του ερωτηµατολογίου . 137
6.10.1 Η προετοιµασία του ερωτηµατολογίου. 137
6.10.2 Τα είδη των ερωτήσεων ... 137
6.10.3 Προϋποθέσεις δηµιουργίας ενός σωστού ερωτηµατολογίου. 138
6.10.4 Τα είδη των ερωτηµατολογίων.. 138
Σύνοψη .. 139
Παραρτήµατα ... 139
Οδηγός για περαιτέρω µελέτη.. 142
Βιβλιογραφία 142
name::
* McsElln.μι01.7oΚΕΦΑΛΑΙΟ ΤΕΧΝΟΛΟΓΙΑ ΣΤΟ ΜΑΡΚΕΤΙΝΓΚ μι01.σ143,
7.1 Η εξέλιξη των τεχνολογιών φέρνει την εταιρεία κοντά στον πελάτη 143
7.2 Αλλαγή εστίασης από το προϊόν στον καταναλωτή. 145
7.3 Το Ιντερνετ αλλάζει την αγορά.. 145
Σύνοψη .. 148
Παραρτήµατα ... 148
Οδηγός για περαιτέρω µελέτη.. 149
Βιβλιογραφία 149
?ικτυακές συνδέσεις.. 150
name::
* McsElln.στέλεxος-διεθνούς-εμπορίου-ειδικότητα-ΙΕΚ,
=== Συντόμευση,
* McsElln.ΣτΔιΕμ@cptEconomy, {2012-10-23}
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://iek-xanth.xan.sch.gr/orologia/stel_dieth_emp_orol.htm,
* http://www.eoppep.gr/phocadownload/regulationsPistop_2012/stelexos%20diethnoys%20emporioy.pdf,
Απο το 1993 ΔΕΝ έχουν δίδακτρα.
Η ΕΠΙΛΟΓΗ υποψηφίων γίνεται με βάση τη βαθμολογία, την ηλικία, την τυχόν προυπερησία, και την τυχόν ιδιότητα τέκνου πούτεκνου.
[ΚΑΘΗΜΕΡΙΝΗ, 10 ΙΟΥΛ. 1994, 14]
name::
* McsEngl.ognEdu.ΚΕΝΤΡΟ-ΣΤΗΡΙΞΗΣ-ΕΚΠΑΙΔΕΥΤΙΚΟΥ-ΕΡΓΟΥ,
name::
* McsEngl.ognEdg.ΛΥΚΕΙΟ-ΑΡΙΣΤΟΤΕΛΗ,
* McsEngl.conceptEconomy39.1,
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.λυκειο-Αριστοτελη@cptEconomy39.1,
* McsElln.λύκειο-Αριστοτέλη-39.1,
Στο χώρο του Δημόσιου Γυμναστηρίου και του Αλσους που ήταν αφιερωμένο στον Λύκειο Απόλλωνα.
[ΒΗΜΑ, 1997-01-26, (Γ. ΒΩΚΟΣ) ΝΕΕΣ ΕΠΟΧΕΣ 11]
287πχ
Ο ΣΤΡΑΤΩΝ διαδέχεται τον ΘΕΟΦΡΑΣΤΟ στο λύκειο.
[ΒΗΜΑ, 1997-01-26, (Γ. ΒΩΚΟΣ) ΝΕΕΣ ΕΠΟΧΕΣ 11]
225πχ
Μέχρι τότε παραμένει ο ΛΥΚΩΝΑΣ
[ΒΗΜΑ, 1997-01-26, (Γ. ΒΩΚΟΣ) ΝΕΕΣ ΕΠΟΧΕΣ 11]
143πχ
Πεθαίνει ο ρήτορας ΚΡΙΤΟΛΑΟΣ, τελευταίος σημαντικος σχολάρχης.
[ΒΗΜΑ, 1997-01-26, (Γ. ΒΩΚΟΣ) ΝΕΕΣ ΕΠΟΧΕΣ 11]
86πχ
ο Σύλλασ καταστρέφει το Λύκειο γιατί χρειάζεται επειγόντως ξυλεία για την κατασκευή πολιορκητικών μηχανών.
[ΒΗΜΑ, 1997-01-26, (Γ. ΒΩΚΟΣ) ΝΕΕΣ ΕΠΟΧΕΣ 11]
Εικάζεται πως η σχολή ήταν οργανωμένη λίγο πολύ στα πρότυπα της Ακαδημίας, παρ' όλο που σύμφωνα με ορισμένες μαρτυρίες, ο Αριστοτέλης είχε επιβάλει έναν κανονισμό που όριζε στους μαθητές να διοικούν με τη σειρά επί δέκα ημέρες ο καθένας χωρίς να μπορούμε να γίνουμε σαφέστεροι ως προς τον χαρακτήρα αυτής της 'διοίκησης'.
[ΒΗΜΑ, 1997-01-26, (Γ. ΒΩΚΟΣ) ΝΕΕΣ ΕΠΟΧΕΣ 11]
Το πρωί στους διάσημους περιπάτους - είτε στη στοά είτε ανάμεσα στα δένδρα - που έδωσαν το όνομα στη Σχολή ο Αριστοτέλης διδάσκει στους μαθητές του τα δυσκολότερα προβλήματα της φιλοσοφίαςε,
ενώ το απόγευμα και το βράδυ είναι αφιερωμένα σε πιό εύκολα θέματα που ο φιλόσοφος αναπτύσει σε ευρύτερο ακροατήριο. Από εδώ προκύπτει και η γνωστή διάκριση των ακροαματικών και των εξωτερικών λόγων, σύμφωνα με την οποία οι πρώτοι αφορούν στα λεπτά και εξειδικευμένα φιλοσοφικά προβλήματα, ενώ οι δεύτεροι πραγματεύονται θέματα γενικότερου ενδιαφέροντος.
[ΒΗΜΑ, 1997-01-26, (Γ. ΒΩΚΟΣ) ΝΕΕΣ ΕΠΟΧΕΣ 11]
Γνωρίζουμε όμως καλά ότι ο Αριστοτέλης συγκέντρωσε μεγάλο αριθμό χειρογράφων στο Λύκειο, δημιουργώντας έτσι σημαντική βιβλιοθήκη, καθώς και ένα μουσείο αντικειμένων, για να εξηγεί με παραδείγματα τα μαθήματά του της φυσικής ιστορίας.
[ΒΗΜΑ, 1997-01-26, (Γ. ΒΩΚΟΣ) ΝΕΕΣ ΕΠΟΧΕΣ 11]
name::
* McsEngl.ognEdg.EVOLUTING,
{time.2013}:
More than 57 million children worldwide did not have access to a classroom
in 2011, according to statistics released by the United Nations
Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), which took into
account data from 164 countries. The actual number of children without
access to a school education might be more than 100 million, according to
United Nations estimates, but it can be difficult to track the numbers
because of illegal child labor or child trafficking. The country that had
the most children without access to a classroom in 2011 was Nigeria, with
about 10.5 million, followed by Pakistan at 5.4 million. Ethiopia, India
and the Philippines also had more than 1 million each. The total number
reported by UNESCO decreased by 2 million from 2010 to 2011.
http://www.wisegeek.com/how-many-children-do-not-have-access-to-a-classroom.htm?m, {2013-08-25}
_FUTURE:
1. Can smarter schools make smarter kids?
This year, Meyerson is most excited about the classrooms of the future. IBM is already testing out big data in schools with a program in a Georgia public school district serving 170,000 students. The project aims to improve graduation rates by tracking everything a student does -- including attendance, test scores, how they interact with electronic content, and what they are being taught in the classroom -- and suggesting improvements to tailor their educations.
"The education system works for you, it actually learns about you as time goes. I think that's a tremendous plus," said Meyerson.
[http://edition.cnn.com/2013/12/19/tech/innovation/five-tech-predictions-ibm/index.html]
name::
* McsEngl.conceptIt532,
* McsEngl.ognEdg.ΓΕΝΙΚΟ-ΛΥΚΕΙΟ,
* McsEngl.FvMcs.ognEdg.ΓΕΝΙΚΟ-ΛΥΚΕΙΟ,
* McsElln.ΓΕΛ@cptIt,
* McsElln.γενικό-λύκειο@cptIt,
* McsElln.διδακτέα ύλη λυκείου,
* McsElln.ΔΙΔΑΚΤΕΑ-ΥΛΗ-ΛΥΚΕΙΟΥ@cptIt532,
* McsElln.λυκειο@cptIt532, {2012-06-27}
* McsElln.λύκειο@cptIt532, {2012-09-11}
Οτιδήποτε σχετικό με την εκπαίδευση στο Γενικό Λύκειο.
[hmnSngo.2012-09-14]
_WHOLE:
* ecucation_sector.greece.secondary#cptEconomy326.12#
name::
* McsElln.λύκειο'9ο-Γενικό-Λύκειο-Ιωαννινων,
* McsEngl.9ο-γενικό-λύκειο-Ιωαννίνων@cptIt, {2012-12-06}
* McsEngl.9οΓΕΛ@cptIt,
_ΔΙΕΥΝΘΥΝΤΗΣ:
* ΑΛΕΞΙΟΥ ΖΩΗ ΚΩΝΣΤΑΝΤΙΝΟΣ 9ο ΓΕΝΙΚΟ ΛΥΚΕΙΟΙΩΑΝΝΙΝΩΝ
_ΔΙΕΥΘΥΝΣΗ:
Καρδαμίτσια
45500
26510-35313
===
* mail[at]9lyk-kardam.ioa.sch.gr
===
* http://9lyk-ioann.ioa.sch.gr/
name::
* McsElln.λύκειο'αξιολόγηση-στα-τετράμηνα,
ΑΞΙΟΛΟΓΗΣΗ ΤΩΝ ΜΑΘΗΤΩΝ ΚΑΤΑ ΤΗ ΔΙΑΡΚΕΙΑ ΤΩΝ ΤΕΤΡΑΜΗΝΩΝ
Άρθρο 8
Προφορική βαθμολογία τετραμήνων 1. Για την αξιολόγηση του μαθητή κατά τετράμηνο ο διδάσκων συνεκτιμά:
α. Τη συμμετοχή του στη διδακτική - μαθησιακή διαδικασία.
β. Την επιμέλεια και το ενδιαφέρον του για το συγκεκριμένο μάθημα.
γ. Την επίδοσή του στις ολιγόλεπτες και ωριαίες γραπτές δοκιμασίες.
δ. Τις εργασίες που εκτελεί στο σπίτι ή το Σχολείο.
ε. Το φάκελο επιδόσεων και δραστηριοτήτων του μαθητή, όπου αυτός υπάρχει.
2. Στην περίπτωση που λείπουν στοιχεία της παραγράφου 1 του άρθρου αυτού ο προφορικός βαθμός του τετραμήνου διαμορφώνεται από τη συνεκτίμηση των υπαρχόντων.
3. Για μάθημα που για οποιονδήποτε λόγο διδάχθηκε λιγότερο από δέκα (10) ώρες δεν κατατίθεται βαθμολογία, εάν αποδεδειγμένα και δικαιολογημένα ο διδάσκων δεν έχει επαρκή στοιχεία για την αξιολόγηση των μαθητών.
4. Δεν κατατίθεται βαθμολογία για τα μαθήματα των Θρησκευτικών και της Φυσικής Αγωγής για όσους μαθητές έχουν νομίμως απαλλαγεί από την παρακολούθησή τους.
5. Με τη λήξη του Α΄ ή του Β΄ τετραμήνου κάθε διδάσκων καταθέτει στο Διευθυντή του Σχολείου ονομαστική κατάσταση για κάθε τάξη ή τμήμα χωριστά με τους τετραμηνιαίους βαθμούς επίδοσης.
6. Αν από την ονομαστική κατάσταση της προφορικής βαθμολογίας λείπει βαθμός μαθητή, ο διδάσκων με ενυπόγραφη σημείωση πάνω στην κατάσταση δικαιολογεί την έλλειψη του βαθμού.
7. Με ευθύνη του Διευθυντή του Σχολείου και του διδάσκοντος, η προφορική βαθμολογία των μαθητών καταχωρίζεται με ιδιαίτερη προσοχή και χωρίς καθυστέρηση στο Ατομικό Δελτίο (ΑΔ) των μαθητών και στον Η/Υ, αν το Σχολείο διαθέτει. Αντίγραφο της βαθμολογίας που καταχωρίζεται σε ηλεκτρονικό υπολογιστή κρατείται υποχρεωτικά και σε δισκέτα. Για το 2ο τετράμηνο η καταχώριση γίνεται πριν από την έναρξη των γραπτών προαγωγικών ή απολυτήριων εξετάσεων. Μετά την καταχώριση δεν επιτρέπεται καμία μεταβολή.
[πδ246/1998]
name::
* McsElln.λύκειο'απουσίες,
ΟΡΙΟ-ΑΔΙΚΑΙΟΛΟΓΗΤΩΝ-ΑΠΟΥΣΙΩΝ:
50,
Για τα Γενικά Λύκεια (ΓΕ.Λ.) ισχύουν οι διατάξεις του άρθρου 35 “Χαρακτηρισμός φοίτησης και συνέπειες στην προαγωγή και απόλυση μαθητών “του Π.Δ. 60/2006 (ΦΕΚ Α΄65)
Άρθρο 35
Χαρακτηρισμός φοίτησης και συνέπειες στην προαγωγή και απόλυση μαθητών
1. Η φοίτηση όλων των μαθητών των Ενιαίων Λυκείων χαρακτηρίζεται με πράξη του Συλλόγου των διδασκόντων καθηγητών την ημέρα που λήγουν τα μαθήματα ως επαρκής ή ανεπαρκής, με βάση το σύνολο των απουσιών που σημειώθηκαν κατά τη διάρκεια του διδακτικού έτους, σε συνδυασμό με την ετήσια προφορική επίδοσησε όλα τα μαθήματα.
2. Επαρκής χαρακτηρίζεται η φοίτηση στην περίπτωση κατά την οποία:
α) Tο σύνολο των απουσιών του μαθητή, που σημειώθηκε κατά το λήγον διδακτικό έτος, δεν υπερβαίνει τις πενήντα (50), ανεξάρτητα από τους λόγους πραγματοποίησής τους.
β) Tο σύνολο των απουσιών του μαθητή δεν υπερβαίνει τις εκατόν δεκατέσσερις (114), από τις οποίες οι πάνω από τις πενήντα (50) είναι δικαιολογημένες ή οφείλονται σε ασθένεια που βεβαιώνεται, «σύμφωνα με το άρθρο 3 του π.δ. 485/83 (ΦΕΚ184 Α΄)».
Κατ’ εξαίρεση, ο Σύλλογος των Διδασκόντων κάθε Σχολείου με ειδική πράξη του χαρακτηρίζει ως επαρκή τη φοίτηση μαθητή που σημείωσε από εκατόν δέκα πέντε έως εκατόν εξήντα τέσσερις (115-164) απουσίες, υπό την προϋπόθεση ότι όλες οι απουσίες πάνω από τις πενήντα (50) είναι δικαιολογημένες και οφείλονται σε ασθένεια, που βεβαιώνεται σύμφωνα με τα παραπάνω, και η επίδοσή του κρίνεται ιδιαίτερα ικανοποιητική. Ως ιδιαίτερα ικανοποιητική κρίνεται στην προκειμένη περίπτωση η επίδοση του μαθητή, όταν ο γενικός μέσος όρος της προφορικής βαθμολογίας (Γ.Μ.Ο.), όπως προκύπτει από το άθροισμα των Μ.Ο. των δύο τετραμηνιαίων βαθμών στο Λύκειο, διαιρούμενο με τον αριθμό των διδασκόμενων μαθημάτων, είναι τουλάχιστον δεκαπέντε (15) πλήρες και η διαγωγή του κοσμιωτάτη.
γ) Συντρέχουν οι λόγοι που αναφέρονται στην παρ. 6 εδ. δ΄ του άρθρου 1 του π.δ. 294/1980.
3. Οι μαθητές, των οποίων η φοίτηση χαρακτηρίζεται επαρκής, προσέρχονται κανονικά στις προαγωγικές και απολυτήριες εξετάσεις του Ιουνίου.
4. Ανεπαρκής χαρακτηρίζεται η φοίτηση μαθητή που σημείωσε πάνω από πενήντα (50) απουσίες και δεν εμπίπτει σε καμία από τις περιπτώσεις που προαναφέρθηκαν.
5. Οι μαθητές, των οποίων η φοίτηση χαρακτηρίζεται ανεπαρκής, είναι υποχρεωμένοι να επαναλάβουν τη φοίτηση στην ίδια τάξη.
6. Για τους μαθητές, που φοιτούν στα Εσπερινά και Μουσικά Λύκεια, τα αριθμητικά όρια των εκατόν δεκατεσσάρων (114) και εκατόν εξηντατεσσάρων (164) απουσιών για το χαρακτηρισμό της φοίτησης προσαυξάνονται κατά δεκα έξι (16).
7. Ο υπεύθυνος καθηγητής για την παρακολούθηση της φοίτησης των μαθητών τμήματος ή τάξεως, αφού ενημερώσει το Διευθυντή του σχολείου ότι ο μαθητής συμπλήρωσε ήδη εικοσιτέσσερις (24) απουσίες, δικαιολογημένες ή αδικαιολόγητες, είναι υποχρεωμένος να ενημερώνει τον κηδεμόνα με ταχυδρομική επιστολή, η οποία στέλνεται με τη μέριμνα του σχολείου από την1η έως την 5η κάθε μήνα για τις απουσίες του μήνα που προηγήθηκε.
[http://didefth.gr/mathimata/?p=3845]
στο άρθρο 54 του Ν. 4115/2013 (Α΄ 24) με θέμα «Οργάνωση και λειτουργία Ιδρύματος Νεολαίας και Δια Βίου Μάθησης και Εθνικού Οργανισμού Πιστοποίησης Προσόντων και Επαγγελματικού Προσανατολισμού και άλλες διατάξεις» περιλαμβάνονται νέες ρυθμίσεις σχετικά με τη δικαιολόγηση των απουσιών.
fek_2013_24a.pdf
Άρθρο 54
1. Μπορεί ο Σύλλογος των διδασκόντων του Σχολείου, αποφασίζοντας σχετικά με την δικαιολόγηση απουσιών
μαθητών, να κάνει δεκτά ή να απορρίπτει εκπρόθεσμα δικαιολογητικά:
α. ιατρικές βεβαιώσεις
β. αιτήσεις – βεβαιώσεις κηδεμόνων που προσκομίστηκαν μετά από δέκα (10) εργάσιμες ημέρες από την επιστροφή του μαθητή στο σχολείο, εξετάζοντας κάθε περίπτωση αναλυτικά και χωριστά και έχοντας τη δυνατότητα να συγχωρήσει την εκπρόθεσμη
υποβολή τους με αιτιολογημένη απόφασή του.
2. Ο Σύλλογος των Διδασκόντων του Σχολείου έχει τη δυνατότητα να δικαιολογεί απουσίες μαθητών για λόγους υγείας, με ιατρική βεβαίωση ή χωρίς ιατρικήβεβαίωση αν η πάθηση είναι εμφανής και μη χρήζουσα απόδειξης:
α. Για μεμονωμένες ή συνεχείς ώρες ημερήσιου προγράμματος και χωρίς την άδεια του Διευθυντή αν δεν
καταχωρίστηκε σχετική παρατήρηση στο ημερήσιο δελτίο απουσιών (π.χ. γιατί από αμέλεια δεν ζητήθηκε άδεια
ή από αμέλεια δεν καταχωρίστηκε σχετική παρατήρηση), εφόσον εξετάζοντας κάθε περίπτωση αναλυτικά
και χωριστά ο σύλλογος κρίνει ότι αδικούνται άλλως οι μαθητές από υπαιτιότητα του Σχολείου,
β. για πρώτες ώρες, εφόσον δικαιολογείται η μη έγκαιρη προσέλευση στο Σχολείο (κινητικά προβλήματα-αναπηρία).
[http://didefth.gr/mathimata/?p=3692]
name::
* McsElln.λύκειο'ενδιάμεσες-γραπτές-εξετάσεις,
Άρθρο 9
Ενδιάμεσες γραπτές εξετάσεις
Η πρόοδος των μαθητών ελέγχεται με ποικίλες ενδιάμεσες γραπτές εξετάσεις. Αυτές είναι:
1. Ολιγόλεπτες γραπτές δοκιμασίες. Αποτελούν εναλλακτικό τρόπο εξέτασης των μαθητών στο μάθημα της ημέρας και συμπληρώνουν την αξιολόγηση μέσω προφορικών διαδικασιών. Γίνονται χωρίς προειδοποίηση των μαθητών με τη μορφή σύντομων, ποικίλων και κατάλληλων ερωτήσεων, οι οποίες εκπονούνται από το διδάσκοντα με βάση τα σχετικά παραδείγματα που περιέχονται στα σχολικά βιβλία και στο λοιπό παιδαγωγικό υλικό που αποστέλλεται στα σχολεία ή λαμβάνονται έτοιμες από Τράπεζα Θεμάτων ή επίσημα ανθολόγια ερωτήσεων. Διενεργούνται σε αριθμό που καθορίζει κατά την κρίση του ο κάθε διδάσκων, υπό τον όρο ότι δε γίνεται κατάχρηση της δυνατότητας αυτής. Τα αποτελέσματά τους αξιοποιούνται για την αντικειμενικότερη αξιολόγηση του μαθητή και τη συνεχή ανατροφοδότηση της διδασκαλίας.
2. Ωριαίες γραπτές δοκιμασίες σε ευρύτερες ενότητες. Γίνονται ύστερα από προειδοποίηση σε χρόνο και ενότητα που επιλέγει και ανακοινώνει στους μαθητές ο διδάσκων. Ως προς τη μορφή τους μπορούν να συνδυάζουν ταυτόχρονα διαφορετικού τύπου ερωτήσεις (ανάπτυξης, σύντομης απάντησης και κλειστού τύπου). Ο διδάσκων ή οι διδάσκοντες σε μία τάξη κατανέμουν στην αρχή του διδακτικού έτους και οπωσδήποτε μέχρι την 30ή Σεπτεμβρίου τη διδακτέα ύλη σε ευρύτερες ενότητες, για να διευκολύνουν τον προγραμματισμό της διδασκαλίας και τη διεξαγωγή των γραπτών δοκιμασιών. Η κατανομή αυτή γνωστοποιείται εγγράφως στο Διευθυντή του Σχολείου και στο Σχολικό Σύμβουλο ή τον Εξωτερικό Αξιολογητή, όταν αυτός τη ζητήσει. Κάθε τετράμηνο διεξάγεται υποχρεωτικά μία (1) ωριαία γραπτή δοκιμασία σε μία ευρύτερη ενότητα.
3. Συμπληρωματικές ωριαίες γραπτές δοκιμασίες. Παρέχεται στους διδάσκοντες η δυνατότητα να προβαίνουν, εφόσον το θεωρούν αναγκαίο, και σε μία (1) συμπληρωματική ωριαία εξέταση κατά τη διάρκεια του τετραμήνου. Η συμπληρωματική ωριαία εξέταση μπορεί να γίνει μόνο σε μαθήματα που διδάσκονται δύο (2) τουλάχιστον ώρες την εβδομάδα.
4. Για τη διενέργεια των ωριαίων γραπτών δοκιμασιών απαιτείται προγραμματισμός με συνεννόηση των διδασκόντων και του Διευθυντή του Σχολείου. Η συνεννόηση αυτή αποσκοπεί στην αποφυγή συσσώρευσης γραπτών εξετάσεων την ίδια χρονική περίοδο και στον καλύτερο συντονισμό τους. Ο τρόπος υλοποίησής τους καθορίζεται από το Σύλλογο Διδασκόντων κάθε Λυκείου.
5. Δεν επιτρέπεται να διεξάγονται περισσότερες από μία (1) γραπτές δοκιμασίες οποιασδήποτε μορφής κατά τη διάρκεια του ημερήσιου διδακτικού προγράμματος ούτε να υπερβαίνουν τις τρεις (3) στη διάρκεια του εβδομαδιαίου προγράμματος για τους ίδιους μαθητές.
6. Οι μαθητές που επιθυμούν να βελτιώσουν το συνολικό βαθμό επίδοσής τους σε κάθε μάθημα του αντίστοιχου τετραμήνου έχουν τη δυνατότητα να συμμετάσχουν, αν το επιθυμούν, σε μια πρόσθετη ανακεφαλαιωτική ωριαία γραπτή εξέταση, την οποία ορίζει υποχρεωτικά ο Σύλλογος Διδασκόντων. η συμπληρωματική αυτή εξέταση πραγματοποιείται κατά την πρώτη εβδομάδα έναρξης των μαθημάτων του Β΄ τετραμήνου για τα μαθήματα που διδάχθηκαν στο Α΄ τετράμηνο και κατά την τελευταία εβδομάδα του Β΄ τετραμήνου για τα μαθήματα που διδάχτηκαν κατά το τετράμηνο αυτό. Για το σκοπό αυτό οι καθηγητές ενημερώνουν κατά το τέλος του Β΄ τετραμήνου τους μαθητές για την πρόοδό τους, χωρίς αυτό να σημαίνει οριστικοποίηση της βαθμολογίας πριν από τη λήξη του τετραμήνου. Κάθε ημέρα δεν μπορεί να πραγματοποιούνται περισσότερες από μία συμπληρωματικές εξετάσεις. Ο βαθμός της εξέτασης αυτής συμμετέχει ως τρίτος βαθμός (προφορικός βαθμός, βαθμός κανονικής(ων) ωριαίας(ων) εξέτασης(εων), βαθμός πρόσθετης ωριαίας εξέτασης) στην εξαγωγή του μέσου όρου επίδοσης στο αντίστοιχο μάθημα. Η συμμετοχή στις δοκιμασίες αυτές είναι προαιρετική για τους μαθητές. Στην εξέταση μπορούν να συμμετάσχουν μαθητές που έχουν παρακολουθήσει μαθήματα πρόσθετης διδακτικής στήριξης, εφόσον αυτά πραγματοποιούνται στο οικείο Λύκειο. Αν τέτοιου είδους προγράμματα δεν πραγματοποιούνται στο Λύκειο ή υπάρχει άλλο σοβαρό κώλυμα συμμετοχής σ' αυτά, με απόφαση του Συλλόγου Διδασκόντων μπορεί να δοθεί το παραπάνω δικαίωμα και σε μαθητές που δεν παρακολούθησαν τα μαθήματα της πρόσθετης διδακτικής στήριξης. Η έκταση της ύλης στην οποία αναφέρεται η πρόσθετη ωριαία εξέταση δεν μπορεί να είναι μικρότερη από μια ευρεία διδακτική ενότητα του αντίστοιχου μαθήματος ούτε μεγαλύτερη από το μισό της ύλης που έχει διδαχθεί κατά το αντίστοιχο τετράμηνο.
7. Τα γραπτά δοκίμια όλων των γραπτών δοκιμασιών, αφού διορθωθούν και βαθμολογηθούν από το διδάσκοντα, τίθενται υπόψη των μαθητών και εν συνεχεία παραδίδονται στη Διεύθυνση και φυλάσσονται στο Σχολείο ως τη λήξη του διδακτικού έτους. Επιδεικνύονται επίσης στους κηδεμόνες, στους Σχολικούς Συμβούλους, αν το ζητήσουν, σύμφωνα με την παράγραφο 3 του άρθρου 13, καθώς και σε κάθε άλλο πρόσωπο ή φορέα εξουσιοδοτημένο από το ΥΠΕΠΘ.
8. Ο διδάσκων καταθέτει στο Διευθυντή το πρωτότυπο των θεμάτων κάθε κριτηρίου αξιολόγησης. Τα κριτήρια αξιολόγησης με ευθύνη του Διευθυντή ταξινομούνται κατά μάθημα και κατηγορία, τηρείται σχετικό αρχείο, το οποίο είναι στη διάθεση όλων των διδασκόντων του Σχολείου και του Σχολικού Συμβούλου της ειδικότητας καθώς και κάθε άλλου προσώπου ή φορέα εξουσιοδοτημένου από το ΥΠΕΠΘ.
[πδ246/1998]
name::
* McsElln.λύκειο'κατεύθυνση,
Οι μαθητές της Γ τάξης του Ενιαίου λυκείου για την εισαγωγή τους στη τριτοβάθμια εκπαίδευση εξετάζονται πανελλαδικά σε έξι (6) μαθήματα.
Ειδικότερα εξετάζονται στα τέσσερα (4) μαθήματα κατεύθυνσης, στο μάθημα Νεοελληνικής Γλώσσας -γενικής παιδείας(5) και σε ενα μαθημα επιλογής (6).
Το μάθημα επιλογής είναι ένα απο τα παρακάτω:
Νεότερη Ελληνική Ιστορία
Μαθηματικά και Στοιχεία Στατιστικής
Βιολογία
Φυσική
Ο υποψήφιος που θα επιλέξει το 5 επιστημονικό πεδίο εξετάζεται υποχρεωτικά και σε έβδομο(7) μάθημα, τις Αρχές Οικονομικής Θεωρίας(ΑΟΘ).
Ο υποψήφιος κάθε κατεύθυνσης έχει την δυνατότητα να επιλέξει το πολύ μέχρι δυο (2) επιστημονικά πεδία.
Σε κάθε επιστημονικό πεδίο έχουν καθοριστεί δυο (2) μαθήματα αυξημένης βαρύτητας.
Όταν ο υποψήφιος επιλέξει πεδίο της κατεύθυνσης του τότε έχουν καθοριστεί 2 μαθήματα κατεύθυνσης ως μαθήματα αυξημένης βαρύτητας με συντελεστές βαρύτητας 1,3 και 0,7.
Όταν ο υποψήφιος επιλέξει πεδίο που δεν ανήκει στη κατεύθυνση του, τότε έχουν καθοριστεί 2 μαθήματα γενικής παιδείας ως μαθήματα αυξημένης βαρύτητας με συντελεστές 0,9 και 0,4.
Κατα αυτόν τον τρόπο η μέγιστη συγκέντρωση μορίων σε πεδίο που ανήκει στην κατεύθυνση του μαθητή είναι 20.000, ενώ η μέγιστη συγκέντρωση μορίων σε πεδίο που δεν ανήκει στην κατεύθυνση του είναι 18.600.
ΕΠΙΣΤΗΜΟΝΙΚΑ ΠΕΔΙΑ
ΚΑΤΕΥΘΥΝΣΕΙΣ
ΘΕΩΡΗΤΙΚΗ
ΘΕΤΙΚΗ
ΤΕΧΝΟΛΟΓΙΚΗ ΚΥΚΛΟΣ ΠΛΗΡΟΦΟΡΙΚΗΣ
ΤΕΧΝΟΛΟΓΙΚΗ ΚΥΚΛΟΣ ΤΕΧΝΟΛΟΓΙΑΣ
ΑΝΘΡΩΠΙΣΤΙΚΕΣ
ΝΟΜΙΚΕΣ &
ΚΟΙΝΩΝΙΚΕΣ
ΕΠΙΣΤΗΜΕΣ
1. Αρχαία Ελληνικά (1,3)
2. Ιστορία (0,7)
3. Ν. Λογοτεχνία
4. Λατινικά
5. Ν. Γλώσσα (Γ.Π.)
6. Ελεύθερη Επιλογή (Γ.Π.)
1. Μαθηματικά
2. Φυσική
3. Χημεία
4. Βιολογία
5. Ν. Γλώσσα (Γ.Π.) (0,9)
6. Νεότ. Ελλ. Ιστορία (Γ.Π.) (0,9)
1. Μαθηματικά
2. Φυσική
3. Ανάπτυξη εφαρμογών
4. Διοίκηση επιχειρήσεων
5. Ν. Γλώσσα (Γ.Π.) (0,9)
6. Νεότ. Ελλ. Ιστορία (0,4)
1. Μαθηματικά
2. Φυσική
3. Χημεία - Βιοχημεία
4. Ηλεκτρολογία
5. Ν. Γλώσσα (Γ.Π.) (0,9)
6. Νεότ. Ελλ. Ιστορία (Γ.Π.) (0,4)
ΘΕΤΙΚΕΣ
ΕΠΙΣΤΗΜΕΣ
1. Αρχαία Ελληνικά
2. Ιστορία
3. Ν. Λογοτεχνία
4. Λατινικά
5. Ν. Γλώσσα (Γ.Π.) (0,4)
6. Μαθ/κά-Στατ/κή (Γ.Π.) (0,9)
1. Μαθηματικά (1,3)
2. Φυσική (0,7)
3. Χημεία
4. Βιολογία
5. Ν. Γλώσσα (Γ.Π.)
6. Ελεύθερη Επιλογή (Γ.Π.)
1. Μαθηματικά (1,3)
2. Φυσική (0,7)
3. Ανάπτυξη εφαρμογών
4. Διοίκηση επιχειρήσεων
5. Ν. Γλώσσα (Γ.Π.)
6. Ελεύθερη Επιλογή (Γ.Π.)
1. Μαθηματικά (1,3)
2. Φυσική (0,7)
3. Χημεία - Βιοχημεία
4. Ηλεκτρολογία
5. Ν. Γλώσσα (Γ.Π.)
6. Ελεύθερη Επιλογή (Γ.Π.)
ΕΠΙΣΤΗΜΕΣ
ΥΓΕΙΑΣ
1. Αρχαία Ελληνικά
2. Ιστορία
3. Ν. Λογοτεχνία
4. Λατινικά
5. Ν. Γλώσσα (0,4)
6. Βιολογία (Γ.Π.) (0,9)
1. Μαθηματικά
2. Φυσική
3. Βιολογία (1,3)
4. Χημεία (0,7)
5. Ν. Γλώσσα (Γ.Π.)
6. Ελεύθερη Επιλογή
1. Μαθηματικά
2. Φυσική
3. Ανάπτυξη εφαρμογών
4. Διοίκηση επιχειρήσεων
5. Ν. Γλώσσα (0,4)
6. Βιολογία (Γ.Π.) (0,9)
1. Μαθηματικά
2. Φυσική
3. Χημεία - Βιοχημεία
4. Ηλεκτρολογία
5. Ν. Γλώσσα (0,4)
6. Βιολογία (Γ.Π.) (0,9)
ΤΕΧΝΟΛΟΓΙΚΕΣ
ΕΠΙΣΤΗΜΕΣ
1. Αρχαία Ελληνικά
2. Ιστορία
3. Ν. Λογοτεχνία
4. Λατινικά
5. Ν. Γλώσσα (Γ.Π.) (0,4)
6. Μαθ/κά-Στατ/κή (Γ.Π.) (0,9)
1. Μαθηματικά (1,3)
2. Φυσική (0,7)
3. Χημεία
4. Βιολογία
5. Ν. Γλώσσα (Γ.Π.)
6. Ελεύθερη Επιλογή (Γ.Π.)
1. Μαθηματικά (1,3)
2. Φυσική (0,7)
3. Ανάπτυξη εφαρμογών
4. Διοίκηση επιχειρήσεων
5. Ν. Γλώσσα (Γ.Π.)
6. Ελεύθερη Επιλογή (Γ.Π.)
1. Μαθηματικά (1,3)
2. Φυσική (0,7)
3. Χημεία - Βιοχημεία
4. Ηλεκτρολογία
5. Ν. Γλώσσα (Γ.Π.)
6. Ελεύθερη Επιλογή (Γ.Π.)
ΕΠΙΣΤΗΜΕΣ
ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΙΑΣ
& ΔΙΟΙΚΗΣΗΣ
1. Αρχαία Ελληνικά
2. Ιστορία
3. Ν. Λογοτεχνία
4. Λατινικά
5. Ν. Γλώσσα (Γ.Π.)
6. Μαθ/κά-Στατ/κή (Γ.Π.) (0,7)
7. Αρχές Οικ. Θεωρίας (Ε.) (1,3)
1. Μαθηματικά
2. Φυσική
3. Χημεία
4. Βιολογία
5. Ν. Γλώσσα (Γ.Π.)
6. Μαθ/κά-Στατ/κή (Γ.Π.) (0,7)
7. Αρχές Οικ. Θεωρίας (Ε.) (1,3)
1. Μαθηματικά
2. Φυσική
3. Ανάπτυξη εφαρμογών
4. Διοίκηση επιχειρήσεων
5. Ν. Γλώσσα (Γ.Π.)
6. Μαθ/κά-Στατ/κή (Γ.Π.) (0,7)
7. Αρχές Οικ. Θεωρίας (Ε.) (1,3)
1. Μαθηματικά
2. Φυσική
3. Χημεία - Βιοχημεία
4. Ηλεκτρολογία
5. Ν. Γλώσσα (Γ.Π.)
6. Μαθ/κά-Στατ/κή (Γ.Π.) (0,7)
7. Αρχές Οικ. Θεωρίας (Ε.) (1,3)
ΘΕΩΡ ΚΑΤ ΘΕΤ ΚΑΤ ΤΕΧ ΚΑΤΕΥΘΥΝΣΗ
Π ΜΣΜ Π ΜΣΜ ΠΕΔ ΜΕΓ.ΣΥΓΚΕΝΤΡΩΣΗ.ΜΟΡΙΩΝ
1ο 20.000 1ο 18.600 1ο 18.600
2ο 18.600 2ο 20.000 2ο 20.000
3ο 18.600 3ο 20.000 3ο 18.600
4ο 18.600 4ο 20.000 4ο 20.000
5ο 20.000 5ο 20.000 5ο 20.000
[http://www.korifeo.gr/exetastiko-systima/pedia-kai-katey8ynseis]
name::
* McsElln.λύκειο'Επιστημονικό-πεδίο-Ι (Ανθρωπιστικές; Νομικές και Κοινωνικές),
name::
* McsElln.λύκειο'Επιστημονικό-πεδίο-ΙΙ (Θετικές Επιστήμες),
name::
* McsElln.λύκειο'Επιστημονικό-πεδίο-ΙΙΙ (Υγείας Επιστήμες),
name::
* McsElln.λύκειο'Επιστημονικό-πεδίο-ΙV (Τεχνολογικές),
name::
* McsElln.λύκειο'Επιστημονικό-πεδίο-V (Οικονομίας και Διοίκησης),
name::
* McsElln.λύκειο'ΚΑΤΕΥΘΥΝΣΗ.ΘΕΤΙΚΗ,
III. Προοπτικές Θετικής Κατεύθυνσης
Τη θετική κατεύθυνση αναμένεται να ακολουθήσουν κυρίως οι μαθητές που θέλουν να σπουδάσουν σε κάποια σχολή των Επιστημονικών Πεδίων
II (Θετικές Επιστήμες),
III (Επιστήμες Υγείας), ή
IV (Τεχνολογικές Επιστήμες) και,
εφόσον δώσουν ως μάθημα επιλογής στη Γ’ Λυκείου το μάθημα των Αρχών Οικονομικής Θεωρίας, το Επιστημονικό Πεδίο V (Επιστήμες Οικονομίας & Διοίκησης).
Στις περιπτώσεις αυτές ο βαθμός πρόσβασης στην τριτοβάθμια εκπαίδευση εξαρτάται, εκτός από το Απολυτήριο του Ενιαίου (Γενικού) Λυκείου, και από τα εξής μαθήματα αυξημένης βαρύτητας, τα οποία θα παρακολουθήσει ο μαθητής στη Γ’ Λυκείου (με συνολικό συντελεστή 2 ή 20% στον υπολογισμό των μορίων για την τριτοβάθμια εκπαίδευση):
Για τα Επιστημονικά Πεδία II και IV:
Μαθηματικά (υποχρεωτικό κατεύθυνσης - συντελεστής 1,3).
Φυσική (υποχρεωτικό κατεύθυνσης - συντελεστής 0,7).
Για το Επιστημονικό Πεδίο III:
Βιολογία (υποχρεωτικό κατεύθυνσης - συντελεστής 1,3).
Χημεία (υποχρεωτικό κατεύθυνσης - συντελεστής 0,7).
Για το Επιστημονικό Πεδίο V:
Αρχές Οικονομικής Θεωρίας (επιλογής - συντελεστής 1,3).
Μαθηματικά & Στοιχεία Στατιστικής (γενικής παιδείας - συντελεστής 0,7).
Επίσης, ένας μαθητής της Θετικής Κατεύθυνσης μπορεί να κατευθυνθεί προς το Επιστημονικό Πεδίο I, χρησιμοποιώντας συγκεκριμένο μάθημα γενικής παιδείας με συνολικό συντελεστή 1,3 (13% στο βαθμό εγγραφής σε κάποιο τμήμα της τριτοβάθμιας εκπαίδευσης).
[http://alki.edu.gr/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=77&Itemid=124]
name::
* McsElln.λύκειο'ΚΑΤΕΥΘΥΝΣΗ.ΘΕΩΡΗΤΙΚΗ,
II. Προοπτικές Θεωρητικής Κατεύθυνσης
Τη θεωρητική κατεύθυνση αναμένεται να ακολουθήσουν κυρίως οι μαθητές που θέλουν να σπουδάσουν σε κάποια σχολή του Επιστημονικού Πεδίου Ι (Ανθρωπιστικές, Νομικές & Κοινωνικές Επιστήμες).
Στην περίπτωση αυτή ο βαθμός πρόσβασης στην τριτοβάθμια εκπαίδευση εξαρτάται, εκτός από το Απολυτήριο του Ενιαίου (Γενικού) Λυκείου, από τα εξής μαθήματα αυξημένης βαρύτητας, τα οποία θα παρακολουθήσει ο μαθητής στη Γ’ Λυκείου (με συνολικό συντελεστή 2 ή 20% στον υπολογισμό των μορίων για την τριτοβάθμια εκπαίδευση):
Αρχαία Ελληνικά (υποχρεωτικό μάθημα κατεύθυνσης - συντελεστής 1,3).
Ιστορία (υποχρεωτικό μάθημα κατεύθυνσης - συντελεστής 0,7).
Μια δεύτερη λογική και χωρίς βαθμολογικές απώλειες επιλογή από τη Θεωρητική Κατεύθυνση είναι το Επιστημονικό Πεδίο V (Επιστήμες Οικονομίας & Διοίκησης), εφόσον ο μαθητής παρακολουθήσει τα μαθηματικά γενικής παιδείας και τις Αρχές Οικονομικής Θεωρίας ως μάθημα επιλογής στη Γ’ Λυκείου. Στην περίπτωση αυτή τα μαθήματα αυξημένης βαρύτητας είναι:
Αρχές Οικονομικής Θεωρίας (επιλογής - συντελεστής 1,3).
Μαθηματικά & Στοιχεία Στατιστικής (γενικής παιδείας - συντελεστής 0,7).
Επίσης, ένας μαθητής της Θεωρητικής Κατεύθυνσης μπορεί να κατευθυνθεί προς τα Επιστημονικά Πεδία II, III και IV επιλέγοντας συγκεκριμένα μαθήματα γενικής παιδείας (στη Γ’ Λυκείου) ως μαθήματα αυξημένης βαρύτητας με συνολικό συντελεστή 1,3 (δηλαδή 13% στο βαθμό εισαγωγής στην τριτοβάθμια εκπαίδευση).
[http://alki.edu.gr/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=77&Itemid=124]
name::
* McsElln.λύκειο'ΚΑΤΕΥΘΥΝΣΗ.ΤΕXΝΟΛΟΓΙΚΗ,
IV. Τεχνολογική Κατεύθυνση
Γενικά τεχνολογική κατεύθυνση οδηγεί το μαθητή κυρίως σε τμήματα των Επιστημονικών Πεδίων IV (Τεχνολογικές Επιστήμες) και II (Θετικές Επιστήμες) και, εφόσον δώσει ως μάθημα επιλογής στη Γ’ Λυκείου το μάθημα των Αρχών Οικονομικής Θεωρίας, το Επιστημονικό Πεδίο V (Επιστήμες Οικονομίας & Διοίκησης).
Οι μαθητές που θα ακολουθήσουν την Τεχνολογική Κατεύθυνση στη Β’ Λυκείου θα πρέπει να γνωρίζουν ότι στη Γ’ Λυκείου θα πρέπει να επιλέξουν έναν από τους δύο κύκλους της κατεύθυνσης:
Τον Κύκλο Πληροφορικής - Υπηρεσιών ή
Τον Κύκλο Τεχνολογίας Παραγωγής.
A. Προοπτικές Κύκλου Πληροφορικής / Υπηρεσιών
Ο βαθμός πρόσβασης του μαθητή του Κύκλου Πληροφορικής / Υπηρεσιών στην τριτοβάθμια εκπαίδευση εξαρτάται, εκτός από το Απολυτήριο του Ενιαίου (Γενικού) Λυκείου, από τα εξής μαθήματα αυξημένης βαρύτητας, τα οποία θα παρακολουθήσει ο μαθητής στη Γ’ Λυκείου (με συνολικό συντελεστή 2 ή 20% στον υπολογισμό των μορίων για την τριτοβάθμια εκπαίδευση):
Για τα Επιστημονικά Πεδία IV και II:
Μαθηματικά (υποχρεωτικό κατεύθυνσης - συντελεστής 1,3).
Φυσική (υποχρεωτικό κατεύθυνσης - συντελεστής 0,7).
Για το Επιστημονικό Πεδίο V:
Αρχές Οικονομικής Θεωρίας (επιλογής - συντελεστής 1,3).
Μαθηματικά & Στοιχεία Στατιστικής (γενικής παιδείας - συντελεστής 0,7).
Επίσης, ένας μαθητής του Κύκλου Πληροφορικής / Υπηρεσιών μπορεί να κατευθυνθεί προς τα Επιστημονικά Πεδία Ι και III, επιλέγοντας συγκεκριμένα μαθήματα γενικής παιδείας με συνολικό συντελεστή 1,3 (13% στο βαθμό εγγραφής στην τριτοβάθμια εκπαίδευση).
B. Προοπτικές Κύκλου Τεχνολογίας / Παραγωγής
Ο βαθμός πρόσβασης του μαθητή του Κύκλου Τεχνολογίας / Παραγωγής στην τριτοβάθμια εκπαίδευση εξαρτάται, εκτός από το Απολυτήριο του Ενιαίου (Γενικού) Λυκείου και τη Δοκιμασία Δεξιοτήτων, και από τα εξής μαθήματα αυξημένης βαρύτητας, τα οποία θα παρακολουθήσει ο μαθητής στη Γ’ Λυκείου (με συνολικό συντελεστή 2 ή 20% στον υπολογισμό των μορίων για την τριτοβάθμια εκπαίδευση):
Για τα Επιστημονικά Πεδία IV και II:
Μαθηματικά (υποχρεωτικό κατεύθυνσης - συντελεστής 1,3).
Φυσική (υποχρεωτικό κατεύθυνσης - συντελεστής 0,7).
Για το Επιστημονικό Πεδίο V:
Αρχές Οικονομικής Θεωρίας (επιλογής - συντελεστής 1,3).
Μαθηματικά & Στοιχεία Στατιστικής (γενικής παιδείας - συντελεστής 0,7).
Επίσης, ένας μαθητής του Κύκλου Τεχνολογίας / Παραγωγής μπορεί να κατευθυνθεί προς τα Επιστημονικά Πεδία Ι και III, επιλέγοντας συγκεκριμένα μαθήματα γενικής παιδείας με συνολικό συντελεστή 1,3 (13% στο βαθμό εγγραφής στην τριτοβάθμια εκπαίδευση).
[http://alki.edu.gr/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=77&Itemid=124]
name::
* McsElln.ΜθμΛ.ΓΡΑΜΜΑΤΙΚΗ-ΤΗΣ-ΑΡXΑΙΑΣ-ΕΛΛΗΝΙΚΗΣ ΓΥΜ-ΛΥΚ (μλ11),
* McsEngl.conceptIt532.11,
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.ΓΡΑΜΜΑΤΙΚΗ-ΑΡXΑΙΑΣ-ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΟΥ@cptIt532.11,
* McsElln.ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΟΥ-ΓΡΑΜΜΑΤΙΚΗ-1987,
* McsElln.ΜαθημαΛ.ΓΡΑΜΜΑΤΙΚΗ-ΤΗΣ-ΑΡΧΑΙΑΣ-ΕΛΛΗΝΙΚΗΣ@cptIt532.11, {2012-09-11}
* McsElln.μλ11.γραμματικη-αρxαίας@cptIt532.11, {2012-09-11}
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://ebooks.edu.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL-B124/644/4130,19031//
* http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGYM-C106/641/4115,18908//
* http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/document/file.php/DSGL-A108/%CE%94%CE%B9%CE%B4%CE%B1%CE%BA%CF%84%CE%B9%CE%BA%CF%8C%20%CE%A0%CE%B1%CE%BA%CE%AD%CF%84%CE%BF/%CE%93%CF%81%CE%B1%CE%BC%CE%BC%CE%B1%CF%84%CE%B9%CE%BA%CE%AE%20%CF%84%CE%B7%CF%82%20%CE%91%CF%81%CF%87%CE%B1%CE%AF%CE%B1%CF%82%20%CE%95%CE%BB%CE%BB%CE%B7%CE%BD%CE%B9%CE%BA%CE%AE%CF%82%20%28%CE%93%CF%85%CE%BC%CE%BD%CE%B1%CF%83%CE%AF%CE%BF%CF%85%20-%20%CE%9B%CF%85%CE%BA%CE%B5%CE%AF%CE%BF%CF%85%29/GRAMMATIKI_ARXAIA%20%28GYMNASIOU-LYKEIOY%29.pdf,
_File.word:
* \Data1TechInfo\LANGUAGE\GREEK\ANCIENT\Yramatiki-Grc-Ikonomu.doc,
_GENERIC:
* book#ql:[Level CONCEPT:conceptResource844 rl?]##cptResource844#
ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΟΥ, ΜΙΧ. ΓΡΑΜΜΑΤΙΚΗ ΤΗΣ ΑΡΧΑΙΑΣ ΕΛΛΗΝΙΚΗΣ, Α' ΛΥΚΕΙΟΥ. ΑΘΗΝΑ: ΟΕΔΒ, 1987.#cptIt532.11#
_ΠΕΡΙΕΧΟΜΕΝΑ:
Συντομογραφίες 5
Εισαγωγή 7
1. Λόγος. Προφορικός και γραπτός λόγος 7
2. Γενικές φωνητικές έννοιες 7
3. Γλώσσα και διάλεκτοι 9
4. Γραμματική 10
ΠΡΩΤΟ ΜΕΡΟΣ ΦΘΟΓΓΟΛΟΓΙΚΟ
1o Κεφ. Φθόγγοι και Γράμματα
1. Φθόγγοι. Γράμματα. Διαίρεση φθόγγων και γραμμάτων 11
2. Διαίρεση φωνηέντων 11
3. Διαίρεση συμφώνων 12
4. Πίνακας των Συμφώνων 14
5. Δίφθογγοι 14
2ο Κεφ. Λέξεις και Συλλαβές
1. Λέξη. Γράμματα της λέξης 15
2. Συλλαβή 15
3. Συλλαβισμός 16
3ο Κεφ. Τόνοι, πνεύματα, στίξη
Α'. Οι τόνοι και ο τονισμός 17
1. Τόνοι 17
2. Ονομασία των λέξεων από τον τόνο τους 17
3. Τονισμός. Γενικοί κανόνες τονισμού 17
4. Ειδικοί κανόνες τονισμού 18
5. Ατονες λέξεις 19
6. Εγκλιτικές λέξεις. Έγκλιση του τόνου 19
Β'. Τα πνεύματα και η χρήση τους 21
1. Πνεύματα 21
2. Λέξεις με ψιλή και λέξεις με δασεία 21
3. Θέση του τόνου και του πνεύματος 22
Γ'. Αλλα σημεία στο γραπτό λόγο
1. Βοηθητικά ορθογραφικά σημεία 23
2. Σημεία της στίξης 23
4ο Κεφ. Φθογγικά Πάθη
Α'. Πάθη φωνηέντων και διφθόγγων 26
1. Χασμωδία. Πάθη φωνηέντων και διφθόγγων για την αποφυγή της χασμωδίας 26
2. Άλλα πάθη των φωνηέντων 29
Β'. Πάθη συμφώνων 30
α) Αποβολή συμφώνων 31
β) Ανάπτυξη συμφώνων 32
γ) Μετάθεση του j (επένθεση) 32
δ) Ένωση ή συγχώνευση συμφώνων 33
ε) Αφομοίωση συμφώνων 34
ζ) Ανομοίωση συμφώνων 35
η) Τροπή συμφώνων 36
Ανακεφαλαιωτικός πίνακας -με τα σπουδαιότερα πάθη των συμφώνων 37
ΔΕΥΤΕΡΟ ΜΕΡΟΣ ΤΥΠΟΛΟΓΙΚΟ
5ο Κεφ. Μέρη του λόγου. Διαίρεση και στοιχεία των μερών του λόγου
1. Μέρη του λόγου. Κλιτά και άκλιτα. Τύποι. Κατάληξη, θέμα χαρακτήρας
2. Πτωτικά. Παρεπόμενα των πτωτικών
6ο Κεφ. Το άρθρο
Το άρθρο. Η κλίση του
7ο Κεφ. Γενικά για τα ουσιαστικά
1. Ορισμός και διαίρεση των ουσιαστικών
2. Γένος των ουσιαστικών
3. Αριθμός των ουσιαστικών
4. Κλίση των ουσιαστικών
8ο Κεφ. Α' κλίση των ουσιαστικών
1. Πρωτόκλιτα ασυναίρετα ουσ. Καταλήξεις των ουσιαστικών της α' κλίσης Πίνακας ασυναίρ. ουσ. α' κλ.
2. Πρωτόκλιτα συνηρημένα ουσ.
9ο Κεφ. Β' κλίση των ουσιαστικών
1. Δευτερόκλιτα ασυναίρετα ουσιαστικά Καταλήξεις των ουσ. της β' κλ. Πίνακας ασυναίρ. ουσ. β' κλ.
2. Δευτερόκλιτα συνηρημένα ουσ.
3. Αττική δεύτερη κλίση
10ο Κεφ. Γ' κλίση των ουσιαστικών
Γενικά για τα ουσιαστικά της γ' κλίσης. Διαίρεση των τριτόκλιτων ουσιαστικών
Α'. Φωνηεντόληκτα ουσ. της γ' κλίσης
Β'. Συμφωνόληκτα ουσ. της γ' κλίσης
1. Αφωνόληκτα Πίνακας αφωνόλ. ουσ. γ' κλ.
2. Ημιφωνόληκτα
Πίνακας ενρινόλ. και υγρόλ. ουσ. γ' κλ.
Πίνακας σιγμόλ. ουσ. γ' κλ.
Καταλήξεις των ουσιαστικών της γ' κλίσης
Ο τονισμός των ονομ. της γ' κλίσης
11ο Κεφ. Ανώμαλα ουσιαστικά
1. Ανώμαλα κατά το γένος
2. Ετερόκλιτα
3. Μεταπλαστά
4. Ιδιόκλιτα
5. Άκλιτα
6. Ελλειπτικά
12ο Κεφ. Γενικά για τα επίθετα
1. Ορισμός, γένη και καταλήξεις των επιθέτων
2. Κλίση των επιθέτων
13ο Κεφ. Δευτερόκλιτα επίθετα
1. Ασυναίρετα δευτερόκλιτα επίθετα 95
2. Συνηρημένα δευτερόκλιτα επίθ. 98
3. Αττικόκλιτα επίθετα 100
14ο Κεφ. Τριτόκλιτα επίθετα
Α'. Φωνηεντόληκτα επίθετα της γ' κλίσης 101
Β'. Συμφωνόληκτα επίθετα της γ' κλίσης 104
I. Αφωνόληκτα 104
II. Ενρινόληκτα και υγρόληκτα 106
III. Σιγμόληκτα 109
15ο Κεφ. Ανώμαλα Επίθετα
16ο Κεφ. Κλίση των μετοχών
17ο Κεφ. Παραθετικά
18ο Κεφ. Αριθμητικά
Παρατηρήσεις στα αριθμητικά 131
α) Θέματα των αριθμητικών 131
β) Εκφορά των σύνθετων αριθμών 131
γ) Εκφορά των κλασματικών αριθμών 132
δ) Γραφική παράσταση των αριθμών 133
Πίνακας των αριθμητικών 133
19ο Κεφ. Αντωνυμίες
Είδη αντωνυμιών 136
1. Προσωπικές 336
2. Δεικτικές 137
3. Οριστική ή επαναληπτική 138
4. Κτητικές 139
5. Αυτοπαθητικές 140
6. Αλληλοπαθητική 141
7. Ερωτηματικές 141
8. Αόριστες 142
Επιμεριστικές 142
9. Αναφορικές 144
Σοσχετικές αντωνυμίες 146
Πίνακας των συσχετικών αντωνυμιών 146
20ό Κεφ. Ρήμα. Στοιχεία του ρήματος
Α'. Ορισμός και παρεπόμενα του ρήματος 147
1. Διαθέσεις 147
2. Αριθμοί 147
3. Πρόσωπα 148
4. Εγκλίσεις. Ονοματικοί τύποι 148
5. Χρόνοι 149
I. Οι χρόνοι στην οριστική 149
Πίνακας των χρόνων της οριστικής 151
II. Οι χρόνοι στις άλλες εγκλίσεις 151
6. Φωνές 152
7. Συζυγίες 152
Β'. ΣτοιχεΤα του σχηματισμού του ρήματος 152
1. Κατάληξη 152
2. Θέμα 153
3. Χαρακτήρας. Διαίρεση των ρημάτων κατά το χαρακτήρα 154
Πίνακας με τη διαίρεση των ρημάτων (κατά συζυγία και χαρακτήρα) 155
4. Αύξηση 155
α) Ομαλή αύξηση στα απλά ρήματα 155
β) Ομαλή αύξηση στα σύνθετα ρήματα 156
γ) Ανώμαλη αύξηση 157
5. Αναδιπλασιασμός 158
α) Ομαλός αναδιπλ. στα απλά ρήματα 158
β) Ομαλός αναδιπλ. στα σύνθετα ρήματα 159
γ) Ανώμαλος αναδιπλ. 160
δ) Αττικός αναδιπλ. 161
6. Το βοηθητικό ρήμα είμί 161
21ο Κεφ. Ρήματα της α' συζυγίας (σε -ω) βαρύτονα
Βαρύτονο φωνηεντόληκτο ρήμα ενεργ. φωνής (λύω) 164
Μέσης φωνής (μέσης διάθ.) 168
Μέσης φωνής (παθητ. διάθ.) 170
Γενικές παρατηρήσεις στο σχηματισμό των ρηματ. τύπων της α' συζυγίας 172
1. Συστατικά μέρη των μονολεκτικών τύπων 172
α) Προσωπική κατάληξη 174
β) Θεματικό φωνήεν 175
γ) Εγκλιτικό φωνήεν 176
δ) Χρονικός χαρακτήρας 176
ε) Χρονικό πρόσφυμα 176
2. Σχηματισμός περιφραστικών χρόνων 177
Ολικές ή φαινομενικές καταλήξεις 177
22ο Κεφ. Σχηματισμός των φωνηεντόλ. ασυναίρ. ρημ. α' συζυγίας
1. Ενεστώτας και παρατατικός 178
2. Οι άλλοι χρόνοι 178
Πίνακας φωνηεντόλ. ασυναίρ. ρημάτων με διαφορές ή ανωμαλίες 178
23ο Κεφ. Σχηματισμός των αφωνό-ληκτων ρημ. α' συζυγίας
1. Ενεστώτας και παρατατικός ενεργ. και μέσης φωνής 181
2. Ενεργ. και μέσος μέλλοντας, ενεργ. και μέσος αόρ. α' 183
3. Ενεργ. παρακείμ. και υπερσ. 184
4. Παθ. μέλλ. α' και παθ. αόρ. α' 185
5. Παρακείμενος και υπερσυντ. μέσης φωνής 186
24ο Κεφ. Σχηματισμός των ενρινόλ. και υγρόληκτων ρημάτων α' συζυγίας
1. Ενεστώτας και παρατατικός ενεργ. και μέσης φωνής 187
2. Οι άλλοι χρόνοι 189
25ο Κεφ. Δεύτεροι χρόνοι των ρημάτων α' συζυγίας
1. Ενεργ. και μέσος αόρ. β' 194
2. Παθητ. μέλλ. β' και παθητικός αόρ. β' 196
3. Ενεργ. παρακείμενος και υπερσυντέλικος β' 197
4. Γενικές παρατηρήσεις στους δεύτερους χρόνους 198
26ο Κεφ. Ρήματα συνηρημένα ή πε-ρισπώμενα
1. Ενεστώτας και παρατατικός 199
τιμώ - τιμώμαι 200
ποιώ - ποιούμαι 202
δηλώ - δηλουμαι 206
Παρατηρήσεις
α) στα συνηρ. ρ. σε -οω 208
β) στα συνηρ. ρ. σε -έω 210
γ) στα συνηρ. ρ. σε -όω 210
2. Οι άλλοι χρόνοι 211
Πίνακας συνηρ. ρημάτων με διαφορές ή ανωμαλίες 212
27ο Κεφ. Ρήματα β' συζυγίας σε -μι
Διαίρεση των ρημ. σε -μι 216
Α'. Συμφωνόληκτα ρήμ. σε -μι 216
1. Ενεστώτας και παρατατικός 216
δείκνυμι - δείκνυμαι · 217
Παρατηρήσεις 218
2. Οι άλλοι χρόνοι 219
Β'. Φωνηεντόληκτα ρήμ. σε -μι 219
1. Ενεστώτας, παρατατικός και αόρ. β' 219
ίστημι, τίθημι, Γημι, δίδωμι, ίσταμαι, τίθεμαι, ΐεμαι, δίδομαι 223
Παρατήρησης
1. Ενεστ. και παρατατικός 226
II. Αόριστος β' 227
III. Τονισμός 228
2. Οι άλλοι χρόνοι 228
Γ'. Άλλα φωνηεντόλ. ρήματα σε -μι 230
28ο Κεφ. Αόριστοι β' βαρότονων ρημ. κατά τα ρ. σε -μι
Με χαρακτήρα 1) η και α, 2) ά και α, 3) η και ε, 4) ω και ο, 5) ϋ και ϋ 232
Παραδείγματα 232
29ο Κεφ. Άλλα ρήματα της β' συζυγίας σε -μι
ειμί, εϊμι 234
φημί 234
ήμί, κεΐμαι, κάθημαι 235
οϊδα, δέδοικα ή δέδια 236
τέθνηκα, βέβηκα, έοικα, χρή, είμαρται 23 7
πέπρωται 237
30ό Κεφ. Ρήματα ανώμαλα, αποθετικά και απρόσωπα
Α'. Τμήματα ανώμαλα 238
1. Ρήματα ανώμαλα κατά το
σχηματισμό των χρόνων 238
2. Ρήματα ανώμαλα κατά τη ση-
μασία των χρόνων 241
Β: Ρήματα αποθετικά 242
Γ' Ρήματα απρόσωπα ή τριτοπρόσωπα 243
31ο Κεφ. Άκλιτα μέρη του λόγου
1. Επιρρήματα 244
Συσχετικά επιρρήματα 244
Πίνακας συσχετικών επιρρημάτων 245
2. Προθέσεις 246
3. Σύνδεσμοι 246
4. Επιφωνήματα 247
5. Μόρια 248
6. Άκλιτα με πολλαπλή σημασία 248
ΤΡΙΤΟ ΜΕΡΟΣ ΕΤΥΜΟΛΟΓΙΚΟ
32ο Κεφ. Γενικά για την παραγωγή και τη σύνθεση 250
33ό Κεφ. Παραγωγή των λέξεων 251
Προεισαγωγικές παρατηρήσεις για την παραγωγή 251
Α'. Παράγωγα ουσιαστικά 252
α) Ουσιαστικά παράγωγα από ρήματα 252
β) Ουσιαστικά παράγωγα από επίθετα 255
γ) Ουσιαστικά παράγωγα από άλλα ουσιαστικά 256
1. Υποκοριστικά 256
2. Μεγεθυντικά 257
3. Τοπικά 257
4. Περιεκτικά 258
5. Πατρωνυμικά 258
6. Γονεωνυμικά 259
7. Εθνικά 259
8. Παρώνυμα 260
Β'. Παράγωγα επίθετα 261
α) Επίθετα παράγωγα από ρήματα 261
1. Κυρίως ρηματ. επίθετα 261
2. Άλλα επίθ. παράγωγα από ρήματα 262
β) Επίθετα παράγωγα από ονόματα 264
γ) Επίθετα παράγωγα από επιρρήματα 267
Γ'. Παράγωγα ρήματα 268
α) Ρήματα παράγωγα από ονόματα 268
β) Ρήματα παράγωγα από άλλα ρήματα 270
γ) Ρήματα παράγωγα από επιρρήματα και επιφωνήματα 271
Δ: Παράγωγα επιρρήματα 271
α) Τοπικά 271
β) Τροπικά 272
γ) Ποσοτικά 273
5) Χρονικά 273
34ο Κεφ. Σύνθεση των λέξεων
Προεισαγωγικές παρατηρήσεις για τη σύνθεση 274
Α'. Πρώτο συνθετικό 275
1. Κλιτό ως πρώτο συνθετικό 275
α) Ουσιαστικό 275
β) Επίθετο 276
γ) Ρήμα 276
2. Άκλιτο ως πρώτο συνθετικό 277
α) Επίρρημα 277
β) Πρόθεση 277
γ) Αχώριστο μόριο 278
Β' Δεύτερο συνθετικό
1. Κλιτό ως δεύτερο συνθετικό 279
α) Ουσιαστικό 279
β) Επίθετο 280
γ) Ρήμα 280
2. Άκλιτο ως δεύτερο συνθετικό 281
Γ'. Νόθα σύνθετα 281
Δ'. Παρασύνθετα 282
Ε' Τονισμός των συνθέτων 283
S'-Σημασία των συνθέτων 285
α) Προσδιοριστικά σύνθετα 285
β) Αντικειμενικά σύνθετα 285
γ) Κτητικά σύνθετα 285
δ) Συνδετικά ή παρατακτικά σύνθετα 286
35ο Κεφ. Άλλοι τρόποι σχηματισμού λέξεων
α) Ονοματοποιία 286
β) Αλλαγή του γραμματικού είδους 288
36ο Κεφ. Αλλαγή της σημασίας των λέξεων
1. Κυριολεξία και μεταφορά
2. Είδη μεταφοράς
ΠΑΡΑΡΤΗΜΑ
Κατάλογος ανώμαλων ρημάτων 293
ΕΥΡΕΤΗΡΙΟ 315
Το βιβλίο αυτό είναι συνοψισμένη μορφή του έργου "Γραμματική της αρχαίας ελληνικής" του Μιχ. Χ. Οικονόμου, έκδοσης 1971 του Ινστιτούτου Νεοελληνικών Σπουδών του Πανεπιστημίου Θεσσαλονίκης (Ιδρύματος Μανόλη Τριανταφυλλίδη).
Η συνόψιση του βιβλίου έγινε με ευθύνη του Κέντρου Εκπαιδευτικών Μελετών και Επιμορφώσεως (ΚΕΜΕ).
name::
* McsElln.μλ11.Συντομογραφίες 5,
ΣΥΝΤΟΜΟΓΡΑΦΙΕΣ
(Ανεξάρτητα από το γένος, τον αριθμό και την πτώση της κάθε συντομογραφίας, νοούνται ανάλογα με τα συμφραζόμενα, και τα άλλα γένη, οι πτώσεις και οι αριθμοί, καθώς και τα παράγωγα επιρρήματα).
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§ παράγραφος
§§ παράγραφοι
.θέση βραχύχρονου φωνήεντος
_ θέση μακρόχρονου φωνήεντος
name::
* McsElln.μλ11.Εισαγωγή 7,
μλ11.π1.
Ο άνθρωπος είναι προικισμένος με κατάλληλα όργανα, για ν' αρθρώνει τη φωνή του και να μιλεί.
Η έναρθρη ομιλία, που μ' αυτήν ο άνθρωπος μπορεί να συνεννοείται με τους ομοίους του, ονομάζεται λόγος.
Στην αρχή η συνεννόηση με το λόγο ανάμεσα στους ανθρώπους γινόταν μόνο προφορικά, υπήρχε δηλ. μόνο προφορικός λόγος.
Έπειτα, αλλού ενωρίτερα και αλλού αργότερα, χρησιμοποιήθηκε η γραφή και δημιουργήθηκε ο γραπτός λόγος.
μλ11.π2.
Όταν ο άνθρωπος μιλεί, βγαίνει από τους πνεύμονες αέρας, που περνάει απο τα φωνητικά όργανα και βρίσκει κάθε φορά κάποιαν αντίσταση σ' ένα ή περισσότερα από αυτά. Έτσι παράγονται ήχοι και ακούονται φωνές.
Καθεμιά από τις απλές και αμέριστες φωνές που ακούονται, όταν μιλούμε, λέγεται φθόγγος (από το φθέγγομαι = μιλώ). Όταν π.χ. λέμε το, ακούονται δύο φθόγγοι (το)· όταν λέμε μένε, ακούονται τέσσερις φθόγγοι (μ-ε-ν-ε) κτλ.
μλ11.π3.
α) Οι φθόγγοι που παράγονται με το στόμα ανοιχτό ή μισοανοιχτό και μόνο με τις φωνητικές χορδές του λάρυγγα (χωρίς να βρίσκει παραπέρα εμπόδιο ο αέρας που βγαίνει από τους πνεύμονες) λέγονται φωνήεντα. Π.χ. α,ε,ι,ο,ου.
β) Οι φθόγγοι που παράγονται με το στόμα κλεισμένο εντελώς ή κάπου φραγμένο και με τη βοήθεια όχι μόνο των φωνητικών χορδών του λάρυγγα, αλλά και μέρους του στόματος ή της ρινικής κοιλότητας (όπου ρ αέρας που βγαίνει βρίσκει κάποιο εμπόδιο), λέγονται σύμφωνα. Π.χ. β,γ,δ,ζ,θ κτλ.
μλ11.π4.
Εκτός από τα φωνήεντα και τα σύμφωνα υπάρχουν και μερικοί διάμεσοι φθόγγοι που λέγονται ημίφωνα. Τέτοια π.χ. έχουμε εμείς σήμερα τό ι και το ου, όταν λέμε μιά, μοιάζω (όσο δεν προφέρονται μνιά.
μλ11.σ7
μνιάζω), άκουα (όταν προφέρεται δισύλλαβο: ά-κουα) κτλ. Στο ημίφωνο ι η ράχη της γλώσσας αγγίζει ελαφρά τον ουρανίσκο. Στο ημίφωνο ου τα δύο χείλια αγγίζουν λίγο. Έτσι τα ημίφωνα δεν είναι ούτε καθαρά σύμφωνα ούτε καθαρά φωνήεντα. Ημίφωνα είχαν στην ομιλία τους και οι αρχαίοι Έλληνες (βλ. § 16, σημ.).
μλ11.π5.
Δύο αλλεπάλληλα φωνήεντα που προφέρονται γρήγορα σε μία συλλαβή αποτελούν δίφθογγο (§ 7). Όταν π.χ. εμείς σήμερα λέμε χαϊδεύω, τά δύο φωνήεντα α και ι προφέρονται μαζί, σχεδόν στον ίδιο χρό1 νο που θα προφέραμε ένα μόνο φωνήεν· δέν ακούονται δηλ. χωριστά τα δύο φωνήεντα α και ί (χα-ι-δεύω), παρά ακούεται πιο έντονα ο φθόγγος α και μαζί του πιο αδύνατα και πιο γρήγορα ο φθόγγος ι· έτσι σχηματίζεται ο δίφθογγος αϊ. Επίσης, όταν λέμε λεϊμόνι (όπως συνηθίζουν σήμερα να λένε σε μερικά μέρη), τα φωνήεντα ε και ι προφέρονται μαζί σ' ένα χρόνο, ακούεται δηλ. πιο έντονα ο φθόγγος ε και μαζί του πιο αδύνατα και πιο γρήγορα ο φθόγγος ι· έτσι σχηματίζεται ο δίφθογγος εϊ. Το ίδιο γίνεται, όταν λέμε νεράιδα, κελαηδώ, βόιδι, ρόιδι κτλ. Ακόμη, όταν λέμε παιδιά, ματιά κτλ., τα δυό τελευταία φωνήεντα ι και α προφέρονται μαζί σ' ένα χρόνο, αποτελούν δηλ. και αυτά ένα είδος δίφθογγο. (Βλ. Νεοελληνική Γραμματική Ο.Ε.Δ.Β. § 17 και § 18). Διφθόγγους είχαν στην ομιλία τους και οι αρχαίοι Έλληνες (βλ. § 25 κ.α.).
μλ11.π6.
Ένας φθόγγος ή ένα σύνολο από φθόγγους που εκφέρονται μαζί και εκφράζουν μία μόνη έννοια ονομάζεται λέξη (από το λέγω). Όταν π.χ. λέμε ο Νίκος έγραφε το μάθημα, εκφωνούμε πέντε λέξεις, πού η καθεμιά τους απαρτίζεται από έναν ή περισσότερους φθόγγους:
ο Ν-ί-κ-ο-ς έ-γ-ρ-α-φ-ε τ-ο μ-ά-θ-η-μ-α
φθόγγοι 1 5 6 2 6
μλ11.π7.
Τα φωνήεντα, καθώς και τα συμπλέγματα φωνηέντων και συμφώνων που απαρτίζουν μια λέξη, εκφωνούνται με μικρότατες και ανεπαίσθητες διακοπές της πνοής που βγαίνει από το στόμα μας όταν μιλούμε. Έτσι η λέξη φαίνεται πως χωρίζεται σε τμήματα: θέ/λω - μα/θη/τής.
Κάθε τέτοιο τμήμα μιας λέξης που αποτελείται από ένα μόνο φωνήεν ή από ένα φωνήεν μαζί με ένα ή περισσότερα σύμφωνα λέγεται συλλαβή. Έτσι π.χ. στη νέα μας γλώσσα: αέρας, ε-γρα-ψα, α-σφρά-γι-στος-και στην αρχαία: ’έ-αρ, ἀ-η-δών, ἐ-στρω-μέ-νος (πβ.§ 30 κ.α.).
μλ11.π8.
Στο γραπτό λόγο οι φθόγγοι παριστάνονται με ορισμένα σημεία
μλ11.σ8
που λέγονται γράμματα. Π.χ. οι τέσσερις φθόγγοι που απαρτίζουν τη λέξη θεός παριστάνονται με τέσσερα γράμματα: θ-ε-ο-ς· οι τρεις φθόγγοι της λέξης πῦρ παριστάνονται με τρία γράμματα: π-υ-ρ κτλ.
μλ11.π9.
Το σπουδαιότερο από τα φωνητικά όργανα του ανθρώπου είναι η γλώσσα. Αυτή εκτελεί το κυριότερο έργο κατά την εκφορά του λόγου.
Γι' αυτό και ο ιδιαίτερος τρόπος με τον οποίο κάθε λαός εκφέρει το λόγο ονομάστηκε γλώσσα.
μλ11.π10.
Στην αρχαιότητα αναπτύχτηκαν και καλλιεργήθηκαν πολύ η αρχαία ελληνική και η λατινική γλώσσα. Την πρώτη τη μιλούσαν και την έγραφαν οι αρχαίοι Έλληνες, τη δεύτερη οι Ρωμαίοι.
Από τις δύο αυτές γλώσσες σπουδαιότερη υπήρξε η αρχαία ελληνική, που μιλήθηκε πολλούς αιώνες και χρησιμοποιήθηκε από αξιόλογους συγγραφείς. Και επειδή δεν έπαψε να μιλιέται, πέρασε κατα καιρούς από διάφορα στάδια και τέλος έφτασε στη σημερινή της μορφή, δηλ. τη νέα ελληνική γλώσσα.
μλ11.π11.
Η γλώσσα κάθε λαού δε μιλιέται παντού κατά τον ίδιο ακριβώς τρόπο. Παρουσιάζει από τόπο σε τόπο διαφορές στις λέξεις, στους γραμματικούς τύπους, στη σύνταξη (πβ. τα νεοελληνικά: να σου πω - να σε πω· λέγονταν - λεγόντουσαν- τι λες - ίντα λές κτλ.).
Οι τοπικές μορφές που παίρνει μια γλώσσα λέγονται διάλεκτοι.
μλ11.π12.
Η αρχαία ελληνική γλώσσα παρουσιάζεται εξαρχής χωρισμένη σε διαλέκτους. Σε κάθε τόπο μυλούσαν ορισμένη διάλεκτο και σ' αυτή τη διάλεκτο έγραφαν, όταν έμαθαν να χρησιμοποιούν τη γραφή.
Οι κυριότερες από τις αρχαίες ελληνικές διαλέκτους ήταν η Ιωνική, η αττική, η αιολική και η δωρική.
μλ11.π13.
Στις αρχαίες ελληνικές διαλέκτους γράφηκαν αξιόλογα έργα πεζά και ποιητικά. Ιδιαίτερα η αττική διάλεκτος, που συγγενεύει με την ιωνική και διαμορφώθηκε στην Αθήνα, καλλιεργήθηκε σε πολύ μεγάλο βαθμό. Διαδόθηκε και επικράτησε σε όλη την Ελλάδα ως ο τελειότερος τύπος της ελληνικής γλώσσας. Σ' αυτήν ακούστηκαν οι λόγοι των αττικών ρητόρων και σ' αυτή γράφηκαν τα έργα του Θουκουδίδη, του Πλάτωνα, του Ξενοφώντα κ.ά.
μλ11.π14.
Κάθε γλώσσα μιλιέται και γράφεται σύμφωνα με ορισμένους κανόνες. Τη συστηματική εξέταση των κανόνων αυτών την ονομάζομε γραμματική.
* μλ11.γραμματική, γραμματική_μλ11:
μλ11.π15.
Η γραμματική που διδάσκει πώς οι αρχαίοι μιλούσαν και έγραφαν την αρχαία ελληνική γλώσσα λέγεται γραμματική της αρχαίας ελληνικής γλώσσας. Ιδιαίτερα η γραμματική που διδάσκει πώς οι αρχαίοι μιλούσαν και έγραφαν την αττική διάλεκτο λέγεται γραμματική της αττικής διαλέκτου.
name::
* McsElln.μλ11.1Κεφ-Φθόγγοι-και-Γράμματα 11,
name::
* McsElln.μλ11.2Κεφ-Λέξεις-και-Συλλαβές,
name::
* McsElln.μλ11.3Κεφ-Τόνοι-πνεύματα-στίξη,
name::
* McsElln.Α'. Οι τόνοι και ο τονισμός 17,
1. Τόνοι 17
2. Ονομασία των λέξεων από τον τόνο τους 17
3. Τονισμός. Γενικοί κανόνες τονισμού 17
4. Ειδικοί κανόνες τονισμού 18
5. Ατονες λέξεις 19
6. Εγκλιτικές λέξεις. Έγκλιση του τόνου 19
name::
* McsElln.Β'. Τα πνεύματα και η χρήση τους 21,
1. Πνεύματα 21
2. Λέξεις με ψιλή και λέξεις με δασεία 21
3. Θέση του τόνου και του πνεύματος 22
name::
* McsElln.μλ11.4Κεφ-Φθογγικά-Πάθη,
name::
* McsElln.Α'. Πάθη φωνηέντων και διφθόγγων 26,
1. Χασμωδία. Πάθη φωνηέντων και διφθόγγων για την αποφυγή της χασμωδίας 26
2. Άλλα πάθη των φωνηέντων 29
name::
* McsElln.Β'. Πάθη συμφώνων 30,
α) Αποβολή συμφώνων 31
β) Ανάπτυξη συμφώνων 32
γ) Μετάθεση του j (επένθεση) 32
δ) Ένωση ή συγχώνευση συμφώνων 33
ε) Αφομοίωση συμφώνων 34
ζ) Ανομοίωση συμφώνων 35
η) Τροπή συμφώνων 36
Ανακεφαλαιωτικός πίνακας -με τα σπουδαιότερα πάθη των συμφώνων 37
name::
* McsElln.μλ11.5Κεφ-Μέρη-του-λόγου 40,
Διαίρεση_και_στοιχεία_των_μερών_του_λόγου
μλ11.μέρος_του_λόγου, μέρος_του_λόγου_μλ11:
72. α) Οι λέξεις της αρχαίας ελληνικής, όπως και της νέας, χωρίζονται σε δέκα είδη, που λέγονται μέρη του λόγου.
Τα μέρη του λόγου είναι: 1) άρθρο, 2) ουσιαστικό, 3) επίθετο, 4) αντωνυμία, 5) ρήμα, 6) μετοχή, 7) επίρρημα, 8) πρόθεση, 9) σύνδεσμος και 10) επιφώνημα.
μλ11.όνομα, όνομα_μλ11:
Το ουσιαστικό και το επίθετο λέγονται και ονόματα.
μλ11.τύπος_λέξεις:
73. Οι διάφορες μορφές που παίρνει μια κλιτή λέξη λέγονται τύποι αυτής της λέξης: ἥρως, ἥρωος, ἥρωες κτλ. - ἀκούω, ἀκούεις, ἀκούει κτλ. γράφω, γράφεις, γράφει κτλ.
Σε κάθε τύπο μιας λέξης ξεχωρίζονται δύο μέρη: η κατάληξη και το θέμα.
μλ11.κατάληξη, κατάληξη_μλ11:
λέγεται το μεταβλητό μέρος της κλιτής λέξης προς το τέλος της: -ς, -ος, -ες κτλ., -ω, -εις,-ει κτλ.
μλ11.θέμα, θέμα_μλ11:
Θέμα λέγεται το αμετάβλητο μέρος της κλιτής λέξης προς την αρχή της: ἡρω-, ἀκου-, γραφ-,
μλ11.xαρακτήρας, xαρακτήρας_μλ11:
Ο τελευταίος φθόγγος του θέματος λέγεται χαρακτήρας. Ο χαρακτήρας μπορεί να είναι φωνήεν ή σύμφωνο· π.χ. του θέματος ηρω- χαρακτήρας ω· του θέματος ακου- χαρακτήρας ου· του θέματος γραφ- χαρακτήρας φ.
μλ11.πτώση, πτώση_μλ11:
μλ11.πτωτικό, πτωτικό_μλ11:
74. Στην αρχαία ελληνική, όπως και στη νέα, το άρθρο, το ουσιαστικό, το επίθετο, η αντωνυμία και η μετοχή σχηματίζουν τύπους που λέγονται πτώσεις. Γι' αυτό τα πέντε αυτά κλιτά μέρη του λόγου λέγονται πτωτικά,
75. α) Οι πτώσεις στην αρχαία ελληνική είναι πέντε: η ονομαστική, η γενική, η δοτική, η αιτιατική και η κλητική.
μλ11.ορθή_πτώση, ορθή_πτώση_μλ11:
μλ11.πλάγια_πτώση, πλάγια_πτώση_μλ11:
β) Απο τις πέντε πτώσεις η ονομαστική και η κλητική λέγονται ορθές, η γενική, η δοτική και η αιτιατική λέγονται πλάγιες.
μλ11.κλίση_πτωτικού:
γ) Κλίση λέγεται ο ιδιαίτερος τρόπος με τον οποίο σχηματίζονται οι πτώσεις ενός πτωτικού. Οι κλίσεις των πτωτικών είναι τρεις: η πρώτη, η δεύτερη και η τρίτη.
μλ11.παρεπόμενο_πτωτικού:
77. Η πτώση, το γένος, ο αριθμός και η κλίση λέγονται με μία λέξη παρεπόμενα (ή συνακόλουθα) των πτωτικών.
name::
* McsElln.μλ11.7Κεφ-Γενικά-για-τα-ουσιαστικά,
name::
* McsElln.μλ11.8Κεφ-Α-κλίση-των-ουσιαστικών,
1. Πρωτόκλιτα ασυναίρετα ουσ. Καταλήξεις των ουσιαστικών της α' κλίσης Πίνακας ασυναίρ. ουσ. α' κλ.
2. Πρωτόκλιτα συνηρημένα ουσ.
name::
* McsElln.μλ11.9Κεφ-Β-κλίση-των-ουσιαστικών,
1. Δευτερόκλιτα ασυναίρετα ουσιαστικά Καταλήξεις των ουσ. της β' κλ. Πίνακας ασυναίρ. ουσ. β' κλ.
2. Δευτερόκλιτα συνηρημένα ουσ.
3. Αττική δεύτερη κλίση
name::
* McsElln.μλ11.10Κεφ-Γ-κλίση-των-ουσιαστικών,
Γενικά για τα ουσιαστικά της γ' κλίσης. Διαίρεση των τριτόκλιτων ουσιαστικών
Α'. Φωνηεντόληκτα ουσ. της γ' κλίσης
Β'. Συμφωνόληκτα ουσ. της γ' κλίσης
1. Αφωνόληκτα Πίνακας αφωνόλ. ουσ. γ' κλ.
2. Ημιφωνόληκτα
Πίνακας ενρινόλ. και υγρόλ. ουσ. γ' κλ.
Πίνακας σιγμόλ. ουσ. γ' κλ.
Καταλήξεις των ουσιαστικών της γ' κλίσης
Ο τονισμός των ονομ. της γ' κλίσης
name::
* McsElln.μλ11.11Κεφ-Ανώμαλα-ουσιαστικά,
1. Ανώμαλα κατά το γένος
2. Ετερόκλιτα
3. Μεταπλαστά
4. Ιδιόκλιτα
5. Άκλιτα
6. Ελλειπτικά
name::
* McsElln.μλ11.12Κεφ-Γενικά-για-τα-επίθετα,
1. Ορισμός, γένη και καταλήξεις των επιθέτων
2. Κλίση των επιθέτων
name::
* McsElln.μλ11.13Κεφ-Δευτερόκλιτα-επίθετα,
1. Ασυναίρετα δευτερόκλιτα επίθετα 95
2. Συνηρημένα δευτερόκλιτα επίθ. 98
3. Αττικόκλιτα επίθετα 100
name::
* McsElln.μλ11.14Κεφ-Τριτόκλιτα-επίθετα,
Α'. Φωνηεντόληκτα επίθετα της γ' κλίσης 101
Β'. Συμφωνόληκτα επίθετα της γ' κλίσης 104
I. Αφωνόληκτα 104
II. Ενρινόληκτα και υγρόληκτα 106
III. Σιγμόληκτα 109
name::
* McsElln.μλ11.18Κεφ-Αριθμητικά,
Παρατηρήσεις στα αριθμητικά 131
α) Θέματα των αριθμητικών 131
β) Εκφορά των σύνθετων αριθμών 131
γ) Εκφορά των κλασματικών αριθμών 132
δ) Γραφική παράσταση των αριθμών 133
Πίνακας των αριθμητικών 133
name::
* McsElln.μλ11.19Κεφ-Αντωνυμίες,
Είδη αντωνυμιών 136
1. Προσωπικές 336
2. Δεικτικές 137
3. Οριστική ή επαναληπτική 138
4. Κτητικές 139
5. Αυτοπαθητικές 140
6. Αλληλοπαθητική 141
7. Ερωτηματικές 141
8. Αόριστες 142
Επιμεριστικές 142
9. Αναφορικές 144
Σοσχετικές αντωνυμίες 146
Πίνακας των συσχετικών αντωνυμιών 146
name::
* McsElln.μλ11.20Κεφ-Ρήμα-Στοιχεία-του-ρήματος,
name::
* McsElln.Α'. Ορισμός και παρεπόμενα του ρήματος 147,
μλ11.ρήμα, ρήμα_μλ11:
245. Ρήματα λέγονται οι κλιτές λέξεις που φανερώνουν ότι το υποκείμενο ενεργεί ή δέχεται μια ενέργεια, δηλ. παθαίνει κάτι, ή βρίσκεται σε μια ορισμένη κατάσταση: Τισσαφέρνης διαβάλλει τὸν Κῦρον (το υπο-κείμ. ενεργεί) - Κύρος διαβάλλεται υπό Τισσαφέρνους (το υποκείμ. παθαίνει κάτι από κάποιον άλλον) - Δαρεῖος ἀσθενεῖ (το υποκείμ. βρίσκεται σε μια κατάσταση).
μλ11.τύπος_ρήματος:
246. Όπως τα πτωτικά, έτσι και το ρήμα έχει διάφορους τύπους με τους οποίους φανερώνονται τα παρεπόμενα του (πβ. § 77).
μλ11.παρεπόμενο_ρήματος:
Παρεπόμενα (ή συνακόλουθα) του ρήματος είναι: 1) η διάθεση, 2) ο αριθμός, 3) το πρόσωπο, 4) η έγκλιση, 5) ο χρόνος, 6) η φωνή και 7) η συζυγία.
μλ11.έγκλιση_ρήματος:
Οι διάφορες μορφές του ρήματος που φανερώνουν την ψυχική διάθεση εκείνου που μιλεί λέγονται εγκλίσεις.
Οι εγκλίσεις των ρημάτων στην αρχαία ελληνική είναι τέσσερις: η οριστική, η υποτακτική, η ευκτική και η προστακτική.
μλ11.οριστική_ρήματος:
α) Η οριστική παρουσιάζει αυτό που σημαίνει το ρήμα σαν κάτι βέβαιο και πραγματικό: βλάπτει τὸν ’άνδρα θυμὸς - ἐνταῦθα ’έμειναν ἡμέρας τρεῖς.
μλ11.υποτακτική_ρήματος:
β) Ή υποτακτική παρουσιάζει αυτό που σημαίνει το ρήμα σαν κάτι επιθυμητό ή ενδεχόμενο: το σῶμα γυμνάζωμεν (= ας γυμνάζομε) - ἐὰν ’έλθῃς (- αν υποθέσουμε πως θα έρθεις, όπως είναι ενδεχόμενο).
μλ11.ευκτική_ρήματος:
γ) Η ευκτική παρουσιάζει αυτό που σημαίνει το ρήμα σαν ευχή εκείνου που μιλεί: ὦ παῖ, γένοιο πατρὸς ευτυχέστερος (= μακάρι να γίνεις).
μλ11.προστακτική_ρήματος:
δ) Η προστακτική παρουσιάζει αυτό που σημαίνει το ρήμα σαν προσταγή, αξίωση, συμβουλή, παράκληση ή και ευχή εκείνου που μιλεί: τὸ σῶμα γυμνάζετε (= να γυμνάζετε) - ὑγίαινε (= εύχομαι να υγιαίνεις).
μλ11.ονοματικός_τύπος_ρήματος:
251. Εκτός από τις τέσσερίις εγκλίσεις το ρήμα σχηματίζει ακόμη δύο τύπους, που λέγονται ονοματικοί τύποι του ρήματος.
Οι ονοματικοί τύποι του ρήματος είναι το απαρέμφατο και η μετοχή.
I. Οι χρόνοι στην οριστική 149
name::
* McsElln.Β'. Στοιχεία του σχηματισμού του ρήματος 152,
Πίνακας με τη διαίρεση των ρημάτων (κατά συζυγία και χαρακτήρα) 155
α) Ομαλή αύξηση στα απλά ρήματα 155
β) Ομαλή αύξηση στα σύνθετα ρήματα 156
γ) Ανώμαλη αύξηση 157
α) Ομαλός αναδιπλ. στα απλά ρήματα 158
β) Ομαλός αναδιπλ. στα σύνθετα ρήματα 159
γ) Ανώμαλος αναδιπλ. 160
δ) Αττικός αναδιπλ. 161
name::
* McsElln.μλ11.21Κεφ-Ρήματα-της-α-συζυγίας-(σε--ω)-βαρύτονα,
Βαρύτονο φωνηεντόληκτο ρήμα ενεργ. φωνής (λύω) 164
Μέσης φωνής (μέσης διάθ.) 168
Μέσης φωνής (παθητ. διάθ.) 170
Γενικές παρατηρήσεις στο σχηματισμό των ρηματ. τύπων της α' συζυγίας 172
1. Συστατικά μέρη των μονολεκτικών τύπων 172
α) Προσωπική κατάληξη 174
β) Θεματικό φωνήεν 175
γ) Εγκλιτικό φωνήεν 176
δ) Χρονικός χαρακτήρας 176
ε) Χρονικό πρόσφυμα 176
2. Σχηματισμός περιφραστικών χρόνων 177
Ολικές ή φαινομενικές καταλήξεις 177
name::
* McsElln.μλ11.22Κεφ-Σχηματισμός-των-φωνηεντόλ-ασυναίρ-ρημ-α-συζυγίας,
1. Ενεστώτας και παρατατικός 178
2. Οι άλλοι χρόνοι 178
Πίνακας φωνηεντόλ. ασυναίρ. ρημάτων με διαφορές ή ανωμαλίες 178
name::
* McsElln.μλ11.23Κεφ-Σχηματισμός-των-αφωνό-ληκτων-ρημ-α-συζυγίας,
1. Ενεστώτας και παρατατικός ενεργ. και μέσης φωνής 181
2. Ενεργ. και μέσος μέλλοντας, ενεργ. και μέσος αόρ. α' 183
3. Ενεργ. παρακείμ. και υπερσ. 184
4. Παθ. μέλλ. α' και παθ. αόρ. α' 185
5. Παρακείμενος και υπερσυντ. μέσης φωνής 186
name::
* McsElln.μλ11.24Κεφ-Σχηματισμός-των-ενρινόλ-και-υγρόληκτων-ρημάτων-α-συζυγίας,
1. Ενεστώτας και παρατατικός ενεργ. και μέσης φωνής 187
2. Οι άλλοι χρόνοι 189
name::
* McsElln.μλ11.25Κεφ-Δεύτεροι-χρόνοι-των-ρημάτων-α-συζυγίας,
1. Ενεργ. και μέσος αόρ. β' 194
2. Παθητ. μέλλ. β' και παθητικός αόρ. β' 196
3. Ενεργ. παρακείμενος και υπερσυντέλικος β' 197
4. Γενικές παρατηρήσεις στους δεύτερους χρόνους 198
name::
* McsElln.μλ11.26Κεφ-Ρήματα-συνηρημένα-ή-περισπώμενα,
1. Ενεστώτας και παρατατικός 199
τιμώ - τιμώμαι 200
ποιώ - ποιούμαι 202
δηλώ - δηλουμαι 206
Παρατηρήσεις
α) στα συνηρ. ρ. σε -οω 208
β) στα συνηρ. ρ. σε -έω 210
γ) στα συνηρ. ρ. σε -όω 210
2. Οι άλλοι χρόνοι 211
Πίνακας συνηρ. ρημάτων με διαφορές ή ανωμαλίες 212
name::
* McsElln.μλ11.27Κεφ-Ρήματα-β-συζυγίας-σε-μι,
Διαίρεση των ρημ. σε -μι 216
Α'. Συμφωνόληκτα ρήμ. σε -μι 216
1. Ενεστώτας και παρατατικός 216
δείκνυμι - δείκνυμαι · 217
Παρατηρήσεις 218
2. Οι άλλοι χρόνοι 219
Β'. Φωνηεντόληκτα ρήμ. σε -μι 219
1. Ενεστώτας, παρατατικός και αόρ. β' 219
ίστημι, τίθημι, Γημι, δίδωμι, ίσταμαι, τίθεμαι, ΐεμαι, δίδομαι 223
Παρατήρησης
1. Ενεστ. και παρατατικός 226
II. Αόριστος β' 227
III. Τονισμός 228
2. Οι άλλοι χρόνοι 228
Γ'. Άλλα φωνηεντόλ. ρήματα σε -μι 230
name::
* McsElln.μλ11.28Κεφ-Αόριστοι-β-βαρότονων-ρημ-κατά-τα-ρ-σε-μι,
Με χαρακτήρα 1) η και α, 2) ά και α, 3) η και ε, 4) ω και ο, 5) ϋ και ϋ 232
Παραδείγματα 232
name::
* McsElln.μλ11.29Κεφ-Άλλα-ρήματα-της-β-συζυγίας-σε--μι,
ειμί, εϊμι 234
φημί 234
ήμί, κεΐμαι, κάθημαι 235
οϊδα, δέδοικα ή δέδια 236
τέθνηκα, βέβηκα, έοικα, χρή, είμαρται 23 7
πέπρωται 237
name::
* McsElln.μλ11.30Κεφ-Ρήματα-ανώμαλα-αποθετικά-και-απρόσωπα,
Α'. Τμήματα ανώμαλα 238
1. Ρήματα ανώμαλα κατά το
σχηματισμό των χρόνων 238
2. Ρήματα ανώμαλα κατά τη ση-
μασία των χρόνων 241
Β: Ρήματα αποθετικά 242
Γ' Ρήματα απρόσωπα ή τριτοπρόσωπα 243
name::
* McsElln.μλ11.31Κεφ-Άκλιτα-μέρη-του-λόγου,
μλ11.π362.
Επιρρήματα λέγονται οι άκλιτες λέξεις που προσδιορίζουν κυρίως τα ρήματα και φανερώνουν τόπο, χρόνο, τρόπο, ποσό, βεβαίωση ή άρνηση κτλ.
Τα επιρρήματα κατά τη σημασία τους είναι:
1) τοπικά (όσα σημαίνουν τόπο): ποῦ; πῇ; ποῖ; ὅπου, ’ένθα, ἐνθάδε, ἐκεῖ, αὐτοῦ, ’άνω, κάτω, ἐγγύς, ’έσω, ’έξω κ.ά.·
2) χρονικά (όσα σημαίνουν χρόνο): πότε; ὅτε, τότε, ὁπηνίκα, πηνίκα; ποτὲ (= κάποτε), νῦν, πρίν, ’έπειτα, πάλαι, χθές, σήμερον, α’ύριον, αὖ, αὖθις (= πάλι) κ.ά.·
3) τροπικά (όσα σημαίνουν τρόπο): πῶς; πῇ, οὕτω(ς), ‘ῶδε (= έτσι), ὅπως, ὡς (= καθώς), ὥσπερ, εὖ, καλῶς, κακῶς, σωφρόνως κ.ά.·
4) ποσοτικά (όσα σημαίνουν ποσό): πόσον; ὅσον, τόσον, ὁπόσον, πολύ, μάλα, ’άγαν, λίαν, πάνυ, σφόδρα, ὀλίγον, ποσάκις, τοσάκις, πολλάκις, δίς, τρίς, τετράκις κτλ.·
5) βεβαιωτικά (όσα σημαίνουν βεβαίωση): ναί, μάλιστα, δὴ (= βέβαια), δῆτα (= βέβαια, χωρίς αμφιβολία), ἦ {= αλήθεια) κ.ά.·
6) αρνητικά (όσα σημαίνουν άρνηση): οὐ (βλ. § 61, 2), μή·
7) διστακτικά (όσα σημαίνουν δισταγμό): ἆρα (= άραγε), μῶν (= μήπως), τάχα, ’ίσως κ.ά.
μλ11.π363.
Από τα τοπικά, χρονικά, τροπικά και ποσοτικά επιρρήματα:
1) όσα εισάγουν ερώτηση λέγονται ερωτηματικά· 2) όσα έχουν αόριστη σημασία λέγονται αόριστα· 3) όσα σημαίνουν δείξιμο λέγονται δεικτικά· 4) όσα αναφέρονται σε λέξη άλλης πρότασης λέγονται αναφορικά.
Τα ερωτηματικά, τα αόριστα, τα δεικτικά και τα αναφορικά επιρρήματα λέγονται μαζί συσχετικά επιρρήματα (πβ. §§ 243 - 244).
μλ11.π364.
Προθέσεις λέγονται οι άκλιτες λέξεις που συνήθως μπαίνουν εμπρός από κλιτές λέξεις και φανερώνουν διάφορες σχέσεις, όπως τα επιρρήματα.
μλ11.π365.
Από τις προθέσεις:
1) λέγονται κύριες προθέσεις όσες χρησιμοποιούνται και στη σύνταξη εμπρός από τις πλάγιες πτώσεις των πτωτικών (π.χ. ἐν τῇ πόλει, σὺν αὐτῷ) και σε σύνθεση με άλλες λέξεις (π.χ. ’έντιμος, συντυγχάνω· βλ. § 421)· αυτές είναι 18, οι 6 μονοσύλλαβες και οι 12 δισύλλαβες:
εἰς, ἐν, ἐκ ή ἐξ, πρό, πρός, σύν·
ἀνά, διά, κατά, μετά, παρά - ἀμφί, ἀντί, ἐπί, περὶ - ἀπό, ὑπὸ - ὑπέρ·
2) λέγονται καταχρηστικές προθέσεις όσες χρησιμοποιούνται μόνο στη σύνταξη εμπρός από τις πλάγιες πτώσεις των πτωτικών (και όχι σε σύνθεση με άλλες λέξεις)- αυτές είναι οι ακόλουθες εννιά:
α) με γενική: ’άχρι, μέχρι, ’άνευ, χωρίς, πλήν, ἕνεκα ή ἕνεκεν Π.χ. ’άχρι τῆς νυκτός, μέχρι τοῦδε κτλ.)·
β) μ' αιτιατική: ὡς, νή, μὰ (π.χ. ὡς ἐμέ = σ' εμένα, προς εμέ· νὴ τὸν Δία· μὰ τοὺς θεούς).
μλ11.π366.
Σύνδεσμοι λέγονται οι άκλιτες λέξεις που χρησιμεύουν για να συνδέουν με ορισμένους τρόπους λέξεις ή προτάσεις μεταξύ τους: ἐγὼ καὶ σὺ - ἐπαιάνιζόν τε οί Ἕλληνες και ’ήρχοντο ἀντίοι ἰέναι πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους.
μλ11.π367.
Οι σύνδεσμοι κατά τη σημασία τους είναι συμπλεκτικοί, διαζευκτικοί (ή διαχωριστικοί), αντιθετικοί (ή εναντιωματικοί), παραχωρητικοί (ή ενδοτικοί), χρονικοί, αιτιολογικοί, τελικοί, συμπερασματικοί, ειδικοί, υποθετικοί, ερωτηματικοί, ενδοιαστικοί (ή διστακτικοί).
1) Συμπλεκτικοί λέγονται οι σύνδεσμοι που συμπλέκουν, δηλ. συνενώνουν (καταφατικά ή αποφατικά), λέξεις ή προτάσεις: καταφατικοί: τε, καί· άποφατικοί: ο’ύτε, μήτε - οὐδέ, μηδέ.
2) Διαζευκτικοί ή διαχωριστικοί λέγονται οι σύνδεσμοι που συνδέουν διαζευκτικά (δηλ. διαχωριστικά) λέξεις ή προτάσεις: ’ή, ’ήτοι, ε’ίτε, ἐάντε, ’άντε, ’ήντε.
3) Αντιθετικοί ή εναντιωματικοί λέγονται οι σύνδεσμοι που σημαίνουν ότι εκείνα που συνδέονται με αυτούς είναι αντίθετα μεταξύ τους: μέν, δέ, μέντοι, ὅμως, ἀλλά, ἀτὰρ (= όμως), μὴν (= όμως), ἀλλὰ μὴν
μλ11.σ246
(= αλλά όμως), καὶ μὴν (= και όμως), οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ {- αλλά όμως), καίτοι (= και όμως).
4) Παραχωρητικοί ή ενδοτικοί λέγονται οι σύνδεσμοι με τους οποίους συνδέονται δύο νοήματα κάπως ασυμβίβαστα μεταξύ τους και που το ένα δηλώνει παραχώρηση (συγκατάβαση) προς το άλλο (πβ. τα νεοελλ. αν και ο καιρός δεν είναι καλός, θα πάω στο κυνήγι - εργάζεται, μολονότι είναι άρρωστος).
Παραχωρητικοί σύνδεσμοι είναι: εί και, άν και - και εί, καϊ αν, καν (= και αν ακόμη) - ούδ' εί, ούδ' εάν, μηδ' εάν (= ούτε και αν) - καίπερ (= αν και): νοείς τοΰτο, εί καϊ μή οράς - γελά δ' ό μώρος, καν (= και αν) τι μή γελοίον ή.
5) Χρονικοί λέγονται οι σύνδεσμοι με τους οποίους εισάγεται πρόταση που καθορίζει το χρόνο μιας ενέργειας:
ώς - οτε, οπότε - οσάκις, όποσάκις - ήνίκα, όπηνίκα - έπεί, επειδή - άταν, οπόταν, έπάν, έπειδάν - έως, έστε, άχρι, μέχρι, πριν.
6) Αιτιολογικοί λέγονται οι σύνδεσμοι με τους οποίους εισάγεται ένα νόημα που είναι αιτία ή δικαιολογία άλλου:
γάρ - ότι, ώς, διότι, έπεί, επειδή.
7) Τελικοί λέγονται οι σύνδεσμοι με τους οποίους εισάγεται πρόταση που φανερώνει το' τέλος (δηλ. το σκοπό) μιας ενέργειας:
ίνα, οπως, ώς (= για να).
8) Συμπερασματικοί λέγονται οι σύνδεσμοι με τους οποίους εισάγεται ένα νόημα που φανερώνει συμπέρασμα άλλου προηγουμένου: άρα, δή, δητα, ούν, τοίνυν, τοιγάρτοι, τοιγαρουν - ού'κουν, οΰκοΰν - ώστε, ώς.
9) Ειδικοί λέγονται οι σύνδεσμοι με τους οποίους εισάγεται πρόταση που συμπληροινει την έννοια άλλης πρότασης ως αντικείμενο ή ως υποκείμενο ή επεξηγεί κάποια λέξη άλλης πρότασης: άτι, ώς.
10) Υποθετικοί λέγονται οι σύνδεσμοι που εισάγουν υπόθεση: εί, έάν, αν, ήν.
11) Ενδοιαστικοί ή διστακτικοί λέγονται οι σύνδεσμοι με τους οποίους εισάγεται πρόταση που εκφράζει ενδοιασμό (δηλ. φόβο ή δισταγμό για κάτι ανεπιθύμητο): μή, μή ού.
μλ11.π368. Επιφωνήματα λέγονται οι άκλιτες λέξεις που φανερώνουν ψυχικό πάθημα, όπως θαυμασμό, ενθουσιασμό, χαρά ή αγανάκτηση, αποστροφή, λύπη κτλ.
369. Τα επιφωνήματα της αρχαίας ελληνικής είναι:
1. θαυμαστικά: ά! ώ! βαβαί! παπαΐ!
2. γελαστικά: ά - ά - α!
3. θειαστικά (δηλ. όσα φανερώνουν ενθουσιασμό): Γ,ύοΠ εύάν!
4. σχετλιαστικά (δηλ. όσα φανερώνουν λύπη ή αγανάκτηση): ίώϊ ιού! ούαίϊ οϊμοιϊ φευ! παπαΐ!
5. κλητικό: ώ.
μλ11.π370.
Μόρια λέγονται άκλιτες λέξεις, οι περισσότερες μονοσύλλαβες, που δεν ανήκουν κανονικά σ' ένα ορισμένο μέρος του λόγου.
Αυτά έχουν κυρίως επιρρηματική σημασία και χρησιμοποιούνται στο λόγο βοηθητικά. Τέτοια είναι στην αρχαία ελληνική τα ακόλουθα:
1. Τα εγκλιτικά χοί, γέ, πέρ, πώ, νΰν (βλ. § 42, 5).
2. Το ευχετικό είθε, που εκφράζει ευχή: ει'θε είχες βελτιους φρένας -εϊθε υγιαίνοις.
3. Το δυνητικό αν, που σημαίνει κάτι που μπορεί ή που μπορούσε να γίνει: εϊπον άν (--μπορούσα να πώ).
4. Το αοριστολογικό αν, που είναι παραλλαγή του δυνητικού άν και σημαίνει τυχόν ή ίσως: δς άν (= που τυχόν, ο οποίος τυχόν), οπού άν (- όπου τυχόν) κτλ.
5. Τα αιτιολογικά άτε, οίον ή οίον δή, οία ή οία δή, που συνάπτονται με μετοχή και σημαίνουν αιτία πραγματική: άτε ών, οίον (δή) ών, οία (δή) ών (-- γιατί πράγματι είναι).
6. Τα αχώριστα δηκτικά μόρια -δε και -ί, που βρίσκονται προσκολλημένα στο τέλος ορισμένο)ν λέξειον KUL σημαίνουν δείξιμο: (ό, ή, τό) ο-δε, ήόε, τόδε (τοΐος, τόσος, τηλίκος), τοιόσδε, τοσόσδε, τηλικόσδε, (ούτος) ούτοσί, αύτηί, τουτί, (δδε) όδί, ήδί, τοδί, (ούτως) ούτωσί, (ώδε) ώδι κτλ. (πβ. §§ 223 και 224, 3).
7. Τα αχώριστα προτακτικά μόρια ά-, νη-, δυο-, άρι-, ζα-, κτλ. που ποτέ δε λέγονται μόνα τους, παρά συνηθίζονται μόνο στή σύνθεση ως πρώτα συνθετικά σύνθετων λέξεων (βλ. § 423).
μλ11.π371.
Μερικές άκλιτες λέξεις ανήκουν σε διάφορα μέρη του λόγου και έχουν ποικίλες σημασίες, όπως δείχνει ο παρακάτω πίνακας:
[μλ11.σ248]
άν
1. υποθετ. σύνδ. (§ 367, 10)·
2. δυνητικό και αοριστολογικό μόριο (§ 370, 3 και 4)·
3. μαζί με το και παραχωρητικός σύνδεσμος (’άν καί, καὶ ’άν, § 367, 4)·
άχρι I. καταχρηστ. πρόθεση (§ 365, 2)' 2. χρονικός σϋνδ. (§ 367,
5)'
έάν 1. υποθετ. σύνδ. (§ 367, 10)' 2. μαζί με το ουδέ ή μηδέ πα-
ραχοφητικός σύνδ. (ούδ' έάν, μηδ' έάν, § 367, 4)'
εί 1. υποθετ. σύνδ. (§ 367, 10)' 2. μαζί με το και παραχοφητ.
σύνδ. (ει και, και εί, § 367, 4)'
έπεί 1. χρον. σύνδ. (§ 367, 5)· 2. αιτιολογ. σύνδ. (§ 367, 6)·
επειδή βλ. παραπάνω έπεί·
ήνίκα βλ. ό'τε·
μέχρι βλ. άχρι-
όπηνίκα βλ. ό'τε-
οπότε βλ. ά'τε'
δπως I. επίρρ. τροπικό αναφορικό (= καθώς) (§ 362, 3)' 2. τελι-
κός σύνδ. (= για να) (§ 367, 7)'
ό'τε 1. επίρρ. χρονικό αναφορικό (= και τότε) (§ 362, 2)" 2. χρο-
νικός σύνδ. (= όταν, τότε που) (§ 367, 5)' έτσι και TU οπότε, ήνίκα, όπηνίκα'
ό'τι I. σύνδ. αιτιολογ. (= γιατί) (§ 367, 6)· 2. σύνδ. ειδικός (§
367, 9)" 3. ό',τι αναφορ. αντωνυμία (§ 240, 3)·
πριν I. επίρρ. χρον. (§ 362, 2)· 2. σύνδ. χρον. (§ 367, 5)·
ώς 1. επίρρ. τροπικό αναφορικό (= καθώς, σαν) (§ 362, 3)" 2.
καταχρηστ. πρόθ., στη θέση της πρόθ. εις (= σε, προς) (§ 365, 2)- και εμπρός από αριθμητικά (= περίπου) (ώς είκοσι = περίπου είκοσι)- 3. χρονικός σύνδ. (§ 367, 5)- 4. αιτιολογ. σύνδ. (§ 367, 6)· 5. τελικός σύνδ. (§ 367, 7)- 6. συμπερα-σματ. σύνδ. (§ 367, 8)- 7. ειδικός σύνδ. (§ 367, 9)- 8. κάποτε εισάγει ανεξάρτητες επιφωνηματ. προτάσεις (~ πως, πόσο, τι) (π.χ. ώς καλός μοι ό πάππος!)· 9. εμπρός από υπερθετικά επιτείνει τη σημασία τους (π.χ. ώς τάχιστα, ώς μάλιστα, ώς ή'διστα) κτλ.
name::
* McsElln.μλ11.32Κεφ-Γενικά-για-την-παραγωγή-και-τη-σύνθεση-250,
name::
* McsElln.μλ11.33Κεφ-Παραγωγή-των-λέξεων-251,
Προεισαγωγικές παρατηρήσεις για την παραγωγή 251
Α'. Παράγωγα ουσιαστικά 252
α) Ουσιαστικά παράγωγα από ρήματα 252
β) Ουσιαστικά παράγωγα από επίθετα 255
γ) Ουσιαστικά παράγωγα από άλλα ουσιαστικά 256
1. Υποκοριστικά 256
2. Μεγεθυντικά 257
3. Τοπικά 257
4. Περιεκτικά 258
5. Πατρωνυμικά 258
6. Γονεωνυμικά 259
7. Εθνικά 259
8. Παρώνυμα 260
Β'. Παράγωγα επίθετα 261
α) Επίθετα παράγωγα από ρήματα 261
1. Κυρίως ρηματ. επίθετα 261
2. Άλλα επίθ. παράγωγα από ρήματα 262
β) Επίθετα παράγωγα από ονόματα 264
γ) Επίθετα παράγωγα από επιρρήματα 267
Γ'. Παράγωγα ρήματα 268
α) Ρήματα παράγωγα από ονόματα 268
β) Ρήματα παράγωγα από άλλα ρήματα 270
γ) Ρήματα παράγωγα από επιρρήματα και επιφωνήματα 271
Δ: Παράγωγα επιρρήματα 271
α) Τοπικά 271
β) Τροπικά 272
γ) Ποσοτικά 273
5) Χρονικά 273
name::
* McsElln.μλ11.34Κεφ-Σύνθεση-των-λέξεων,
Προεισαγωγικές παρατηρήσεις για τη σύνθεση 274
Α'. Πρώτο συνθετικό 275
1. Κλιτό ως πρώτο συνθετικό 275
α) Ουσιαστικό 275
β) Επίθετο 276
γ) Ρήμα 276
2. Άκλιτο ως πρώτο συνθετικό 277
α) Επίρρημα 277
β) Πρόθεση 277
γ) Αχώριστο μόριο 278
Β' Δεύτερο συνθετικό
1. Κλιτό ως δεύτερο συνθετικό 279
α) Ουσιαστικό 279
β) Επίθετο 280
γ) Ρήμα 280
2. Άκλιτο ως δεύτερο συνθετικό 281
Γ'. Νόθα σύνθετα 281
Δ'. Παρασύνθετα 282
Ε' Τονισμός των συνθέτων 283
S'-Σημασία των συνθέτων 285
α) Προσδιοριστικά σύνθετα 285
β) Αντικειμενικά σύνθετα 285
γ) Κτητικά σύνθετα 285
δ) Συνδετικά ή παρατακτικά σύνθετα 286
name::
* McsElln.μλ11.35Κεφ-Άλλοι-τρόποι-σχηματισμού-λέξεων,
name::
* McsElln.ΜθμΛ.ΣΥΝΤΑΚΤΙΚΟ-ΤΗΣ-ΑΡΧΑΙΑΣ-ΕΛΛΗΝΙΚΗΣ (μλ12),
* McsEngl.conceptIt532.12,
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.ΜαθημαΛ.ΣΥΝΤΑΚΤΙΚΟ-ΤΗΣ-ΑΡXΑΙΑΣ-ΕΛΛΗΝΙΚΗΣ@cptIt532.12, {2012-09-11}
* McsElln.μλ12.συντακτικό-αρxαίας@cptIt532.12, {2012-09-11}
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* #cptResource305#,
* http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/document/file.php/DSGL-C128/Διδακτικό Πακέτο/Συντακτικό Αρχαίας Ελληνικής (Λυκείου)/Syntaktiko_archaias_ellinikis_lyk.pdf,
image file,
name::
* McsElln.ΜθμΛ1.ΑΛΓΕΒΡΑ-ΚΑΙ-ΣΤΟΙΧΕΙΑ-ΠΙΘΑΝΟΤΗΤΩΝ Α΄ τάξης Γενικού Λυκείου (μλ01),
* McsEngl.conceptIt532.1,
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.ΜαθημαΛ1.ΑΛΓΕΒΡΑ-ΚΑΙ-ΣΤΟΙΧΕΙΑ-ΠΙΘΑΝΟΤΗΤΩΝ@cptIt532.1, {2012-06-16}
* McsElln.μλα.άλγεβρα,
* McsElln.μλ01@cptIt532.1, {2012-06-16}
_Προγραμμα_σπουδων:
* http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/document/file.php/DSGL-A100/%CE%94%CE%95%CE%A0%CE%A0%CE%A3-%CE%91%CE%A0%CE%A3/%CE%91%CE%A0%CE%A3%20%CE%9C%CE%91%CE%98%CE%97%CE%9C%CE%91%CE%A4%CE%99%CE%9A%CE%A9%CE%9D%20%CE%91%CE%84%CE%9B%CE%A5%CE%9A%CE%95%CE%99%CE%9F%CE%A5.pdf,
_DESCRIPTION:
Το βιβλίο που κρατάτε στα χέρια σας περιλαμβάνει την ύλη της Άλγεβρας και των Πιθανοτήτων που προβλέπεται από το πρόγραμμα σπουδών της Α’ τάξης του Γενικού Λυκείου.
Το βιβλίο αυτό προήλθε από αναμόρφωση της Α’ έκδοσης (2010) του βιβλίου ΑΛΓΕΒΡΑ Α’ ΓΕΝΙΚΟΥ ΛΥΚΕΙΟΥ, του οποίου τη συγγραφική ομάδα αποτελούν οι Σ. Ανδρεαδάκης, Β. Κατσαργύρης, Σ. Παπασταυρίδης, Γ. Πολύζος και Α. Σβέρκος. Προστέθηκαν επίσης δυο ακόμα κεφάλαια: το κεφάλαιο «Πιθανότητες» και το κεφάλαιο «Πρόοδοι».
Το κεφάλαιο «Πιθανότητες» είναι μέρος του αντίστοιχου κεφαλαίου από το βιβλίο ΜΑΘΗΜΑΤΙΚΑ ΚΑΙ ΣΤΟΙΧΕΙΑ ΣΤΑΤΙΣΤΙΚΗΣ Γ’ ΓΕΝΙΚΟΥ ΛΥΚΕΙΟΥ (2010) του οποίου τη συγγραφική ομάδα αποτελούν οι Λ. Αδαμόπουλος, Χ. Δαμιανού και Α. Σβέρκος. Το κεφάλαιο «Πρόοδοι» είναι μέρος του αντίστοιχου κεφαλαίου από το βιβλίο ΑΛΓΕΒΡΑ Β’ ΓΕΝΙΚΟΥ ΛΥΚΕΙΟΥ (2010), του οποίου τη συγγραφική ομάδα αποτελούν οι Σ. Ανδρεαδάκης, Β. Κατσαργύρης, Σ. Παπασταυρίδης, Γ. Πολύζος και Α. Σβέρκος.
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/courses/DSGL-A100//
* Λύσεις: http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/document/document.php?course=DSGL-A100&openDir=/4c594d9d1ofc/4e53734707o6,
Στόχοι
Η διδασκαλία των Μαθηματικών στην Α΄ Λυκείου έχει δύο κεντρικούς στόχους. Την ολοκλήρωση της μαθηματικής εκπαίδευσης που οι μαθητές απέκτησαν στο Δημοτικό και στο Γυμνάσιο και ταυτόχρονα το πέρασμα σε έναν πιο προωθημένο, θεωρητικό μαθηματικό τρόπο σκέψης. Βασικά στοιχεία αυτού του τρόπου σκέψης είναι η «αυστηρή» χρήση μαθηματικής ορολογίας και συμβολισμού, οι ορισμοί των εννοιών και η θεωρητική απόδειξη των ισχυρισμών. Στην προσέγγιση αυτών των στόχων συμβάλλουν:
Η ένταξη των προϋπαρχουσών μαθηματικών γνώσεων των μαθητών σ’ ένα θεωρητικό πλαίσιο, η επέκταση και η εμβάθυνσή τους.
Η ενεργητική εμπλοκή των μαθητών στη διερεύνηση προβλημάτων, στη δημιουργία και τον έλεγχο εικασιών, στην ανάπτυξη στρατηγικών επίλυσης προβλήματος και πολλαπλών αποδεικτικών προσεγγίσεων, στην ανάπτυξη διάφορων τρόπων σκέψης (επαγωγική, παραγωγική).
Η κατανόηση και χρήση της μαθηματικής γλώσσας, των συμβόλων και των αναπαραστάσεων των μαθηματικών αντικειμένων, η ανάπτυξη της ικανότητας μετάφρασης από τη φυσική στη μαθηματική γλώσσα και αντίστροφα καθώς και η ανάπτυξη της ικανότητας των μαθητών να επικοινωνούν μαθηματικά.
Οι εννοιολογικές συνδέσεις εντός των Μαθηματικών αλλά και μεταξύ των Μαθηματικών και άλλων γνωστικών περιοχών.
Η ανάπτυξη ικανοτήτων χρήσης των Μαθηματικών ως εργαλείο κατανόησης και ερμηνείας του κόσμου.
Η θεώρηση των Μαθηματικών ως πολιτισμικό, ιστορικά εξελισσόμενο ανθρώπινο δημιούργημα.
[http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/course_description/?course=DSGL-A100]
ΕΙΣΑΓΩΓΙΚΟ ΚΕΦΑΛΑΙΟ
Ε1 Το Λεξιλόγιο της Λογικής
Ε2 Σύνολα
ΚΕΦΑΛΑΙΟ 1ο: ΠΙΘΑΝΟΤΗΤΕΣ
1.1 ΔΕΙΓΜΑΤΙΚΟΣ ΧΩΡΟΣ - ΕΝΔΕΧΟΜΕΝΑ
1.2 ΕΝΝΟΙΑ ΤΗΣ ΠΙΘΑΝΟΤΗΤΑΣ
ΚΕΦΑΛΑΙΟ 2ο: Οι Πραγματικοί Αριθμοί
2.1 Οι Πράξεις και οι Ιδιότητές τους
2.2 Διάταξη Πραγματικών Αριθμών
2.3 Απόλυτη Τιμή Πραγματικού Αριθμού
2.4 Ρίζες Πραγματικών Αριθμών
ΚΕΦΑΛΑΙΟ 3ο: Εξισώσεις
3.1 ΕΞΙΣΩΣΕΙΣ 1ου ΒΑΘΜΟΥ
3.2 Η ΕΞΙΣΩΣΗ xν = α
3.3 ΕΞΙΣΩΣΕΙΣ 2ου ΒΑΘΜΟΥ
ΚΕΦΑΛΑΙΟ 4ο: ΑΝΙΣΩΣΕΙΣ
4.1 ΑΝΙΣΩΣΕΙΣ 1ου ΒΑΘΜΟΥ
4.2 ΑΝΙΣΩΣΕΙΣ 2ου ΒΑΘΜΟΥ
4.3 ΑΝΙΣΩΣΕΙΣ ΓΙΝΟΜΕΝΟ & ΑΝΙΣΩΣΕΙΣ ΠΗΛΙΚΟ
ΚΕΦΑΛΑΙΟ 5ο: Πρόοδοι
5.1 Ακολουθίες
5.2 Αριθμητική πρόοδος
5.3 Γεωμετρική πρόοδος
5.4 Ανατοκισμός - Ίσες καταθέσεις
ΚΕΦΑΛΑΙΟ 6ο: Βασικές Έννοιες των Συναρτήσεων
6.1 Η ΕΝΝΟΙΑ ΤΗΣ ΣΥΝΑΡΤΗΣΗΣ
6.2 ΓΡΑΦΙΚΗ ΠΑΡΑΣΤΑΣΗ ΣΥΝΑΡΤΗΣΗΣ
6.3 Η ΣΥΝΑΡΤΗΣΗ ƒ(x) = αx + β
6.4 ΚΑΤΑΚΟΡΥΦΗ - ΟΡΙΖΟΝΤΙΑ ΜΕΤΑΤΟΠΙΣΗ ΚΑΜΠΥΛΗΣ
6.5 ΜΟΝΟΤΟΝΙΑ - ΑΚΡΟΤΑΤΑ - ΣΥΜΜΕΤΡΙΕΣ ΣΥΝΑΡΤΗΣΗΣ
ΚΕΦΑΛΑΙΟ 7ο: ΜΕΛΕΤΗ ΒΑΣΙΚΩΝ ΣΥΝΑΡΤΗΣΕΩΝ
7.1 ΜΕΛΕΤΗ ΣΥΝΑΡΤΗΣΗΣ ƒ(x) = αx2
7.2 ΜΕΛΕΤΗ ΤΗΣ ΣΥΝΑΡΤΗΣΗΣ:
7.3 ΜΕΛΕΤΗ ΤΗΣ ΣΥΝΑΡΤΗΣΗΣ ƒ(x) = αx2 + βx + γ
name::
* McsElln.μλ01.ΕΙΣΑΓΩΓΙΚΟ-ΚΕΦΑΛΑΙΟ (2 ωρες),
_ΠΕΡΙΕΧΟΜΕΝΑ:
Ε1 Το Λεξιλόγιο της Λογικής
Ε2 Σύνολα
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL-A100/490/3186,12916//
[http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL-A100/261/1899,6291/]
name::
* McsElln.μλ01.Ε1.Το-Λεξιλόγιο-της-Λογικής,
μλ01.λογική (logic#cptCore548#), λογική_μλ01:
μλ01.ισxυρισμος, ισxυρισμος_μλ01, μλ01.προταση:
μλ01.συνεπαγωγη (logical-implication|entailement), συνεπαγωγή_μλ01:
Αν P και Q είναι δύο ισχυρισμοί, τέτοιοι ώστε, όταν αληθεύει ο P να αληθεύει και ο Q , τότε λέμε ότι ο P συνεπάγεται τον Q και γράφουμε P => Q.
Ο ισχυρισμός «P => Q » λέγεται συνεπαγωγή και πολλές φορές διαβάζεται «αν P, τότε Q».
* μλ01.υπόθεση_συνεπαγωγής:
* μλ02.συμπερασμα_συνεπαγωγή:
Ο P λέγεται υπόθεση της συνεπαγωγής, ενώ ο Q λέγεται συμπέρασμα αυτής(1).
μλ01.ισοδυναμια (logical-bicoditional|equality):
Αν P και Q είναι δύο ισχυρισμοί, τέτοιοι ώστε, όταν αληθεύει ο P, να αληθεύει και ο Q και όταν αληθεύει ο Q, να αληθεύει και ο P, τότε λέμε ότι ο P συνεπάγεται τον Q και αντιστρόφως ή, αλλιώς, ότι ο P είναι ισοδύναμος με τον Q και γράφουμε P <=> Q .
Ο ισχυρισμός « P <=> Q » λέγεται ισοδυναμία και αρκετές φορές διαβάζεται «P αν και μόνο αν Q».
μλ01.διαξευξη (logical-disjunction):
Αν P και Q είναι δύο ισχυρισμοί, τότε ο ισχυρισμός P ή Q αληθεύει μόνο στην περίπτωση που ένας τουλάχιστον από τους δύο ισχυρισμούς αληθεύει.
Ο ισχυρισμός «P ή Q» λέγεται διάζευξη των P και Q .
μλ01.συζευξη (logical-conjunction):
Αν P και Q είναι δύο ισχυρισμοί, τότε ο ισχυρισμός P και Q αληθεύει μόνο στην περίπτωση που και οι δύο ισχυρισμοί αληθεύουν.
Ο ισχυρισμός «P και Q» λέγεται σύζευξη των P και Q .
name::
* McsElln.μλ01.Ε2.Σύνολα,
μλ01.σύνολο (set), σύνολο_μλ01:
Σύνολο είναι κάθε συλλογή αντικειμένων, που προέρχονται από την εμπειρία μας ή τη διανόησή μας, είναι καλά ορισμένα και διακρίνονται το ένα από το άλλο.
1) μλ01.στοιxείο_συνόλου(element), μλ01.μέλος_συνόλου (member):
Τα αντικείμενα αυτά, που αποτελούν το σύνολο, ονομάζονται στοιχεία ή μέλη του συνόλου.
2) μλ01.παράσταση_συνόλου (description)
Παρασταση συνόλου:
α) με αναγραφή: Α={1, 2, 3}
β) με περιγραφή: {χ htmlIsin R | χ έχει την ιδιοτητα Ι
3) μλ01.ίσα_σύνολα:
«Δύο σύνολα Α και Β λέγονται ίσα, όταν κάθε στοιχείο του Α είναι και στοιχείο του Β και αντιστρόφως κάθε στοιχείο του Β είναι και στοιχείο του Α».
Στην περίπτωση αυτή γράφουμε Α = Β.
4) μλ01.υποσύνολο:
Ένα σύνολο Α λέγεται υποσύνολο ενός συνόλου Β, όταν κάθε στοιχείο του Α είναι και στοιχείο του Β.
5) μλ01.κενό_σύνολο:
6) μλ01.διάγραμμα_Venn:
7) μλ01.βασικό_σύνολο:
Κάθε φορά που εργαζόμαστε με σύνολα, τα σύνολα αυτά θεωρούνται υποσύνολα ενός συνόλου που λέγεται βασικό σύνολο και συμβολίζεται με Ω. Για παράδειγμα, τα σύνολα ?, Ζ και Q, είναι υποσύνολα του βασικού συνόλου Ω = ?.
Το βασικό σύνολο συμβολίζεται με το εσωτερικό ενός ορθογωνίου, ενώ κάθε υποσύνολο ενός βασικού συνόλου παριστάνεται με το εσωτερικό μιας κλειστής καμπύλης που περιέχεται στο εσωτερικό του ορθογωνίου.
8) μλ01.ένωση_συνόλων (union):
Ένωση δύο υποσυνόλων Α, Β ενός βασικού συνόλου Ω λέγεται το σύνολο των στοιχείων του Ω που ανήκουν τουλάχιστον σε ένα από τα σύνολα Α και Β και συμβολίζεται με Α htmlCup Β.
9) μλ01.τομή_συνολων (intersection):
Τομή δύο υποσυνόλων Α, Β ενός βασικού συνόλου Ω λέγεται το σύνολο των στοιχείων του Ω που ανήκουν και στα δύο σύνολα Α, Β και συμβολίζεται με Α htmlCap Β
10) μλ01.συμπλήρωμα_συνόλου (complement):
Συμπλήρωμα ενός υποσυνόλου Α ενός βασικού συνόλου Ω λέγεται το σύνολο των στοιχείων του Ω που δεν ανήκουν στο Α και συμβολίζεται με Α΄.
name::
* McsElln.μλ01.Κ1.ΠΙΘΑΝΟΤΗΤΕΣ (6 ωρες),
_ΠΕΡΙΕΧΟΜΕΝΑ:
1.1 ΔΕΙΓΜΑΤΙΚΟΣ ΧΩΡΟΣ - ΕΝΔΕΧΟΜΕΝΑ
1.2 ΕΝΝΟΙΑ ΤΗΣ ΠΙΘΑΝΟΤΗΤΑΣ
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL-A100/490/3186,12917//
Στο 1° Κεφάλαιο γίνεται μια εισαγωγή στη Θεωρία των Πιθανοτήτων. Η απόδειξη των ιδιοτήτων της πιθανότητας ενός ενδεχομένου γίνεται μόνο στην περίπτωση που τα απλά ενδεχόμενα είναι ισοπίθανα. Η Θεωρία των Πιθανοτήτων ασχολείται με καταστάσεις όπου υπάρχει αβεβαιότητα, και αυτό την κάνει ιδιαίτερα σημαντική στις εφαρμογές της καθημερινής ζωής.
[http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL-A100/261/1899,6291/]
name::
* McsElln.μλ01.Κ1.1.ΔΕΙΓΜΑΤΙΚΟΣ-ΧΩΡΟΣ - ΕΝΔΕΧΟΜΕΝΑ,
μλ01.αιτιοκρατικό_πείραμα, αιτιοκρατικό_πείραμα_μλ01 (deterministic):
Κάθε τέτοιο πείραμα κατά το οποίο η γνώση των συνθηκών κάτω από τις οποίες εκτελείται καθορίζει πλήρως το αποτέλεσμα λέγεται αιτιοκρατικό (deterministic) πείραμα.
μλ01.πείραμα_τύxης, πείραμα_τύxης_μλ01 (random experiment):
Υπάρχουν όμως και πειράματα των οποίων δεν μπορούμε εκ των προτέρων να προβλέψουμε το αποτέλεσμα, μολονότι επαναλαμβάνονται (φαινομενικά τουλάχιστον) κάτω από τις ίδιες συνθήκες. Ένα τέτοιο πείραμα ονομάζεται πείραμα τύχης (random experiment).
[http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL-A100/261/1899,6293//]
μλ01.δυνατό_αποτέλεσμα, δυνατό_αποτέλεσμα_μλ01:
μλ01.δυνατή_περίπτωση, δυνατή_περίπτωση_μλ01:
Όλα τα αποτελέσματα που μπορούν να εμφανιστούν σε ένα πείραμα τύχης λέγονται δυνατά αποτελέσματα ή δυνατές περιπτώσεις του πειράματος.
μλ01.δειγματικός_xώρος, δειγματικός_xώρος_μλ01 (sample space):
Όλα τα αποτελέσματα που μπορούν να εμφανιστούν σε ένα πείραμα τύχης λέγονται δυνατά αποτελέσματα ή δυνατές περιπτώσεις του πειράματος. Το σύνολο των δυνατών αποτελεσμάτων λέγεται δειγματικός χώρος (sample space) και συμβολίζεται συνήθως με το γράμμα Ω.
[http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL-A100/261/1899,6293//]
μλ01.ενδεxόμενο, ενδεxόμενο_μλ01: μλ01.γεγονός, γεγονός_μλ01 (event):
ένα ενδεχόμενο είναι υποσύνολο του δειγματικού χώρου.
Το σύνολο που έχει ως στοιχεία ένα ή περισσότερα αποτελέσματα ενός πειράματος τύχης λέγεται ενδεχόμενο (event) ή γεγονός. Για παράδειγμα, στη ρίψη ενός ζαριού τα σύνολα, B={1,3,5} και Γ={6} είναι ενδεχόμενα. Το Α είναι το ενδεχόμενο να φέρουμε άρτιο αριθμό, το Β να φέρουμε περιττό αριθμό και το Γ να φέρουμε 6.
* μλ01.πραγματοποίηση_ενδεxόμενου, πραγματοποίηση_ενδεxόμενου_μλ01:
Όταν το αποτέλεσμα ενός πειράματος, σε μια συγκεκριμένη εκτέλεσή του είναι στοιχείο ενός ενδεχομένου, τότε λέμε ότι το ενδεχόμενο αυτό πραγματοποιείται ή συμβαίνει.
μλ01.ευνοϊκό_αποτέλεσμα, ευνοϊκό_αποτέλεσμα_μλ01:
μλ01.ευνοϊκή_περίπτωση, ευνοϊκή_περίπτωση_μλ01:
Γιἀυτό τα στοιχεία ενός ενδεχομένου λέγονται και ευνοϊκές περιπτώσεις για την πραγματοποίησή του. Έτσι, για παράδειγμα, το ενδεχόμενο A={2,4,6} έχει τρεις ευνοϊκές περιπτώσεις και πραγματοποιείται, όταν φέρουμε 2 ή 4 ή 6.
ΕΙΔΗ:
μλ01.απλό_ενδεxόμενο, απλό_ενδεxόμενο_μλ01:
1) απλο ενδεχομενο: όταν έχει ένα μόνο στοιχείο
μλ01.σύνθετο_ενδεxόμενο, σύνθετο_ενδεxόμενο_μλ01:
2) συνθετο ενδεχομενο: αν έχει περισσότερα στοιχεία
μλ01.βέβαιο_ενδεxόμενο, βέβαιο_ενδεxόμενο_μλ01:
3) βεβαιο ενδεχομενο: Ο ίδιος ο δειγματικός χώρος Ω
μλ01.αδύνατο_ενδεxόμενο, αδύνατο_ενδεxόμενο_μλ01:
4) αδυνατο ενδεχομενο: το κενό σύνολο ενγΚενο
μλ01.ασυμβίβαστα_ενδεxόμενα, ασυμβίβαστα_ενδεxόμενα_μλ01:
5) ασυμβιβαστα: Δύο ενδεχόμενα Α και Β λέγονται ασυμβίβαστα, όταν A ενγΤομη B = ενγΚενο. Δύο ασυμβίβαστα ενδεχόμενα λέγονται επίσης ξένα μεταξύ τους ή αμοιβαίως αποκλειόμενα.
[http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL-A100/261/1899,6293//]
Στον παρακάτω πίνακα τα Α και Β συμβολίζουν ενδεχόμενα ενός πειράματος και το ω ένα αποτέλεσμα του πειράματος αυτού. Στην αριστερή στήλη του πίνακα αναγράφονται διάφορες σχέσεις για τα Α και Β διατυπωμένες στην κοινή γλώσσα, και στη δεξιά στήλη αναγράφονται οι ίδιες σχέσεις αλλά διατυπωμένες στη γλώσσα των συνόλων.
Το ενδεχόμενο Α πραγματοποιείται ω ενγΑνηκει Α
Το ενδεχόμενο Α δεν πραγματοποιείται ω ενγΑνηκει Α' (ή ω ενγΔανηκει Α)
Ένα τουλάχιστον από τα Α και Β πραγματοποιείται
ω ενγΑνηκει A ενγΕνωση Β
Πραγματοποιούνται αμφότερα τα Α και Β
ω ενγΑνηκει A ενγΤομη B
Δεν πραγματοποιείται κανένα από τα Α και Β
ω ενγΑνηκει (Α ενγΕνωση Β)'
Πραγματοποιείται μόνο το Α
ω ενγΑνηκει A - B (ή ω ενγΑνηκει A ενγΤομη B ')
Η πραγματοποίηση του Α συνεπάγεται την πραγματοποίηση του Β
Α ενγΥποσυνολο B
name::
* McsElln.μλ01.Κ1.2.ΕΝΝΟΙΑ-ΤΗΣ-ΠΙΘΑΝΟΤΗΤΑΣ,
μλ01.πιθανότητα_ενδεxόμενου, πιθανότητα_ενδεxόμενου_μλ01:
αν Α είναι ένα ενδεχόμενο#ql:ενδεxόμενο_μλ01#, δεν μπορούμε με βεβαιότητα να προβλέψουμε αν το Α θα πραγματοποιηθεί ή όχι. Γιἀυτό είναι χρήσιμο να αντιστοιχίσουμε σε κάθε ενδεχόμενο Α έναν αριθμό, που θα είναι ένα μέτρο της “προσδοκίας” με την οποία αναμένουμε την πραγματοποίησή του. Τον αριθμό αυτό τον ονομάζουμε πιθανότητα του Α και τον συμβολίζουμε με P(Α).
===
Έτσι, έχουμε τον κλασικό ορισμό της πιθανότητας, που διατυπώθηκε από τον Laplace το 1812.
σε ένα πείραμα με ισοπίθανα αποτελέσματα
Ρ(Α) = Πληθος ευνοϊκων περιπτωσεων / πληθος δυνατων περιπτωσεων = Ν(Α) / Ν(Ω).
[http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL-A100/261/1899,6293//]
μλ01.σxετική_συxνότητα_ενδεxόμενου:
Αν σε ν εκτελέσεις ενός πειράματος ένα ενδεχόμενο Α πραγματοποιείται κ φορές, τότε ο λόγος κ/ν ονομάζεται σχετική συχνότητα του Α και συμβολίζεται με fΑ.
[http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL-A100/261/1899,6293//]
* μλ01.νόμος_των_μεγάλων_αριθμών, νόμος_των_μεγάλων_αριθμών_μλ01:
* μλ01.στατιστική_ομαλότητα, στατιστική_ομαλότητα_μλ01:
Ανάλογα παραδείγματα μας οδηγούν στο συμπέρασμα ότι οι σχετικές συχνότητες πραγματοποίησης των ενδεχομένων ενός πειράματος σταθεροποιούνται γύρω από κάποιους αριθμούς (όχι πάντοτε ίδιους), καθώς ο αριθμός των δοκιμών του πειράματος επαναλαμβάνεται απεριόριστα. Το εμπειρικό αυτό εξαγόμενο, το οποίο επιβεβαιώνεται και θεωρητικά, ονομάζεται στατιστική ομαλότητα ή νόμος των μεγάλων αριθμών.
Από τον κλασσικό ορισμό προκύπτει άμεσα ότι:
1. P(Ω)=1
2. P(ενγΚενο) = 0.
3. Για κάθε ενδεχόμενο Α ισχύει 0 ενγΜικροτεροισο P(A) ενγΜικροτεροισο 1 , αφού το πλήθος των στοιχείων ενός ενδεχομένου είναι ίσο ή μικρότερο από το πλήθος των στοιχείων του δειγματικού χώρου.
* μλ01.αξιωματικός_ορισμός_πιθανότητας_ενδεxόμενου, αξιωματικός_ορισμός_πιθανότητας_ενδεxόμενου_μλ01:
Έστω Ω={ω1,ω2,...,ων} ένας δειγματικός χώρος με πεπερασμένο πλήθος στοιχείων. Σε κάθε απλό ενδεχόμενο {ωi} αντιστοιχίζουμε έναν πραγματικό αριθμό, που τον συμβολίζουμε με P(ωi ), έτσι ώστε να ισχύουν:
0 ενγΜικροτεροισο P(ωi) ενγΜικροτεροισο 1
P(ω1) + P(ω2)+ ...+ P(ων)=1
Τον αριθμό P(ωi) ονομάζουμε πιθανότητα του ενδεχομένου {ωi}.
Ως πιθανότητα P(A) ενός ενδεχομένου A={α1,α2,...,ακ} ενγΔιαφορετικο ενγΚενο ορίζουμε το άθροισμα P(α1)+P(α2)+...+P(ακ), ενώ ως πιθανότητα του αδύνατου ενδεχομένου ενγΚενο ορίζουμε τον αριθμό P(ενγΚενο)=0.
* μλ01.κανόνες_λογισμού_πιθανοτήτων, κανόνες_λογισμού_πιθανοτήτων_μλ01:
Απόδειξη σε ισοπίθανα, Ισχύουν και σε μή ισοπίθανα.
1. απλός προσθετικός νόμος (simply additive law), για ασυμβιβαστα:
Ρ(Α ενγΕνωση Β) = Ρ(Α) + Ρ(Β)
2. Για δύο συμπληρωματικά ενδεχόμενα Α και Α' ισχύει
Ρ(Α') = 1 - Ρ(Α)
3. προσθετικός νόμος (additive law).
Ρ(Α ενγΕνωση Β) = Ρ(Α) + Ρ(Β) - Ρ(Α ενγΤομη Β)
4. ΑΝ Α ενγΥποσυνολο Β ΤΟΤΕ Ρ(Α) ενγΜικροτεροισο Ρ(Β)
5. P(A-B)=P(A)-P(A ενγΤομη B)
name::
* McsElln.μλ01.Κ2.ΟΙ-ΠΡΑΓΜΑΤΙΚΟΙ-ΑΡΙΘΜΟΙ (14 ωρες),
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL-A100/490/3186,12918//
_ΠΕΡΙΕΧΟΜΕΝΑ:
2.1 Οι Πράξεις και οι Ιδιότητές τους
2.2 Διάταξη Πραγματικών Αριθμών
2.3 Απόλυτη Τιμή Πραγματικού Αριθμού
2.4 Ρίζες Πραγματικών Αριθμών
===
Στο 2° Κεφάλαιο επαναλαμβάνονται, συμπληρώνονται και επεκτείνονται οι βασικές ιδιότητες των πραγματικών αριθμών.
name::
* McsElln.μλ01.Κ2.1.Οι-Πράξεις και οι Ιδιότητές τους,
* μλ01.αριθμός.πραγματικός, αριθμός.πραγματικός_μγ01 (real):
πραγματικοί αριθμοί αποτελούνται από τους ρητούς και τους άρρητους αριθμούς και παριστάνονται με τα σημεία ενός άξονα, του άξονα των πραγματικών αριθμών.
[μλ01.σ43]
μλ01.αριθμός.ρητός, ρητός_μλ01 (rational):
1) Κάθε ρητός αριθμός έχει (ή μπορεί να πάρει) κλασματική μορφή, δηλαδή τη μορφή α/β, όπου α, β ακέραιοι, με β ενγΔιαφ 0.
2) Μπορούμε δηλαδή να πούμε ότι οι ρητοί αριθμοί αποτελούνται από τους δεκαδικούς και τους περιοδικούς δεκαδικούς αριθμούς.
μλ01.ιδιότητες_πράξεων, ιδιότητες_πράξεων_μλ01 (properties of math-operations):
Ιδιότητα Πρόσθεση Πολλαπλασιασμός
Αντιμεταθετική (commutative) α + β = β + α αβ = βα
Προσεταιριστική (associative) α + (β + γ) = (α + β) + γ α(βγ) = (αβ)γ
Ουδέτερο Στοιχείο (identity element) α + 0 = α α ·1 = α
Αντίθετος/Αντίστροφος Αριθμού α + (-α) = 0 α ·1/α = 1, α ενγΔιαφ 0
Επιμεριστική (distributive) α( β + γ) = αβ + αγ
μλ01.δυνάμεις, δυνάμεις_μλ01 (exponentiation):
α^κ · α^λ = α^κ+λ
α^κ / β^λ = (α/β)^κ-λ
α^κ · β^κ = (αβ)^κ
α^κ / β^κ = (α/β)^κ
(α^κ)^λ = α^κλ
μλ01.ταυτότητες, ταυτότητες_μλ01 (algebraic-identities, tautology):
(α + β )^2 = α^2 + 2αβ + β^2
(α - β)^2 = α^2 - 2αβ + β^2
α^2 - β^2 = ( α + β ) · ( α - β )
(α + β )^3 = α^3 + 3α^2 β + 3αβ^2 + β^3
(α - β)^3 = α^3 - 3α^2β + 3αβ^2 - β^3
α^3 + β^3 =(α + β ) · (α^2 - αβ + β^2)
α^3 - β^3 =( α - β ) · ( α^2 + αβ + β^2)
(α + β + γ )^2 = α^2 + β^2 + γ^2 + 2αβ - 2βγ + 2γα
μλ01.απόδειξη.ευθεία, απόδειξη.ευθεία_μγ01 (direct proof):
μλ01.απόδειξη.απαγωγή_σε_άτοπο, απόδειξη.απαγωγή_σε_άτοπο_μγ01 (reduction to absurdity):
1) έστω ότι η άρνηση-του-ζητούμενου είναι αληθής.
2) αποδεικνύουμε ότι το προηγούμενο είναι ψευδές.
3) τοτε δεχόμαστε ότι το ζητούμενο είναι αληθές.
name::
* McsElln.μλ01.Κ2.3.Απόλυτη-Τιμή Πραγματικού Αριθμού,
name::
* McsElln.μλ01.Κ3.ΕΞΙΣΩΣΕΙΣ (9 ωρες) μλ01.σ79,
_ΠΕΡΙΕΧΟΜΕΝΑ:
3.1 ΕΞΙΣΩΣΕΙΣ 1ου ΒΑΘΜΟΥ
3.2 Η ΕΞΙΣΩΣΗ xν = α
3.3 ΕΞΙΣΩΣΕΙΣ 2ου ΒΑΘΜΟΥ
===
Στο 3° Κεφάλαιο επαναλαμβάνονται, επεκτείνονται και εξετάζονται συστηματικά όσα είναι γνωστά από το Γυμνάσιο για τις εξισώσεις 1ου και 2ου βαθμού. Επίσης εξετάζονται εξισώσεις που, για να επιλυθούν, ανάγονται σε 1ου και 2ου βαθμού.
name::
* McsElln.μλ01.Κ4.ΑΝΙΣΩΣΕΙΣ (6 ωρες),
_ΠΕΡΙΕΧΟΜΕΝΑ:
4.1 ΑΝΙΣΩΣΕΙΣ 1ου ΒΑΘΜΟΥ
4.2 ΑΝΙΣΩΣΕΙΣ 2ου ΒΑΘΜΟΥ
4.3 ΑΝΙΣΩΣΕΙΣ ΓΙΝΟΜΕΝΟ & ΑΝΙΣΩΣΕΙΣ ΠΗΛΙΚΟ
===
Στο 4° Κεφάλαιο παρουσιάζονται ανισώσεις 1ου και 2ου βαθμού καθώς και ανισώσεις που, για να επιλυθούν, ανάγονται σε 1ου και 2ου βαθμού.
name::
* McsElln.μλ01.Κ5.ΠΡΟΟΔΟΙ (7 ωρες),
_ΠΕΡΙΕΧΟΜΕΝΑ:
5.1 Ακολουθίες
5.2 Αριθμητική πρόοδος
5.3 Γεωμετρική πρόοδος
5.4 Ανατοκισμός - Ίσες καταθέσεις
===
Στο 5° Κεφάλαιο γίνεται εισαγωγή στην έννοια της ακολουθίας πραγματικών αριθμών, και εξετάζονται η αριθμητική και η γεωμετρική πρόοδος ως ειδικές περιπτώσεις κανονικότητας (pattern) σε ακολουθίες.
name::
* McsElln.μλ01.Κ5.1.Ακολουθίες,
Ακολουθία είναι μια σειρά από απειρους πραγματικούς αριθμούς.
1) ΟΡΟΣ ακουλουθίας λέγεται κάθε αριθμός της.
2) ΘΕΣΗ ΟΡΟΥ είναι ο φυσικός αριθμός στον οποίο αντιστοιχείται.
3) ΤΥΠΟΣ είναι η ισότητα που ορίζει το γενικό-όρο της ακολουθίας.
4) ΑΝΑΔΡΟΜΙΚΗ είναι η ακολουθία στην οποία ο γενικός της ορος ορίζεται από τον προηγούμενο όρος της (από τον εαυτό της).
5) ΜΗ ΑΝΑΔΡΟΜΙΚΗ είναι αυτή στην οποία ο γενικός της όρος ορίζεται από τη θέση του.
μλ01.ακολουθια_πραγματικων_αριθμων:
Γενικά ακολουθία πραγματικών αριθμών είναι μια αντιστοίχιση των φυσικών αριθμών 1,2,3,…,ν,… στους πραγματικούς αριθμούς. Ο αριθμός στον οποίο αντιστοιχεί ο 1 καλείται πρώτος όρος της ακολουθίας και τον συμβολίζουμε συνήθως με α1, ο αριθμός στον οποίο αντιστοιχεί ο 2 καλείται δεύτερος όρος της ακολουθίας και τον συμβολίζουμε συνήθως με α2 κ.λ.π. Γενικά ο αριθμός στον οποίο αντιστοιχεί ένας φυσικός αριθμός ν καλείται ν-οστός ή γενικός όρος της ακολουθίας και το συμβολίζουμε συνήθως με αν. Δηλαδή, 1? α1, 2? α2, 3?α3, …, ν?αν, … Την ακολουθία αυτή τη συμβολίζουμε (αν).
μλ01.ακολουθια.αναδρομικη (recursive):
- οριζεται με τον εαυτο της, ο γενικός όρος ορίζεται απο προηγουμενο όρο.
name::
* McsElln.μλ01.Κ5.2.Αριθμητική-πρόοδος,
μλ01.αριθμητικη_προοδος:
Μια ακολουθία λέγεται αριθμητική πρόοδος, αν κάθε όρος της προκύπτει από τον προηγούμενό του με πρόσθεση του ίδιου πάντοτε αριθμού.
[http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL-A100/261/1899,6297//]
name::
* McsElln.μλ01.Κ5.3.Γεωμετρική-πρόοδος,
μλ01.γεωμετρικη_προοδος:
Μια ακολουθία λέγεται γεωμετρική πρόοδος, αν κάθε όρος της προκύπτει από τον προηγούμενο με πολλαπλασιασμό επί τον ίδιο πάντοτε μη μηδενικό αριθμό.
[http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL-A100/261/1899,6297//]
name::
* McsElln.μλ01.Κ5.4.Ανατοκισμός - Ίσες καταθέσεις,
μλ01.ανατοκισμος:
Καταθέτουμε στην τράπεζα ένα κεφάλαιο α ευρώ με ετήσιο επιτόκιο ε%. Με τη συμπλήρωση ενός χρόνου οι τόκοι προστίθενται στο κεφάλαιο και το ποσό που προκύπτει είναι το νέο κεφάλαιο που τοκίζεται με το ίδιο επιτόκιο για τον επόμενο χρόνο. Αν η διαδικασία αυτή επαναληφθεί για ν χρόνια, να βρεθεί πόσα χρήματα θα εισπράξουμε στο τέλος του νου χρόνου.
(Το πρόβλημα αυτό είναι γνωστό ως πρόβλημα ανατοκισμού).
αν = α (1 + ε/100)^ν
μλ01.ισες_καταθεσεις:
Καταθέτουμε σε μια τράπεζα στην αρχή κάθε χρόνου α δρχ. με ανατοκισμό και επιτόκιο ε%. Τι ποσό θα πάρουμε ύστερα από ν χρόνια;
(Το πρόβλημα αυτό είναι γνωστό ως πρόβλημα των ίσων καταθέσεων)
Σ = α(1+τ) * (1+τ)^ν - 1 / τ
name::
* McsElln.μλ01.Κ6.ΒΑΣΙΚΕΣ-ΕΝΝΟΙΕΣ-ΣΥΝΑΡΤΗΣΕΩΝ (6 ωρες),
_ΠΕΡΙΕΧΟΜΕΝΑ:
6.1 Η ΕΝΝΟΙΑ ΤΗΣ ΣΥΝΑΡΤΗΣΗΣ
6.2 ΓΡΑΦΙΚΗ ΠΑΡΑΣΤΑΣΗ ΣΥΝΑΡΤΗΣΗΣ
6.3 Η ΣΥΝΑΡΤΗΣΗ ƒ(x) = αx + β
6.4 ΚΑΤΑΚΟΡΥΦΗ - ΟΡΙΖΟΝΤΙΑ ΜΕΤΑΤΟΠΙΣΗ ΚΑΜΠΥΛΗΣ
6.5 ΜΟΝΟΤΟΝΙΑ - ΑΚΡΟΤΑΤΑ - ΣΥΜΜΕΤΡΙΕΣ ΣΥΝΑΡΤΗΣΗΣ
===
Στο 6° Κεφάλαιο εισάγεται η έννοια της συνάρτησης. Η συνάρτηση είναι μια θεμελιώδης έννοια που διαπερνά όλους τους κλάδους των Μαθηματικών και έχει κεντρική σημασία για την περαιτέρω ανάπτυξη και εφαρμογή τους.
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://graph.tk//
* http://www.wolframalpha.com//
name::
* McsElln.μλ01.Κ6.1.Η-ΕΝΝΟΙΑ-ΤΗΣ-ΣΥΝΑΡΤΗΣΗΣ,
μλ01.συναρτηση
Συνάρτηση από ένα σύνολο Α σε ένα σύνολο Β λέγεται μια διαδικασία (κανόνας) με την οποία κάθε στοιχείο του συνόλου Α αντιστοιχίζεται σε ένα ακριβώς στοιχείο του συνόλου Β.
1) πεδιο ορισμου, συνολο ορισμου
2) ονομα, συμβολισμος: f: A->B x->f(x)
3) τυπος συναρτησης
3) ανεξαρτητη μεταβλητη (πεδιο ορισμου)
4) εξαρτημενη μεταβλητη, τιμή της f στο χ.
5) ιδιοτητες:
- Κάθε στοιχείο του Α αντιστοιχίζεται σε ένα ακριβώς στοιχείο του Β
- Μερικά στοιχεία του Β μπορεί να μην αποτελούν τιμές της ƒ
- Δύο ή περισσότερα στοιχεία του Α μπορεί να αντιστοιχίζονται στο ίδιο στοιχείο του Β
name::
* McsElln.μλ01.Κ6.2.ΓΡΑΦΙΚΗ ΠΑΡΑΣΤΑΣΗ ΣΥΝΑΡΤΗΣΗΣ,
μλ01.συντεταγμενες_σημειου, τετμημενη, τεταγμενη.
μλ01.καρτεσιανο_συστημα_συντεταγμένων_στο_επιπεδο: Οχψ
- καρτεσιανο επιπεδο
- ορθοκανονικο
μλ01.γραφικη_παρασταση_συναρτησης:
Έστω ƒ μια συνάρτηση με πεδίο ορισμού Α και Oxy ένα σύστημα συντεταγμένων στο επίπεδο. Το σύνολο των σημείων M (x, y) για τα οποία ισχύει y = ƒ(x), δηλαδή το σύνολο των σημείων M (x, ƒ(x)), x?A, λέγεται γραφική παράσταση της ƒ και συμβολίζεται συνήθως με Cƒ .
name::
* McsElln.μλ01.Κ6.3.Η ΣΥΝΑΡΤΗΣΗ ƒ(x) = αx + β,
μλ01.κλιση_ευθείας, μλ01.συντελεστης_διευθυνσης:
Ως συντελεστή διεύθυνσης ή ως κλίση μιας ευθείας ε ορίζουμε την εφαπτομένη της γωνίας ω που σχηματίζει η ε με τον άξονα x'x. Ο συντελεστής διεύθυνσης μιας ευθείας ε συμβολίζεται συνήθως με λε. ή απλά με λ.
- Είναι φανερό ότι ο συντελεστής διεύθυνσης της ευθείας ε είναι θετικός, αν η γωνία ω είναι οξεία, αρνητικός, αν η γωνία ω είναι αμβλεία και μηδέν, αν η γωνία ω είναι μηδέν.
- Στην περίπτωση που η γωνία ω είναι ίση με 90°, δηλαδή όταν η ευθεία ε είναι κάθετη στον άξονα x'x, δεν ορίζουμε συντελεστή διεύθυνσης για την ε.
- Γενικά, όπως θα αποδείξουμε στην Β' Λυκείου, η γραφική παράσταση της συνάρτησης ƒ(x) = αx + β είναι μία ευθεία, με εξίσωση y = αx + β, η οποία τέμνει τον άξονα των y στο σημείο Β(0,β) και έχει κλίση λ = α .
[http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL-A100/261/1899,6298//]
name::
* McsElln.μλ01.Κ6.4.ΚΑΤΑΚΟΡΥΦΗ - ΟΡΙΖΟΝΤΙΑ ΜΕΤΑΤΟΠΙΣΗ ΚΑΜΠΥΛΗΣ,
μλ01.κατακορυφη_μετατοπιση:
Η γραφική παράσταση της συνάρτησης ƒ , με:
ƒ(x) = φ(x) + c, όπου c>0,
προκύπτει από μια κατακόρυφη μετατόπιση της γραφικής παράστασης της φ κατά c μονάδες προς τα πάνω
μλ01.οριζοντια_μετατοπιση_καμπυλης:
Η γραφική παράσταση της συνάρτησης ƒ, με:
ƒ(x) = φ(x + c), όπου c>0,
προκύπτει από μια οριζόντια μετατόπιση της γραφικής παράστασης της φ κατά c μονάδες προς τα αριστερά
name::
* McsElln.μλ01.Κ6.5.ΜΟΝΟΤΟΝΙΑ - ΑΚΡΟΤΑΤΑ - ΣΥΜΜΕΤΡΙΕΣ ΣΥΝΑΡΤΗΣΗΣ,
μλ01.συναρτηση.γνησιως_αυξουσα:
Μια συνάρτηση ƒ λέγεται γνησίως αύξουσα σε ένα διάστημα Δ του πεδίου ορισμού της, όταν για οποιαδήποτε x1, x2 Δ με x1<x2 ισχύει:
ƒ(x1) < ƒ(x2),
μλ01.ολικο_ελαxιστο:
Μια συνάρτηση ƒ, με πεδίο ορισμού ένα σύνολο Α, λέμε ότι παρουσιάζει στο x0 σμΑνκ Α (ολικό) ελάχιστο όταν:
ƒ(x)>=ƒ(x0), για κάθε x σμΑνκ Α
1) συμβολιζεται min f(x)
2) Το x0 λέγεται ΘΕΣΗ-ΕΛΑΧΙΣΤΟΥ
μλ01.ολικο_μεγιστο:
Μια συνάρτηση ƒ, με πεδίο ορισμού ένα σύνολο Α, λέμε ότι παρουσιάζει στο x0?Α (ολικό) μέγιστο όταν
ƒ(x) ? ƒ(x0) , για κάθε x?Α
Το x0?Α λέγεται θέση μεγίστου, ενώ το ƒ(x0) ολικό μέγιστο ή απλώς μέγιστο της ƒ και το συμβολίζουμε με max ƒ(x) .
μλ01.συναρτηση.αρτια:
Μια συνάρτηση ƒ, με πεδίο ορισμού ένα σύνολο Α, θα λέγεται άρτια, όταν για κάθε x σμΑνκ Α ισχύει:
-x σμΑνκ Α και ƒ(-x) = ƒ(x)
Η γραφική παράσταση μιας άρτιας συνάρτησης έχει άξονα συμμετρίας τον άξονα y 'y
μλ01.συναρτηση.περιττη:
Μια συνάρτηση ƒ, με πεδίο ορισμού ένα σύνολο Α, θα λέγεται περιττή, όταν για κάθε x?Α ισχύει:
-x σμΑνκ Α και ƒ(-x) = - ƒ(x)
Η γραφική παράσταση μιας περιττής συνάρτησης έχει κέντρο συμμετρίας την αρχή των αξόνων.
name::
* McsElln.μλ01.Κ7.ΜΕΛΕΤΗ-ΒΑΣΙΚΩΝ-ΣΥΝΑΡΤΗΣΕΩΝ (8 ωρες),
_ΠΕΡΙΕΧΟΜΕΝΑ:
7.1 ΜΕΛΕΤΗ ΣΥΝΑΡΤΗΣΗΣ ƒ(x) = αx2
7.2 ΜΕΛΕΤΗ ΤΗΣ ΣΥΝΑΡΤΗΣΗΣ:
7.3 ΜΕΛΕΤΗ ΤΗΣ ΣΥΝΑΡΤΗΣΗΣ ƒ(x) = αx2 + βx + γ
Στο 7° Κεφάλαιο γίνεται μελέτη των συναρτήσεων , και ƒ(x)=αx2+βx+γ . Η μελέτη της ƒ(x)=αx2+βx+γ είναι ο κεντρικός στόχος του κεφαλαίου αυτού.
μλ01.μελετη_συναρτησης:
Η πορεία την οποία ακολουθούμε λέγεται μελέτη συνάρτησης και περιλαμβάνει τα ακόλουθα βήματα:
1. Βρίσκουμε το πεδίο ορισμού της συνάρτησης.
2. Προσδιορίζουμε τα διαστήματα μονοτονίας και τα ολικά ακρότατα της συνάρτησης.
3. Μελετούμε τη "συμπεριφορά" της συνάρτησης στα άκρα των διαστημάτων του πεδίου ορισμού της ("οριακές τιμές" κτλ.).
4. Συντάσσουμε έναν πίνακα τιμών της συνάρτησης και, με τη βοήθεια αυτού και των προηγούμενων συμπερασμάτων, χαράσσουμε τη γραφική της παράσταση.
name::
* McsElln.μλ01.Κ7.2.ΜΕΛΕΤΗ-ΤΗΣ-ΣΥΝΑΡΤΗΣΗΣ: ƒ(x) = α/x,
name::
* McsElln.μλ01.Κ7.3.ΜΕΛΕΤΗ-ΤΗΣ-ΣΥΝΑΡΤΗΣΗΣ ƒ(x) = αx^2 + βx + γ,
name::
* McsElln.ΜθμΛ1.ΑΡXΑΙΟΙ-ΕΛΛΗΝΕΣ-ΙΣΤΟΡΙΟΓΡΑΦΟΙ (μλ09),
* McsEngl.conceptIt532.9,
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.ΜαθημαΛ1.ΑΡXΑΙΟΙ-ΕΛΛΗΝΕΣ-ΙΣΤΟΡΙΟΓΡΑΦΟΙ@cptIt532.9, {2012-09-11}
* McsElln.μλα.αρxαία,
* McsElln.μλ09@cptIt532.9, {2012-09-11}
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/courses/DSGL-A108//
* http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/document/document.php?course=DSGL-A108&openDir=/4e57539c8jls/4e5dec9d9q10,
name::
* McsElln.μλ09.Εισαγωγή (Γ. Χρυσάφης),
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL-A108/225/1641,5231//
name::
* McsElln.Α. ΕΙΣΑΓΩΓΙΚΑ ΣΤΗΝ ΑΡΧΑΙΑ ΕΛΛΗΝΙΚΗ ΙΣΤΟΡΙΟΓΡΑΦΙΑ,
μλ09.ιστοριογραφία:
Ιστοριογραφία είναι η επιστήμη που καταγράφει σε χρονολογική σειρά την πορεία των γεγονότων, τα οποία αναφέρονται σ' ένα ανθρώπινο σύνολο μιας ορισμένης χρονικής περιόδου. O ιστοριογράφος εφαρμόζει κριτική εξέταση και αξιολόγηση των πηγών, αναλύει και ερμηνεύει τα αίτια και τις συνθήκες των εξελίξεων και μάλιστα με δύναμη συνθετική και εκφραστική.
name::
* McsElln.Β. ΘΟΥΚΥΔΙΔΗΣ ΟΛΟΡΟΥ ΑΛΙΜΟΥΣΙΟΣcptHuman199,
name::
* McsElln.Δ. Ο ΠΕΛΟΠΟΝΝΗΣΙΑΚΟΣ ΠΟΛΕΜΟΣ (431-404 π.Χ.),
name::
* McsElln.μλ09.Xρονολόγιο (Α. Δρουκόπουλος),
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL-A108/225/1641,5231//
name::
* McsElln.μλ09.Ξενοφώντος-Ελληνικά - Αγησίλαος (Α. Δρουκόπουλος - Γ. Χρυσάφης),
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/document/file.php/DSGL-A108/Διδακτικό%20Πακέτο/Βιβλίο%20Μαθητή%20-%20Κείμενα%20με%20παράλληλες%20μεταφράσεις/Istoriografia_A_Lykeiou_Keimeno_paralliles%20metafraseis_Xen_Ellin_b2.htm,
name::
* McsElln.μλ09.Θουκυδίδου-Ιστορίαι (Κ. Διαλησμά - Ε. Κουτρουμπέλη),
name::
* McsElln.ΜθμΛ1.ΕΓXΕΙΡΙΔΙΟ-ΓΛΩΣΣΙΚΗΣ-ΔΙΔΑΣΚΑΛΙΑΣ (μλ10),
* McsEngl.conceptIt532.10,
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.ΜαθημαΛ1.ΕΓXΕΙΡΙΔΙΟ-ΓΛΩΣΣΙΚΗΣ-ΔΙΔΑΣΚΑΛΙΑΣ@cptIt532.10, {2012-09-11}
* McsElln.μλ10.γλωσσική-διδασκαλία@cptIt532.9, {2012-09-11}
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/courses/DSGL-A112//
Πρόλογος 5
Ενότητα 1 7
Συμπληρωματικά για το κατηγορούμενο.
Γενική κατηγορηματική-επιρρηματικό
και Προληπτικό κατηγορούμενο.
Ενότητα 2 12
Αντικείμενο άμεσο και έμμεσο.
Κατηγορούμενο του αντικειμένου.
Σύστοιχο αντικείμενο.
Ενότητα 3 18
Φωνηεντόληκτα ουσιαστικά της Γ΄ κλίσης (μονόθεμα).
Ενότητα 4 23
Φωνηεντόληκτα ουσιαστικά της Γ΄ κλίσης (διπλόθεμα).
Ενότητα 5 27
Υγρόληκτα ουσιαστικά της Γ΄κλίσης (διπλόθεμα).
Ενότητα 6
Φωνηεντόληκτα, αφωνόληκτα και ενρινόληκτα
επίθετα της Γ΄ κλίσης.
Η κλίση της μετοχής του Παθητικού Αορίστου. 31
Ενότητα 7
Δευτερεύουσες προτάσεις. 38
Ενότητα 8
Υποθετικοί λόγοι.
Το πραγματικό και το αντίθετο του πραγματικού. 49
Ενότητα 9
Υποθετικοί λόγοι.
Το προσδοκώμενο και η αόριστη επανάληψη
στο παρόν και μέλλον. 53
Ενότητα 10
Υποθετικοί λόγοι.
Απλή σκέψη και αόριστη επανάληψη στο παρελθόν. 56
Ενότητα 11
Ρήματα υγρόληκτα και ενρινόληκτα. 62
Ενότητα 12
Οι άλλοι χρόνοι των υγρολήκτων
και των ενρινολήκτων ρημάτων. 66
Ενότητα 13
Αντωνυμίες κυρίως κτητικές και αλληλοπαθητικές. 72
Ενότητα 14
Φωνηεντόληκτα ρήματα σε -μι. 76
Ενότητα 15
Πλάγιος λόγος. 81
Ενότητα 16
Άλλα ρήματα Β’ συζυγίας (σε -μι), (ε?μι, φημί, ο?δα, δέδοικα). 87
Ενότητα 17
Αόριστοι Β’ βαρυτόνων ρημάτων που κλίνονται
κατά τα ρήματα σε -μι. 93
Ενότητα 18
Αριθμητικά. 97
Ενότητα 19
Συνηρημένα ουσιαστικά Α’ και Β’ κλίσης. 101
Ενότητα 20
Συνηρημένα επίθετα της Β’ κλίσης. 105
Ενότητα 21
Αττικόκλιτα δευτερόκλιτα ονόματα.
name::
* McsElln.μλ10.Ενότητα1.ΚΑΤΗΓΟΡΟΥΜΕΝΟ,
Συμπληρωματικά για το κατηγορούμενο.
Γενική κατηγορηματική-επιρρηματικό και Προληπτικό κατηγορούμενο.
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL-A112/212/1484,4927//
μλ10.κατηγορούμενο (subject_complement#cptCore557.35#):
* κατηγορούμενο_μλ10:
Κατηγορούμενο είναι η λέξη με την οποία αποδίδεται στο υποκείμενο ένα γνώρισμα.
Το κατηγορούμενο μπορεί να είναι επίθετο ή ουσιαστικό, αλλά επίσης και κάθε άλλη λέξη ή ολόκληρη πρόταση.
_stxElla: ‘Ρόδος ἐστὶ νῆσος.
Ἐπύαξα ἦν φιλομαθεστάτη.
Ἀλέξανδρος ἐγένετο τηλικοῦτος (= τόσο μεγάλος).
Ἐγώ εἰμι ὁ λέγων.
Τὸ σιγᾶν (= η σιωπή) ἐστι σωφρονεῖν.
Οἱ στρατεύσαντες ἐγένοντο χίλιοι.
Τὸ στράτευμα ἦν πλησίον.
Φίλιππός ἐστιν ὅ,τι ἂν ε’ίπῃ τις.
Το κατηγορούμενο, όταν είναι όνομα, συμφωνεί πάντοτε με το υποκείμενο στην πτώση.
Πέρα όμως από αυτή τη μορφή, που είναι και η πιο συνηθισμένη, το κατηγορούμενο εμφανίζεται και με άλλες μορφές.
μλ10.συνδετικό_ρήμα (copula#cptCore551.31#)
* συνδετικό_ρήμα_μλ10:
Τα ρήματα που συνδέουν το υποκείμενο με το κατηγορούμενο λέγονται συνδετικά (Π.χ. εἰμί, ὑπάρχω, γίγνομαι, τυγχάνω, καθίσταμαι, αἱροῦμαι, καλοῦμαι).
μλ10.γενική_κατηγορηματική:
* γενική_κατηγορηματική_μλ10:
I. Γενική κατηγορηματική: Όταν το κατηγορούμενο είναι ουσιαστικό, μερικές φορές δεν τίθεται σε ονομαστική πτώση, σύμφωνα με τον κανόνα, αλλά σε γενική που ονομάζεται γενική κατηγορηματική (παραδ. 1,2) και δηλώνει:
α) Κτήση (γενική κατηγορηματική κτητική)
_stxElla: Ὁ ἀγρός ἐστι Τιμοξένου (= ανήκει στον Τιμόξενο).
β) Ένα σύνολο, του οποίου το υποκείμενο αποτελεί μέρος (γενική κατηγορηματική διαιρετική).
Ἀγησίλαος ἦν τῶν στρατηγῶν (= ένας από τους στρατηγούς).
γ) Ύλη (γενική κατηγορηματική της ύλης)
Ὁ στέφανός ἐστι χρυσοῦ (= φτιαγμένος από χρυσό).
δ) Ιδιότητα (γενική κατηγορηματική της ιδιότητας)
Πολλοὶ ἦσαν τῆς αὐτῆς γνώμης (= είχαν την ίδια γνώμη).
ε) Αξία (γενική κατηγορηματική της αξίας)
Ὁ σίτος ἦν ταλάντου (= άξιζε ένα τάλαντο).
Σημείωση: Η χρήση της γενικής κατηγορηματικής (εκτός από τη γενική της ύλης) είναι πολύ συχνή στη νεοελληνική γλώσσα.
— Αυτό το σπίτι είναι του Νίκου (γενική κατηγ. κτητική)
— Ο Κώστας είναι της παρέας μας (γενική κατηγ. διαιρετική)
— Οι πολύχρωμες γραβάτες είναι της μόδας (γενική κατηγ. ιδιότητας)
— Αυτή η σοκολάτα είναι των πεντακοσίων δραχμών (γενική κατηγ. αξίας)
μλ10.επιρρηματικό_κατηγορούμενο:
* επιρρηματικό_κατηγορούμενο_μλ10:
II. Επιρρηματικό κατηγορούμενο: οποιοδήποτε ρήμα (ιδιαίτερα όσα σημαίνουν κίνηση) μπορεί να συνδέει το υποκείμενο με ένα κατηγορούμενο, το οποίο ισοδυναμεί με επίρρημα (παραδ. 3,4).
Το κατηγορούμενο αυτό λέγεται επιρρηματικό.
Είναι συνήθως επίθετο και δηλώνει: τόπο, χρόνο, τρόπο, σκοπό, σειρά κ.λπ.
Παραδείγματα
Το επιρρηματικό κατηγορούμενο σημαίνει:
τόπο
_stxElla: Οἱ στρατιῶται ἐσκήνουν (= στρατοπέδευαν) ὑπαίθριοι (= στο ύπαιθρο).
χρόνο
Ὁ ’άγγελος ἀφίκετο τριταῖος (= μετά από τρεις μέρες).
τρόπο
Δημαγόρας ἐστράτευσεν ἐθελοντής (= εθελοντικά).
σκοπό
Αἱ νῆες (=τα πλοία) ’έπλευσαν βοηθοί (= για να βοηθήσουν).
σειρά
Ἀλέξανδρος ἐπετέθη πρῶτος.
μλ10.προληπτικό_κατηγορούμενο:
* προληπτικό_κατηγορούμενο.μλ10:
III. Προληπτικό κατηγορούμενο: Τα ρήματα που σημαίνουν εξέλιξη και η ενέργειά τους διαρκεί για πολύ χρόνο είναι δυνατό να παίρνουν κατηγορούμενο, με το οποίο αποδίδεται από πριν στο υποκείμενο, ως γνώρισμα, το τελικό αποτέλεσμα του ρήματος.
Το κατηγορούμενο αυτό, που προλαβαίνει το αποτέλεσμα της ρηματικής ενέργειας, λέγεται προληπτικό (παραδ. 5-6).
_stxElla: Ὁ Ἀσωπὸς ποταμὸς ἐρρύη (= πλημμύρισε) μέγας (= με αποτέλεσμα να γίνει μεγάλος, αδιάβατος).
Ἀννίκερις ὁ Κυρηναῖος τοὺ ἑαυτοῦ φίλους ἱππέας ἐδίδαξε (= ώστε να γίνουν ιππείς).
(Πρβλ. νε. Ο Γιάννης σπουδάζει δικηγόρος).
name::
* McsElln.μλ10.Ενότητα2.ΑΝΤΙΚΕΙΜΕΝΟ,
Αντικείμενο άμεσο και έμμεσο. Κατηγορούμενο του αντικειμένου. Σύστοιχο αντικείμενο.
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL-A112/212/1484,4928//
μλ10.ενεργητικό_ρήμα:
* ενεργητικό_ρήμα_μλ10:
Τα ενεργητικά ρήματα, δηλαδή όσα σημαίνουν ότι το υποκείμενο ενεργεί, διακρίνονται σε δύο κατηγορίες, τα αμετάβατα και τα μεταβατικά.
μλ10.αμετάβατο_ρήμα:
* αμετάβατο_ρήμα_μλ10:
Αμετάβατα λέγονται τα ρήματα εκείνα τα οποία δηλώνουν ότι το υποκείμενο ενεργεί, χωρίς όμως η ενέργειά του να μεταβαίνει σε άλλο πρόσωπο ή πράγμα,
π.χ. Ὁ λέων μερίζει
(’άν μὴ) (φύγῃς (σὺ)
μλ10.μεταβατικό_ρήμα:
* μεταβατικό_ρήμα_μλ10:
Μεταβατικά λέγονται τα ρήματα εκείνα που δηλώνουν ότι η ενέργεια του υποκειμένου τους μεταβαίνει σε ένα άλλο πρόσωπο ή πράγμα, το οποίο ονομάζεται αντικείμενο. Το αντικείμενο τίθεται πάντοτε σε μια από τις πλάγιες πτώσεις (γενική, δοτική, αιτιατική). Στη νέα ελληνική επικράτησε η αιτιατική ως η συνηθέστερη πτώση του αντικειμένου.
Τα μεταβατικά ρήματα είναι δυνατόν να δέχονται ένα ή δύο αντικείμενα και καλούνται αντίστοιχα μονόπτωτα ή δίπτωτα ρήματα:
Υποκ. Ρήμα Αντικ.(Ι) Αντικ. (II)
μονόπτωτα ο‘ῦτοι ἐθήρευσαν ζῷα
Κλέαρχος ἐτίμα τοὺς φίλους
δίπτωτα ἡ μοῖρα ποιήσει κακόν σοι
Κίμων ἐδίδου χρήματα τοῖς πτωχοῖς
μλ10.μονόπτωτο_ρήμα:
* μονόπτωτο_ρήμα_μλ10:
Τα μονόπτωτα ρήματα συντάσσονται, ανάλογα με τη σημασία τους, με γενική, με δοτική ή με αιτιατική, όπως φαίνεται στον επόμενο πίνακα:
μέμνησο (= να θυμάσαι) τῶν Ἀθηναίων
Σωκράτης οὐκ ἠμέλει τοῦ σώματος
οἱ ’άνθρωποι ἐπιθυμοῦσι τῶν ἀγαθῶν
οἱ δικασταί ἀκηκόασι (= άκουσαν) τῶν μαρτύρων
Λακεδαιμόνιοι ’ήρξαντο (= άρχισαν) τοῦ πολέμου
γενική
τοῖς Ἕλλησιν ἐλευθερία προσήκει (= ταιριάζει)
οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ἐπίστευον τοῖς συμμάχοις
Πλάτων ὡμίλει (= συναναστρέφονταν) σοφοῖς
Δαίδαλος Μίνῳ ἐδούλευε (= ήταν δούλος)
οἱ φαῦλοι φθονοῦσι τοῖς ἀγαθοῖς
οἱ δοῦλοι εἵποντο (= ακολουθούσαν) τῷ δεσπότῃ
ὁ τῶν ἀνθρώπων βίος θεάτρῳ ’έοικε (= μοιάζει)
δοτική
Περικλῆς τὰ μέγιστα τοὺς Ἀθηναίους ὠφέλει
(ο‘ῦτοι) ἐθήρευον ζῷα
οἱ στρατιῶται ’ώρυξαν τάφρον
οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι ἐφόνευσαν τοὺς κήρυκας
αιτιατική
μλ10.δίπτωτο_ρήμα:
* δίπτωτο_ρήμα_μλ10:
β) Τα δίπτωτα ρήματα συντάσσονται, ανάλογα με τη σημασία τους, με:
γενική+ δοτική,
γενική+ αιτιατική
δοτική+ αιτιατική,
αιτιατική+ αιτιατική
Βλέπε χαρακτηριστικά παραδείγματα στον επόμενο πίνακα:
μεταδίδοτε (= δώστε ένα μέρος) τῶν ἀγαθῶν τοῖς φίλοις
ἐκοινώνησαν (= μετείχαν) τῶν αὐτῶν κινδύνων ἡμῖν
ὁδοῦ παραχωροῦσιν οἱ νεώτεροι τοῖς πρεσβυτέροις
γεν. + δοτ.
Βασιλεύς ’ήκουσε ταῦτα Τισσαφέρνους
Χειρίσοφος ἐπλήρωσε (=γέμισε) λίθων λάρνακας (=κιβώτια) ὀκτώ
ο‘ῦτος ’έλαβε τὸν Ὀρόντα τῆς ζώνης (=από τη ζώνη)
οἱ Ἠλεῖοι ἐκώλυον (=εμπόδιζαν) τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους τοῦ ἀγῶνος
γεν. + αιτ.
Ἀλέξανδρος τὸν ἑαυτοῦ δακτύλιον ἐδωκε τῷ Περδίκκ'α
ὁ σίδηρος ἐξισοῖ (= εξισώνει) τοὺς ἀσθενεῖς τοῖς ἰσχυροῖς
προσήγαγον (= έφεραν, παρουσίασαν) αὐτῷ τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους
ταῦτα συνεβοῦλευσεν Περικλῆς Ἀθηναίοις
δοτ. + αιτ.
Κάτων ἐδίδασκεν τὸν υἱὸν μουσικήν
αἰτεῖτε Ἀλέξανδρον ἱππέας
ὁ πάππος τὸν Κῦρον ἐνέδυσε (=έντυσε) καλὴν στολὴν
αιτ. + αιτ.
μλ10.άμεσο_αντικείμενο:
* άμεσο_αντικείμενο_μλ10:
μλ10.έμμεσο_αντικείμενο:
* έμμεσο_αντικείμενο_μλ10:
Άμεσο και έμμεσο αντικείμενο
Στα δίπτωτα ρήματα το ένα αντικείμενο ονομάζεται άμεσο και το άλλο έμμεσο.
Άμεσο είναι το αντικείμενο που βρίσκεται σε πτώση αιτιατική και, όταν το ρήμα συντάσσεται με δύο αιτιατικές, άμεσο είναι αυτό που δηλώνει πρόσωπο. Στην περίπτωση που κανένα αντικείμενο δεν είναι σε πτώση αιτιατική, άμεσο είναι αυτό που βρίσκεται σε πτώση γενική. (Βλ. και Σ.Α.Ε. § 49, σημείωση).
— Κῦρος ’έδωκε Κλεάρχῳ (έμμεσο) χρυσίον (άμεσο).
— Ἐμοῦ (έμμεσο) ἀκούσεσθε πᾶσαν τὴν ἀλήθειαν (άμεσο).
— Διδάσκουσι τοὺς παῖδας (άμεσο) σωφροσύνην (έμμεσο).
— Μετεσχήκαμεν ὑμῖν (έμμεσο) ἱερῶν τῶν σεμνοτάτων (άμεσο).
μλ10.σύστοιxο_αντικείμενο:
* σύστοιxο_αντικείμενο:
Σύστοιχο αντικείμενο
Πολλές φορές συμβαίνει το αντικείμενο που βρίσκεται σε πτώση αιτιατική να επαναλαμβάνει τη ρηματική ενέργεια, και μάλιστα με όνομα, που έχει την ίδια ρίζα με το ρήμα, ή συνώνυμο. Το αντικείμενο αυτό καλείται σύστοιχο.
— Ο‘ῦτοι ἐθήρευον θῆρας.
— Σωκράτης θυσίας ’έθυε.
— Κροῖσος ’έζη βίον εὐδαίμονα.
Το σύστοιχο αντικείμενο συνοδεύεται συνήθως από επιθετικό προσδιορισμό και, επειδή δεν εκφράζει κάποια αναγκαία έννοια, κατά κανόνα παραλείπεται και μένει στη θέση του μόνο ο επιθετικός προσδιορισμός, είτε αμετάβλητος είτε σε πτώση αιτιατική ουδετέρου γένους, συνήθως πληθυντικού αριθμού.
— Παῖσον (= χτύπησε) διπλῆν ( < διπλῆν πληγήν).
— Ἀλκιβιάδης πολλά ἥμαρτε (< πολλὰς ἁμαρτίας).
Σημείωση: Στην κοινή νεοελληνική γλώσσα ο επιθετικός προσδιορισμός του συστοίχου αντικειμένου κατέληξε σε τροπικό επίρρημα. Έτσι προέκυψε η κατάληξη -α των επιρρημάτων αντί της -ως της αρχαίας Ελληνικής.
— Βαδίζει καμαρωτά (< καμαρωτό βάδισμα)
— Ζούσε ήσυχα (< ήσυχη ζωή)
— Γελούσε τρανταχτά (< τρανταχτό γέλιο)
— Σφύριζε κλέφτικα (< κλέφτικο σφύριγμα)
name::
* McsElln.μλ10.Ενότητα3.ΟΥΣΙΑΣΤΙΚΟ.Γ-ΚΛΙΣΗ,
Φωνηεντόληκτα ουσιαστικά της Γ΄ κλίσης (μονόθεμα).
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL-A112/212/1484,4929//
μλ10.ουσιαστικό_γ_κλιση_μονόθεμα:
ΕΝΙΚΟΣ
ΟΝΟΜ. ὁ
ΓΕΝ. τοῦ
ΔΟΤ. τῷ
ΑΙΤ. τὸν
ΚΛΗΤ. (ὦ)
ΠΛΗΘΥΝΤΙΚΟΣ
ΟΝΟΜ. οἱ
ΓΕΝ. τῶν
ΔΟΤ. τοῖς
ΑΙΤ. τοὺς
ΚΛΗΤ. (ὦ)
ΕΝΙΚΟΣ
ΟΝΟΜ. ἡ
ΓΕΝ. τῆς
ΔΟΤ. τῇ
ΑΙΤ. τὴν
ΚΛΗΤ. (ὦ)
ΠΛΗΘΥΝΤΙΚΟΣ
ΟΝΟΜ. τὰ
ΓΕΝ. τῶν
ΔΟΤ. τοῖς
ΑΙΤ. τὰ
ΚΛΗΤ. (ὦ)
ΕΝΙΚΟΣ
ΟΝΟΜ. τὸ
ΓΕΝ. τοῦ
ΔΟΤ. τῷ
ΑΙΤ. τὸ
ΚΛΗΤ. (ὦ)
ΠΛΗΘΥΝΤΙΚΟΣ
ΟΝΟΜ. τὰ
ΓΕΝ. τῶν
ΔΟΤ. τοῖς
ΑΙΤ. τὰ
ΚΛΗΤ. (ὦ)
μλ10.ουσιαστικό_γ_κλιση_μονόθεμα:
ΕΝΙΚΟΣ
ΟΝΟΜ. ὁ ἥρως (μλ10.ο_ήρως)
ΓΕΝ. τοῦ ἥρωος
ΔΟΤ. τῷ ἥρωι
ΑΙΤ. τὸν ἥρωα
ΚΛΗΤ. (ὦ) ἥρως
ΠΛΗΘΥΝΤΙΚΟΣ
ΟΝΟΜ. οἱ ἥρωες
ΓΕΝ. τῶν ἡρώων
ΔΟΤ. τοῖς ἥρωσι(ν)
ΑΙΤ. τοὺς ἥρωας
ΚΛΗΤ. (ὦ) ἥρωες
Τρὼς (μλ10.ο_Τρώς)
Τρωὸς
Τρωὶ
Τρῶα
Τρὼς
Τρῶες
Τρώων
Τρωσὶ(ν)
Τρῶας
Τρῶες
βότρυς (μλ10.ο_βότρυς)
βότρυος
βότρυϊ
βότρυν
βότρυ
βότρυες
βοτρύων
βότρυσι(ν)
βότρυς
βότρυες
μῦς (μλ10.ο_μύς)
μυὸς
μυΐ
μῦν
μῦ
μύες
μυῶν
μυσὶ(ν)
μῦς
μὺες
name::
* McsElln.μλ10.Ενότητα4.ΟΥΣΙΑΣΤΙΚΟ.Γ-ΚΛΙΣΗ,
Φωνηεντόληκτα ουσιαστικά της Γ΄ κλίσης (διπλόθεμα).
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL-A112/212/1484,4930//
μλ10.ουσιαστικό_γ_κλιση_διπλόθεμα:
ΕΝΙΚΟΣ
ΟΝΟΜ. ὁ πέλεκυς (μλ10.ο_πέλεκυς)
ΓΕΝ. τοῦ πελέκεως
ΔΟΤ. τῷ πελέκει
ΑΙΤ. τὸν πέλεκυν
ΚΛΗΤ. (ὦ) πέλεκυ
ΠΛΗΘΥΝΤΙΚΟΣ
ΟΝΟΜ. οἱ πελέκεις
ΓΕΝ. τῶν πελέκεων
ΔΟΤ. τοῖς πελέκεσι
ΑΙΤ. τοὺς πελέκεις
ΚΛΗΤ. (ὦ) πελέκεις
ΕΝΙΚΟΣ
ΟΝΟΜ. τὸ ’άστυ (μλ10.το_άστυ)
ΓΕΝ. τοῦ ’άστεως
ΔΟΤ. τῷ ’άστει
ΑΙΤ. τὸ ’άστυ
ΚΛΗΤ. (ὦ) ’άστυ
ΠΛΗΘΥΝΤΙΚΟΣ
ΟΝΟΜ. τὰ ’άστη
ΓΕΝ. τῶν ’άστεων
ΔΟΤ. τοῖς ’άστεσι
ΑΙΤ. τὰ ’άστη
ΚΛΗΤ. (ὦ) ’άστη
ΕΝΙΚΟΣ
ΟΝΟΜ. ἡ πειθὼ (μλ10.η_πειθώ)
ΓΕΝ. τῆς πειθοῦς
ΔΟΤ. τῇ πειθοῖ
ΑΙΤ. τὴν πειθὼ
ΚΛΗΤ. (ὦ) πειθοῖ
name::
* McsElln.μλ10.Ενότητα5.ΟΥΣΙΑΣΤΙΚΟ.Γ-ΚΛΙΣΗ,
Υγρόληκτα ουσιαστικά της Γ΄κλίσης (διπλόθεμα).
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL-A112/212/1484,4931//
μλ10.ουσιαστικό_γ_κλιση_υγρόληκτο_διπλόθεμα:
ΕΝΙΚΟΣ
ΟΝΟΜ. ὁ ‘ρήτωρ (μλ10.ο_ρήτωρ)
ΓΕΝ. τοῦ ‘ρήτορος
ΔΟΤ. τῷ ‘ρήτορι
ΑΙΤ. τὸν ‘ρήτορα
ΚΛΗΤ. (ὦ) ‘ρῆτορ
ΠΛΗΘΥΝΤΙΚΟΣ
ΟΝΟΜ. οἱ ‘ρήτορες
ΓΕΝ. τῶν ‘ρητόρων
ΔΟΤ. τοῖς ‘ρήτορσι
ΑΙΤ. τοὺς ‘ρήτορας
ΚΛΗΤ. (ὦ) ‘ρήτορες
ἀθὴρ (μλ10.ο_αθήρ)
ἀθέρος
ἀθέρι
ἀθέρα
ἀθὴρ
ἀθέρες
ἀθέρων
ἀθέρσι
ἀθέρας
ἀθέρες
name::
* McsElln.μλ10.Ενότητα6.ΕΠΙΘΕΤΟ,
Φωνηεντόληκτα, αφωνόληκτα και ενρινόληκτα επίθετα της Γ΄ κλίσης.
Η κλίση της μετοχής του Παθητικού Αορίστου. 31
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL-A112/212/1484,4932//
Στα παραπάνω παραδείγματα οι υπογραμμισμένοι τύποι είναι:
α) φωνηεντόληκτα δικατάληκτα επίθετα της γ΄ κλίσης που λήγουν σε -υς, -υ (ὁ, ἡ ε’ύβοτρυς, τὸ ε’ύβοτρυ και ὁ, ἡ δίπηχυς, τὸ δίπηχυ)
β) αφωνόληκτα τρικατάληκτα επίθετα της γ΄ κλίσης που λήγουν σε -εις, -εσσα, -εν (ὁ χαρίεις, ἡ χαρίεσσα, τὸ χαρίεν)
γ) αφωνόληκτα δικατάληκτα επίθετα της γ΄ κλίσης που λήγουν σε -ις, -ι (ὁ, ἡ ε’ύελπις, τὸ ε’ύελπι). Και
δ) ενρινόληκτα τρικατάληκτα επίθετα της γ΄ κλίσης που λήγουν σε -ας, -αινα, -αν (ὁ μέλας, ἡ μέλαινα, τὸ μέλαν).
μλ10.ουσιαστικό_γ_κλιση_μονόθεμα:
ΕΝΙΚΟΣ
ΟΝΟΜ. ὁ
ΓΕΝ. τοῦ
ΔΟΤ. τῷ
ΑΙΤ. τὸν
ΚΛΗΤ. (ὦ)
ΠΛΗΘΥΝΤΙΚΟΣ
ΟΝΟΜ. οἱ
ΓΕΝ. τῶν
ΔΟΤ. τοῖς
ΑΙΤ. τοὺς
ΚΛΗΤ. (ὦ)
name::
* McsElln.μλ10.Ενότητα7.ΔΕΥΤΕΡΟΥΣΑ-ΠΡΟΤΑΣΗ,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL-A112/212/1484,4933//
μλ10.κύρια_πρόταση, κύρια_πρόταση_μλ10:
α) Κύριες ή ανεξάρτητες, όταν μπορούν να σταθούν μόνες τους στον λόγο.
_stxElla: Νῦν δὴ ἐξελαύνετε ἡμᾶς ἐκ τῆς χώρας.
Ποῖ δῆτ’ ἂν τραποίμην;
Γνῶθι σαυτόν.
Μὴ πρὸς θεῶν μαινώμεθα μηδ' αἰσχρῶς ἀπολώμεθα.
μλ10.δευτερεύουσα_πρόταση, δευτερεύουσα_πρόταση_μλ10:
β) Δευτερεύουσες ή εξαρτημένες, όταν δεν μπορούν να σταθούν μόνες τους στον λόγο, αλλά εξαρτώται από μιαν άλλη πρόταση, κύρια ή δευτερεύουσα, της οποίας συμπληρώνουν το νόημα.
_stxElla: Πρόξενος εἶπεν ὅτι αὐτός εἰμι, ‘ὸν ζητεῖς.
Καὶ ἐπίτηδές σε οὐκ ’ήγειρον, ἵνα ὡς ’άριστα διάγῃς.
Ἐάν τι λέγῃς παρὰ ταῦτα, μάτην ἐρεῖς.
Ἐπιμηθεὺς ἠπόρει, ὅ,τι χρήσαιτο.
(Βλ. Σ.Α.Ε. § 1-2 και 4)
μλ10.ονοματική_δευτερεύουσα_πρόταση, ονοματική_δευτερεύουσα_πρόταση_μλ10:
α) Ονοματικές, όταν λειτουργούν όπως τα ονόματα, ως υποκείμενα, κατηγορούμενα, αντικείμενα, ονοματικοί προσδιορισμοί.
Λέγουσιν οἱ σοφισταί, ὡς οὐδὲν δέονται χρημάτων.
Δεινὸν ἐφαίνετο εἶναι μὴ οἱ στρατιῶται δύσνοι (= εχθρικοί) ὦσιν.
Τοῦτ’ αὐτὸ ἀπόκριναι, εἰ ἀληθῆ λέγομεν ἢ οὐκ ἀληθῆ.
Ο‘ῦτός ἐστιν ‘ὸς ἀπέκτεινε τοὺς στρατηγούς.
μλ10.επιρρηματική_δευτερεύουσα_πρόταση, επιρρηματική_δευτερεύουσα_πρόταση_μλ10:
β) Επιρρηματικές, όταν λειτουργούν ως επιρρηματικοί προσδιορισμοί.
Χαίρω, ὅτι εὐδοκιμεῖς.
Ἀβροκόμας τὰ πλοῖα κατέκαυσεν, ἵνα μὴ Κῦρος διαβῇ.
Ἐνταῦθα ἐπιπίπτει χιὼν ’άπλετος, ὥστε ἀπέκρυψε καὶ τὰ ὅπλα καὶ τοὺς ἀνθρώπους κατακειμένους.
Eἰ μὴ ὑμεῖς ’ήλθετε, ἐπορευόμεθα ἂν ἐπὶ βασιλέα.
Ὅτε αὐτή ἡ μάχη ἐγένετο, Τισσαφέρνης ἐν Σάρδεσιν ’έτυχεν ’ών.
Ὅπως γιγνώσκετε, οὕτω καὶ ποιεῖτε.
μλ10.ειδική_ονοματική_δευτερεύουσα_πρόταση, ειδική_ονοματική_δευτερεύουσα_πρόταση_μλ10:
ΕΙΔΙΚΕΣ
ΕΙΣΑΓΩΓΗ:
ὅτι (πραγματικό)
ὡς (υποκειμενικό)
ΑΡΝΗΣΗ:
οὐ
ΛΕΙΤΟΥΡΓΙΑ:
αντικείμενο
υποκείμενο
επεξήγηση (συνήθως ουδετέρου δεικτικής αντων.)
ΕΞΑΡΤΗΣΗ:
ρήματα λεκτικά, δεικτικά, αισθητικά, γνωστικά
απρόσωπα ρήματα και απρόσωπες εκφράσεις με ανάλογη σημασία
ΕΚΦΟΡΑ:
Οριστική
Δυνητική Οριστική
Δυνητική Ευκτική
Ευκτική πλαγίου λόγου
μλ10.ενδοιαστική_ονοματική_δευτερεύουσα_πρόταση, ενδοιαστική_ονοματική_δευτερεύουσα_πρόταση_μλ10:
ΕΝΔΟΙΑΣΤΙΚΕΣ
ΕΙΣΑΓΩΓΗ:
μὴ
μὴ οὐ
(ὅπως μὴ)
ΛΕΙΤΟΥΡΓΙΑ:
αντικείμενο
υποκείμενο
επεξήγηση (σε ουδέτερο δεικτικής αντων.)
ΕΞΑΡΤΗΣΗ:
ρήματα φόβου, δισταγμού
απρόσωπα ρήματα, εκφράσεις
ΕΚΦΟΡΑ:
Υποτακτική
Ευκτική πλαγίου λόγου
Οριστική (πραγματικό)
===
Οι ενδοιαστικές προτάσεις εκφέρονται με οριστική, όταν εκφράζουν φόβο για κάτι πραγματικό και όχι ενδεχόμενο να συμβεί.
Νῦν δὲ φοβούμεθα μὴ ἀμφοτέρων ἅμα ἡμαρτήκαμεν.
μλ10.πλάγια_ερωτηματική_ονοματική_δευτερεύουσα_πρόταση, πλάγια_ερωτηματική_ονοματική_δευτερεύουσα_πρόταση_μλ10:
ΠΛΑΓΙΕΣ ΕΡΩΤΗΜΑΤΙΚΕΣ
ΕΙΣΑΓΩΓΗ:
εἰ
εἰ - ἢ
πότερον - ἢ
ε’ίτε – ε’ίτε
ΑΡΝΗΣΗ:
οὐ
μὴ
ΛΕΙΤΟΥΡΓΙΑ:
αντικείμενο
υποκείμενο
επεξήγηση (σε ουδέτερο δεικτικής αντων.)
ΕΞΑΡΤΗΣΗ:
ρήματα ερωτηματικά, λεκτικά, δεικτικά, απορίας, θαυμασμού, σκέψης, αισθητικά, γνωστικά, επιμέλειας, απόπειρας, προσοχής
απρόσωπα ρήματα, εκφράσεις
ΕΚΦΟΡΑ:
Οριστική
Δυνητική Οριστική
Δυνητική Ευκτική
Υποτακτική
Ευκτική πλαγίου λόγου
ΠΛΑΓΙΕΣ ΕΡΩΤΗΜΑΤΙΚΕΣ
ΕΙΣΑΓΩΓΗ:
ερωτ., αναφ. αντων.
ερωτ. αναφ. επιρρ.
ἐὰν, ἂν, ἢν
ΑΡΝΗΣΗ:
οὐ
μὴ
ΛΕΙΤΟΥΡΓΙΑ:
υποκείμενο
επεξήγηση (σε ουδέτερο δεικτικής αντων.)
ΕΞΑΡΤΗΣΗ:
απρόσωπα ρήματα, εκφράσεις
===
Οι πλάγιες ερωτηματικές προτάσεις διακρίνονται σε:
α) Ερωτήσεις ολικής άγνοιας οι οποίες εισάγονται:
Οι απλές με εἰ
Οι διμελείς με εἰ—’ή, πότερον ή πότερα-’ή, ε’ίτε – ε’ίτε
— Ἀπορεῖς εἰ διδακτόν ἐστιν ἡ ἀρετή;
— Πειράσομαι μαθεῖν εἰ ἀληθές ἐστιν ‘ὸ λέγεις ἢ μή.
— Ἡ μήτηρ διηρώτα τὸν Κῦρον πότερον βούλοιτο μένειν ἢ ἀπιέναι.
β) Ερωτήσεις μερικής άγνοιας, οι οποίες εισάγονται:
με ερωτηματικές ή αναφορικές αντωνυμίες
με ερωτηματικά ή αναφορικά επιρρήματα.
— Λύσανδρος πρῶτον ἐρωτᾷ τί ἐστιν ’άξιος παθεῖν.
— Σκέψασθε, ὦ Ἀθηναῖοι, ὅσην πρόνοιαν περὶ σωφροσύνης ἐποιήσατο ὁ Σόλων.
— Νομίζω πρσήκειν τοῦτο ἡμᾶς σκοπεῖν, ὅπως συμφέροντας νόμους τῇ πόλει θησόμεθα.
μλ10.αναφορική_ονοματική_δευτερεύουσα_πρόταση, αναφορικήική_ονοματική_δευτερεύουσα_πρόταση_μλ10:
ΑΝΑΦΟΡΙΚΕΣ
ΕΙΣΑΓΩΓΗ:
αναφορικές αντωνυμίες
αναφορικά επιρρήματα
ΛΕΙΤΟΥΡΓΙΑ:
υποκείμενο
κατηγορούμενο
αντικείμενο
παράθεση
επεξήγηση
επιθετικός προσδιορισμός
κατηγορηματικός προσδ.
ετερόπτωτος επιθ. προσδ.
ΕΚΦΟΡΑ:
Οποιαδήποτε έγκλιση
μλ10.αιτιολογική_επιρρηματική_δευτερεύουσα_πρόταση,
αιτιολογική_επιρρηματική_δευτερεύουσα_πρόταση_μλ10:
ΑΙΤΙΟΛΟΓΙΚΕΣ
ΕΙΣΑΓΩΓΗ:
διότι, ὡς, ὅτι, ἐπεί, ἐπειδή
εἰ (αβέβαιη αιτιολογία)
ΑΡΝΗΣΗ:
οὐ
μὴ / οὐ
ΛΕΙΤΟΥΡΓΙΑ:
επιρρημσπκός προσδιορισμός της αιτίας
ΕΞΑΡΤΗΣΗ:
ρήματα ψυχικού πάθους
ΕΚΦΟΡΑ:
Οριστική
Δυνητική Οριστική
Δυντική Ευκτική
Ευκτική πλαγίου λόγου
===
Οι αιτιολογικές προτάσεις που εξαρτώνται από ρήματα ψυχικού πάθους (χαίρω, ἥδομαι, θαυμάζω κ.τ.ό) εισάγονται με τον σύνδεσμο εἰ, όταν το αίτιο μπορεί να αμφισβητηθεί:
Οὐ θαυμαστόν, εἰ μὴ τούτων ἐνεθυμήθησαν;
μλ10.τελική_επιρρηματική_δευτερεύουσα_πρόταση,
τελική_επιρρηματική_δευτερεύουσα_πρόταση_μλ10:
ΤΕΛΙΚΕΣ
ΕΙΣΑΓΩΓΗ:
ἵνα
ὅπως, ὡς (ἂν)
μὴ
ΑΡΝΗΣΗ:
μὴ
ΛΕΙΤΟΥΡΓΙΑ:
επιρρηματικός προσδιορισμός του σκοπού
ΕΚΦΟΡΑ:
Υποτακτική
Ευκτική πλαγίου λόγου
Οριστ. παρελθ. χρόνου
===
Οι τελικές προτάσεις, όταν δηλώνουν σκοπό που δεν μπορεί να πραγματοποιηθεί, διότι προηγείται ευχή ανεκπλήρωτη ή κάτι που δεν έγινε, εκφέρονται με οριστική παρελθοντικού χρόνου:
’Έδει τὰ ἐνέχυρα τότε λαβεῖν, ὡς μὴ ἐδύνατο ἐξαπατᾶν.
μλ10.αποτελεσματική_επιρρηματική_δευτερεύουσα_πρόταση,
αποτελεσματική_επιρρηματική_δευτερεύουσα_πρόταση_μλ10:
ΑΠΟΤΕΛΕΣΜΑΤΙΚΕΣ
ΕΙΣΑΓΩΓΗ:
ὥστε
ὥς
ΑΡΝΗΣΗ:
οὐ
ΛΕΙΤΟΥΡΓΙΑ:
επιρρηματικός προσδ. αποτελέσματος (πραγματικό)
ΕΚΦΟΡΑ:
Οριστική
Δυνητική Οριστική
Δυνητική Ευκτική
Ευκτική πλαγίου λόγου
μλ10.συμπερασματική_επιρρηματική_δευτερεύουσα_πρόταση,
συμπερασματική_επιρρηματική_δευτερεύουσα_πρόταση_μλ10:
ή
ΣΥΜΠΕΡΑΣΜΑΤΙΚΕΣ
ΕΙΣΑΓΩΓΗ:
ὥστε
ἐφ’ ’ῷ
ἐφ’ ’ῷτε
ΑΡΝΗΣΗ:
μὴ
ΛΕΙΤΟΥΡΓΙΑ
ενδεχόμενο αποτέλεσμα
επιδιωκόμενο αποτέλεσμα
όρος ή συμφωνία
ΕΚΦΟΡΑ:
Απαρέμφατο
Οριστική Μέλλοντα
===
Οι συμπερασματικές προτάσεις εκφέρονται με απαρέμφατο, όταν δηλώνουν δυνατό ή ενδεχόμενο αποτέλεσμα, επιδιωκόμενο αποτέλεσμα (δηλ. σκοπό), όρο ή συμφωνία ή προϋπόθεση:
— ’Έχω τριήρεις, ὥστε ἑλεῖν (= μπορώ να συλλάβω) τὸ ἐκείνων πλοῖον.
— Οἱ τριάκοντα ἐβουλήθησαν Ἐλευσῖνα ἐξιδιώσαθαι (= να πάρουν), ὥστε εἶναι σφίσι καταφυγήν.
— Πολλά χρήματα ’έδωκεν ἂν Φιλιστίδης, ὥστ’ ’έχειν Ὠρεόν.
μλ10.υποθετική_επιρρηματική_δευτερεύουσα_πρόταση,
υποθετική_επιρρηματική_δευτερεύουσα_πρόταση_μλ10:
ΥΠΟΘΕΤΙΚΕΣ
ΕΙΣΑΓΩΓΗ:
εἰ
ΑΡΝΗΣΗ:
οὐ
ΕΚΦΟΡΑ:
Οριστική, Ευκτική
ΕΙΣΑΓΩΓΗ:
ἐὰν / ἂν / ἢν
ΑΡΝΗΣΗ:
μὴ
ΕΚΦΟΡΑ:
Υποτακτική
[http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL-A112/212/1484,4933//]
μλ10.εναντιωματική_επιρρηματική_δευτερεύουσα_πρόταση,
εναντιωματική_επιρρηματική_δευτερεύουσα_πρόταση_μλ10:
ΕΝΑΝΤΙΩΜΑΤΙΚΕΣ
ΕΙΣΑΓΩΓΗ:
α) εἰ καὶ
καὶ
ΑΡΝΗΣΗ:
μὴ
ΛΕΙΤΟΥΡΓΙΑ:
πραγματική εναντίωση
ΕΚΦΟΡΑ:
Οριστική
ή
ΠΑΡΑΧΩΡΗΤΙΚΕΣ
β) καὶ εἰ, καὶ ’άν, οὐδ’ εἰ, οὐδ’ ’άν, μηδ’ ἂν
ΛΕΙΤΟΥΡΓΙΑ:
πιθανή ή αδύνατη εναντίωση
ΕΞΑΡΤΗΣΗ:
αρνητική κύρια πρόταση
ΕΚΦΟΡΑ:
Ευκτική
Υποτακτική
μλ10.xρονική_επιρρηματική_δευτερεύουσα_πρόταση,
xρονική_επιρρηματική_δευτερεύουσα_πρόταση_μλ10:
ΧΡΟΝΙΚΕΣ
(βλ. και υποθετικούς λόγους)
ΕΙΣΑΓΩΓΗ:
Χρονικοί σύνδεσμοι
(βλ. Γ.Α.Ε. § 367,5)
+ ἂν (αοριστολογικό)
ΑΡΝΗΣΗ:
οὐ
μὴ
μὴ
ΛΕΙΤΟΥΡΓΙΑ:
επιρρηματικός προσδιορισμός του χρόνου
ΕΚΦΟΡΑ:
Οριστική (πραγματικό)
Υποτακτική (αναμενό μενο, αόριστη επανάληψη στο παρόν και μέλλον)
Ευκτική (απλή σκέψη, αόριστη επανάληψη στο παρελθόν)
ΕΙΣΑΓΩΓΗ:
πρὶν
ΕΞΑΡΤΗΣΗ:
κύρια πρόταση καταφατική
κύρια πρόταση αρνητική
κύρια πρόταση σε Ευκτική
κύρια πρόταση σε παρελθ. χρόνο
ΕΚΦΟΡΑ:
Απαρέμφατο
Οριστ. παρελθ. χρόνου
Υποτακτική
Ευκτική
Ευκτική πλαγίου λόγου
===
Οι χρονικές προτάσεις, που εισάγονται με τον σύνδεσμο πρίν, εκφέρονται με απαρέμφατο, όταν η κύρια πρόταση είναι καταφατική, και σπάνια όταν είναι αρνητική:
Οὐδέ πρὸς δικαστηρίῳ ’ώφθην οὐδεπώποτε, πρὶν ταύτην τὴν συμφορὰν γενέσθαι (= προτού να συμβεί).
μλ10.αναφορική_επιρρηματική_δευτερεύουσα_πρόταση,
αναφορική_επιρρηματική_δευτερεύουσα_πρόταση_μλ10:
ΑΝΑΦΟΡΙΚΕΣ
ΕΙΣΑΓΩΓΗ:
αναφορικά επιρ.
(βλ. Γ.Α.Ε. 363α)
ΑΡΝΗΣΗ:
οὐ
μὴ
οὐ, μὴ
ΛΕΙΤΟΥΡΓΙΑ:
επιρρηματικός προσδ.
ΕΞΑΡΤΗΣΗ:
οὕτω(ς), τοιοῦτος, τοσοῦτος
ΕΚΦΟΡΑ:
Οποιαδήποτε έγκλιση
ΕΙΣΑΓΩΓΗ:
αναφορικές αντωνυμίες
(βλ. Γ.Α.Ε. §§ 240 - 242)
ΛΕΙΤΟΥΡΓΙΑ:
επιρρηματικός προσδ. της αιτίας
του σκοπού
του αποτελέσματος
ΕΚΦΟΡΑ:
Όπως οι Αιτιολογικές προτ.
Οριστική Μέλλοντα
Όπως οι Αποτελεσματικές προτάσεις
Όπως οι Υποθετικοί λόγοι
μλ10.παραβολική_επιρρηματική_δευτερεύουσα_πρόταση,
παραβολική_επιρρηματική_δευτερεύουσα_πρόταση_μλ10:
ΠΑΡΑΒΟΛΙΚΕΣ
ή
ΠΑΡΟΜΟΙΑΣΤΙΚΕΣ
ΕΙΣΑΓΩΓΗ:
ὡς, ὥσπερ, ὅπως,
ὅσον, ὅσῳ
ΛΕΙΤΟΥΡΓΙΑ:
παρομοίωση
ή
σύγκριση
ΕΚΦΟΡΑ:
Οποιαδήποτε έγκλιση
μλ10.πρόταση_κρίσεως, πρόταση_κρίσεως_μλ10:
I. Οι προτάσεις ως προς το περιεχόμενο τους διακρίνονται σε:
α) Προτάσεις κρίσεως, με τις οποίες διατυπώνεται μια κρίση, μια σκέψη ή δίνεται μια πληροφορία. Εκφέρονται με οριστική (απλή ή δυνητική) ή με δυνητική ευκτική. Έχουν άρνηση οὐ.
Σ'ώζονται καὶ ἐκ πάνυ δεινῶν οἱ ἀγαθοί.
Τὴν πόλιν ἂν ἡγήσω πολέμου ἐργαστήριον εἶναι.
Οὐκ ἂν φθάνοις λέγων.
μλ10.πρόταση_επιθυμίας, πρόταση_επιθυμίας_μλ10:
β) Προτάσεις επιθυμίας, με τις οποίες εκφράζεται μια επιθυμία, μια προσταγή, μια ευχή. Εκφέρονται με υποτακτική, ευχετική οριστική, ευχετική ευκτική και προστακτική· έχουν άρνηση μή.
Μηδενὶ συμφορὰν ὀνειδίσῃς.
Ε’ίθε σοι τότε συνεγενόμην.
Ὦ παῖ, γένοιο πατρὸς εὐτυχέστερος, τὰ δ’ ’άλλ' ὅμοιος.
Ἐμοὶ πείθου καὶ μὴ ’άλλως ποίει.
name::
* McsElln.μλ10.Ενότητα8.ΥΠΟΘΕΤΙΚΟΣ-ΛΟΓΟΣ,
Υποθετικοί λόγοι. Το πραγματικό και το αντίθετο του πραγματικού. 49
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL-A112/212/1484,4934//
μλ10.υποθετικός_λόγος, υποθετικός_λόγος_μλ10:
Κάθε υποθετική πρόταση ακολουθείται πάντοτε και από μια άλλη πρόταση, συνήθως κύρια, και δημιουργεί μαζί της μια λογική ενότητα, στα πλαίσια της οποίας εκφράζεται η σχέση: προϋπόθεση /αίτιο ? συνέπεια /αποτέλεσμα.
Η λογική αυτή ενότητα καλείται υποθετικός λόγος και τα δύο μέρη, από τα οποία απαρτίζεται, καλούνται αντίστοιχα υπόθεση (= η υποθετική πρόταση / προϋπόθεση) και απόδοση (= η κύρια πρόταση / αποτέλεσμα).
Οι υποθετικοί λόγοι διακρίνονται, ανάλογα με τη σημασία που εκφράζει ο συλλογισμός, σε έξι βασικά είδη, τα οποία εκφέρονται με διαφορετικούς τρόπους. (Για τους υποθετικούς λόγους βλ. και τις παραγρ. 167-170 του Σ.Α.Ε).
Β. ΠΑΡΑΤΗΡΗΣΕΙΣ
I. Το πραγματικό. Αν η σχέση που εκφράζεται με τον υποθετικό λόγο θεωρείται από την πλευρά του ομιλητή ως κάτι το πραγματικό, τότε η υπόθεση εισάγεται με το εἰ και εκφέρεται με οριστική οποιουδήποτε χρόνου, ενώ η απόδοση εκφέρεται με οποιαδήποτε έγκλιση (βλ. τα τέσσερα πρώτα παραδείγματα).
II. Το αντίθετο του πραγματικού. Αν η σχέση που εκφράζεται με τον υποθετικό λόγο θεωρείται ότι είναι κάτι αντίθετο από αυτό που συμβαίνει στην πραγματικότητα, τότε η υπόθεση εισάγεται με το εἰ και εκφέρεται με οριστική παρελθοντικού χρόνου, ενώ η απόδοση εκφέρεται με δυνητική οριστική, δηλαδή οριστική παρελθοντικού χρόνου + ’άν. Αν όμως στην απόδοση υπάρχει απρόσωπο ρήμα ή απρόσωπη έκφραση, τότε παραλείπεται συνήθως το δυνητικό ’άν (βλ. τα τέσσερα τελευταία παραδείγματα).
εἰ τοῦτο ποιεῖς [ποιήσεις, ἐποίησας κ.λπ.], τὴν πόλιν βλάπτεις [βλάψεις, ’έβλαψας]
αν πραγματικά το κάνεις [θα το κάνεις, το έκανες κ.λπ.] αυτό, τότε βλάπτεις [θα βλάψεις, έβλαψες] την πόλη.
name::
* McsElln.μλ10.Ενότητα9.ΥΠΟΘΕΤΙΚΟΣ-ΛΟΓΟΣ,
Υποθετικοί λόγοι. Το προσδοκώμενο και η αόριστη επανάληψη στο παρόν και μέλλον. 53
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL-A112/212/1484,4935//
Β. ΠΑΡΑΤΗΡΗΣΕΙΣ
Τα παραπάνω παραδείγματα είναι υποθετικοί λόγοι που δηλώνουν:
I. Το προσδοκώμενο, δηλαδή κάτι που κατά την κρίση του ομιλητή αναμένεται ότι θα επακολουθήσει, εφόσον τεθεί μια προϋπόθεση. Στο προσδοκώμενο η υπόθεση εισάγεται με ἐάν, ’άν, ἢν και εκφέρεται με υποτακτική, ενώ η απόδοση εκφέρεται με οριστική μέλλοντα ή με κάποια ισοδύναμη έκφραση (όπως π.χ. προστακτική, δυνητική ευκτική κ.ά.).
II. Την αόριστη επανάληψη στο παρόν και το μέλλον, δηλαδή κάτι που ο ομιλητής θεωρεί ότι θα επαναλαμβάνεται αόριστα στο παρόν και το μέλλον. Στο είδος αυτό η υπόθεση εισάγεται με ἐάν, ’άν, ἢν και εκφέρεται με υποτακτική και η απόδοση εκφέρεται με οριστική ενεστώτα ή με ισοδύναμη έκφραση (συνήθως με γνωμικό αόριστο).
name::
* McsElln.μλ10.Ενότητα10.ΥΠΟΘΕΤΙΚΟΣ-ΛΟΓΟΣ,
Υποθετικοί λόγοι. Απλή σκέψη και αόριστη επανάληψη στο παρελθόν. 56
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL-A112/212/1484,4936//
Β. ΠΑΡΑΤΗΡΗΣΕΙΣ
Τα παραπάνω παραδείγματα είναι υποθετικοί λόγοι που δηλώνουν:
I. Την απλή σκέψη, δηλαδή κάτι που κατά την κρίση του ομιλητή είναι δυνατόν να γίνει, χωρίς όμως να τον ενδιαφέρει αν τελικά αυτό θα πραγματοποιηθεί. Στην απλή σκέψη, η υπόθεση εισάγεται με το εἰ και εκφέρεται με ευκτική και η απόδοση συνήθως με δυνητική ευκτική (= ευκτική + ’άν) ή, σπανιότερα, με οριστική αρκτικού χρόνου.
II. Την επανάληψη στο παρελθόν, δηλαδή κάτι που επαναλαμβανόταν στο παρελθόν. Στο είδος αυτό η υπόθεση εισάγεται με το εἰ και εκφέρεται με ευκτική και η απόδοση με οριστική παρατατικού ή με δυνητική οριστική αορίστου (= οριστική αορίστου + ’άν).
name::
* McsElln.μλ10.Ενότητα11.ΡΗΜΑΤΑ,
name::
* McsElln.μλ10.Ενότητα12.ΡΗΜΑΤΑ,
Οι άλλοι χρόνοι των υγρολήκτων και των ενρινολήκτων ρημάτων. 66
name::
* McsElln.μλ10.Ενότητα13.ΑΝΤΩΝΥΜΙΕΣ,
name::
* McsElln.μλ10.Ενότητα14.ΡΗΜΑΤΑ,
name::
* McsElln.μλ10.Ενότητα15.ΠΛΑΓΙΟΣ-ΛΟΓΟΣ,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL-A112/212/1484,4941//
name::
* McsElln.μλ10.Ενότητα16.ΡΗΜΑΤΑ,
Άλλα ρήματα Β’ συζυγίας (σε -μι), (ε?μι, φημί, ο?δα, δέδοικα). 87
name::
* McsElln.μλ10.Ενότητα17.ΡΗΜΑΤΑ,
Αόριστοι Β’ βαρυτόνων ρημάτων που κλίνονται
κατά τα ρήματα σε -μι. 93
name::
* McsElln.μλ10.Ενότητα18.ΑΡΙΘΜΗΤΙΚΑ,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL-A112/212/1484,4944//
name::
* McsElln.μλ10.Ενότητα19.ΟΥΣΙΑΣΤΙΚΑ,
name::
* McsElln.μλ10.Ενότητα20.ΕΠΙΘΕΤΑ,
name::
* McsElln.μλ10.Ενότητα21.ΟΝΟΜΑΤΑ,
name::
* McsElln.ΜθμΛ1.ΑΡXΕΣ-ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΙΑΣ (μλ07),
* McsEngl.conceptIt532.7,
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.ΜαθημαΛ1.ΑΡΧΕΣ-ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΙΑΣ@cptIt532.7, {2012-07-16}
* McsElln.μλα.οικονομία,
* McsElln.μλ07, {2012-07-16}
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://users.sch.gr/itsakalis/a_class.html,
* http://www.eoede.gr/images/stories/files/arxes_oikonomias_aggelinaki.pdf,
name::
* McsElln.μλ07.ΠΕΡΙΕΧΟΜΕΝΑ,
_ΠΕΡΙΕΧΟΜΕΝΑ:
00. ΠΡΟΛΟΓΟΣ
01. ΕΙΣΑΓΩΓΗ
02. ΤΟ_ΕΜΠΟΡΕΥΜΑ
03. Η_ΚΑΤΑΝΑΛΩΣΗ_ΤΩΝ_ΕΜΠΟΡΕΥΜΑΤΩΝ
04. Η ΚΑΤΑΝΑΛΩΣΗ Τ0Ν ΕΜΠΟΡΕΥΜΑΤΩΝ
05. Η_ΑΝΤΑΛΛΑΓΗ Τ0Ν ΕΠΟΡΕΥΜΑΤ0Ν ΚΑΙ ΟΙ ΤΙΜΕΣ
06. ΤΟ ΧΡΗΜΑ
07. Η ΔΙΑΝΟΜΗ ΤΟΥ ΕΙΣΟΔΗΜΑΤΟΣ
08. ΜΙΣΘ0ΤΗ ΕΡΓΑΣΙΑ
09. ΟΙ ΕΘΝΙΚΟΙ ΛΟΓΑΡΙΑΣΜΟΙ
10. Ο ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΙΚΟΣ ΡΟΛΟΣ ΤΟΥ ΚΡΑΤΟΥΣ
11. ΤΟ ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΙΚΟ ΣΥΣΤΗΜΑ ΣΕ ΜΕΓΕΘΥΝΣΗ
12. ΤΟ ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΙΚΟ ΣΥΣΤΗΜΑ ΣΕ ΚΡΙΣΗ
13. Η_ΕΥΡΩΠΑΪΚΗ_ΕΝΩΣΗ
name::
* McsElln.μλ07.κ2.ΤΟ-ΕΜΠΟΡΕΥΜΑ,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://users.sch.gr/kdemiris/attachments/article/75/ΚΕΦ 2 ΕΜΠΟΡΕΥΜΑ AO.pdf,
name::
* McsElln.μλ07.κ2.1.Ο-ΚΟΣΜΟΣ-ΤΩΝ-ΕΜΠΟΡΕΥΜΑΤΩΝ,
μλ07.εμπόρευμα (commodity#cptEconomy541.58#):
Εμπορεύματα:
* δημιουργούνται με την ανθρώπινη εργασία
* είναι υλικά αντικείμενα και υπηρεσίες
* εξυπηρετούν ανθρώπινες ανάγκες
* στοχεύουν στην ανταλλαγή, πώληση
* έχουν χρηστική αξία ή αξία χρήσης
* έχουν ανταλλακτική αξία ή αξία ανταλλαγής
* έχουν κοινωνική διάσταση
Δεν είναι εμπορεύματα: * ορισμένα αντικείμενα που προσφέρει η φύση * προϊόντα που παράγει ο άνθρωπος και στοχεύουν μόνο στην αυτοκατανάλωση * υπηρεσίες χωρίς αντάλλαγμα, που προσφέρονται με βάση τις συναισθηματικές ανάγκες ή τους ηθικούς κανόνες μιας κοινωνίας
* αντικείμενα, υπηρεσίες (goods, services).
μλ07.υπηρεσία (service):
Οι υπηρεσίες δεν έχουν υλική υπόσταση.
μλ07.οικονομική_δραστηριότητα:
Οικονομική δραστηριότητα: η προσπάθεια των ανθρώπων να δημιουργήσουν και να αποκτήσουν εμπορεύματα.
name::
* McsElln.μλ07.κ2.2-XΑΡΑΚΤΗΡΙΣΤΙΚΑ ΣΤΟΙXΕΙΑ-ΤΟΥ-ΕΜΠΟΡΕΥΜΑΤΟΣ,
μλ07.εμπόρευμα'τρία_βασικά_xαρακτηριστικά:
1) είναι αντικείμενα που έχουν δημιουργηθεί από τον άνθρωπο.
2) είναι χρήσιμα αντικείμενα και υπηρεσίες, εξυπηρετούν, δηλαδή, τις ανθρώπινες ανάγκες.
3) είναι αντικείμενα ανταλλαγής. Αυτό σημαίνει ότι για να τα αποκτήσουμε πρέπει να δώσουμε σε ανταπόδοση χρήμα ή κάποι άλλο αντικείμενο ή να προσφέρουμε υπηρεσία.
μλ07.παραγωγή:
Ο άνθρωπος εργάζεται
* χρησιμοποιεί εργαλεία, μηχανήματα
* τροποποιεί, αλλάζει, μετασχηματίζει τα προϊόντα της φύσης
* δημιουργεί τεχνητά προϊόντα
* παράγει.
μλ07.αξία_xρήσης_εμπορεύματος:
* μλ07.xρηστική_αξία:
Η χρηστική αξία ή η αξία χρήσης των εμπορευμάτων εμφανίζεται τη στιγμή που τα χρησιμοποιούμε ή τα καταναλώνουμε.
μλ07.αξία_ανταλλαγής_εμπορεύματος:
* μλ07.ανταλλακτική_αξία:
Η ανταλλακτική_αξία ενός εμπορεύματος εμφανίζεται κατά την πράξη ανταλλαγής με άλλα εμπορεύματα.
name::
* McsElln.μλ07.κ2.3.ΕΜΠΟΡΕΥΜΑΤΑ-ΚΑΙ-ΑΥΤΟΚΑΤΑΝΑΛΩΣΗ,
μλ07.υπηρεσίες_μη_εμπορεύματα:
βάση ηθικών ή συναισθηματικών κανόνων και καθηκόντων ΧΩΡΙΣ ΑΝΤΑΛΑΓΜΑ, ανάλογα με τις δυνατότητες του καθενός.
μλ07.σκοπός_παραγωγής:
1) αυτοκατανάλωση, μη εμπορευμα.
2) ανταλλαγή, εμπόρευμα.
Σε παλαιότερες εποχές:
• Οι άνθρωποι ζούσαν σε κοινωνίες οικογενειακής αυτάρκειας * κλειστές οικονομικές μονάδες * δεν είχαν ανάγκη τα προϊόντα ή τις υπηρεσίες των άλλων
• Η ικανοποίηση των βιοτικών αναγκών εξαρτιόνταν άμεσα από το φυσικό περιβάλλον
• Η παραγωγή στόχευε κυρίως στην αυτοκατανάλωση * κατανάλωναν αυτά που παρήγαν
• Λίγα προϊόντα ήταν αντικείμενα ανταλλαγής (κυρίως εκείνα που η κατοχή τους προσέδιδε κύρος)
• Ο καταμερισμός της εργασίας εξαρτιόνταν από το φύλο, την ηλικία, τις εποχές του χρόνου
Στη σύγχρονη εποχή:
• Οι άνθρωποι ζουν σε καταναλωτικές κοινωνίες * καταναλώνουν πληθώρα αντικειμένων και υπηρεσιών που παράγουν οι άλλοι
• Η παραγωγή στοχεύει πώληση * παράγουν όχι για να καλύψουν μόνο τις δικές τους ανάγκες αλλά κυρίως, μέσω του εμπορίου, να πωλήσουν τα προϊόντα και τις υπηρεσίες τους (εμπορευματοποίηση δραστηριοτήτων)
• Η παραγωγή ενός εμπορεύματος προϋποθέτει τη χρησιμοποίηση πολλών άλλων εμπορευμάτων (πρώτες ύλες, εργαλεία, μηχανές)
• Η κατανάλωση ενός εμπορεύματος απαιτεί τη χρησιμοποίηση μεγάλης ποικιλίας άλλων εμπορευμάτων
μλ07.εμπορευματοποίηση:
βασικό χαρακτηριστικό των σύγχρονων κοινωνιών είναι η ΤΑΣΗ αντικατάστασης των δραστηριοτήτων αυτοκατανάλωσης με εμπορευματικές.
name::
* McsElln.μλ07.κ2.4.Η-ΑΛΛΗΛΕΞΑΡΤΙΣΗ-ΜΕΤΑΞΥ-ΤΩΝ-ΕΜΠΟΡΕΜΑΤΩΝ,
μλ07.αλληλεξάρτηση_εμπορευμάτων:
1) η παραγωγή εμπορευμάτων απαιτεί άλλα εμπορεύματα.
2) η κατανάλωση εμπορευμάτων είναι η δεύτερη μορφή εξάρτησης των εμπορευμάτων.
name::
* McsElln.μλ07.κ2.5.Η-ΚΟΙΝΩΝΙΚΗ-ΔΙΑΣΤΑΣΗ-ΤΩΝ-ΕΜΠΟΡΕΥΜΑΤΩΝ,
μλ07.κοινωνικός_καταμερισμός_της_εργασίας,
κοινωνικός_καταμερισμός_της_εργασίας_μλ07 (division of labor):
Ο τρόπος με τον οποίο τα άτομα της κοινωνίας οργανώνουν την παραγωγή.
* οργάνωση και συντονισμός των εργασιών των ανθρώπων μιας κοινωνίας
μλ07.αλληλεξάρτιση_μεταξύ_ανθρώπων:
* σχέσεις συναγωνισμού (συνεργασίας) είτε σχέσεις ανταγωνισμού
* Η ΠΑΡΑΓΩΓΗ δημιουργεί σχέσεις αλληλεξάρτησης: ο κοινωνικός καταμερισμός εργασίας.
* Οι κοινωνικές σχέσεις των ανθρώπων είναι σχέσεις αλληλεξάρτησης (η αλληλεξάρτηση των εμπορευμάτων κατά τη διαδικασία παραγωγής και κατανάλωσης, με την παρέμβαση της ανθρώπινης εργασίας, οδηγεί σε αλληλεξάρτηση μεταξύ των ανθρώπων)
* απρόσωπες κοινωνικές σχέσεις: Η παραγωγή μετατρέπει τις σχέσεις μεταξύ των ανθρώπων σε σχέσεις μεταξύ εμπορευμάτων γιατί ο ένας παραγωγός δεν γνωρίζει το άλλο παραγωγό αλλά μόνο το εμπόρευμα που χρησιμοποιεί.
* η ΧΡΗΣΗ δημιουργεί επίστης σχέσεις αλληλεξάρτησης.
* η αλληλεξάρτηση εξαρτάται απο τα συμφέροντα στην παραγωγή, κατανάλωση(χρήση).
μλ07.οικονομική_επιστήμη:
οικονομική_επιστήμη_μλ07:
* μελέτη των σχέσεων συνεργασίας και ανταγωνισμού που δημιουργούνται μεταξύ των μελών μιας κοινωνίας κατά την παραγωγή, ανταλλαγή και χρήση των εμπορευμάτων και ΕΝΔΕΧΟΜΕΝΩΣ να προτείνει λύσεις!!!
name::
* McsElln.μλ07.κ3.Η-ΚΑΤΑΝΑΛΩΣΗ-ΤΩΝ-ΕΜΠΟΡΕΥΜΑΤΩΝ,
Απο το σύνολο των ανθρώπινων αναγκών και επιθυμιών τα εμπρεύματα ικανοποιούν ένα τμήμα, τμήμα που συνεχώς διευρύνεται. Το οικονομικό-σύστημα αναγνωρίζει ΕΝΑ ΜΕΡΟΣ των αναγκών αυτών, εκείνες που εκδηλώνονται ως ζήτηση για συγκεκριμένα εμπορεύματα.
[μλ07.σ31]
name::
* McsElln.μλ07.κ3.1.Η-xρηστική-αξία-των-εμπορεμαύτων,
* μλ07.xρηστική_αξία_εμπορεύματος:
γίνεται αντιληπτή ΕΙΤΕ απο το αίσθημα ικανοποίησης όταν χρησιμοποιεί το εμπόρευμα κάποιος ΕΙΤΕ απο το αίσθημα δυσφορίας από τη στέρησή του.
Αποκτά σημασία όταν ικανοποιεί ανάγκες και επιθυμίες.
[μλ07.σ32]
name::
* McsElln.μλ07.κ3.2.Ανάγκες-και-επιθυμίες,
* μλ07.επιθυμία, επιθυμία_μλ07:
Ο άνθρωπος είναι μηχανή αμέτρητων επιθυμιών.
[μλ07.σ32]
* μλ07.οικονομική_ανάγκη, οικονομική_ανάγκη_μλ07:
είναι η επιθυμία που ικανοποιείται με τη χρησιμοποίηση εμπορευμάτων
[μλ07.σ32]
Οι επιθυμίες μας αναγνωρίζονται ως οικονομικές-ανάγκες ΜΟΝΟ όταν εκφράζονται ως ΖΗΤΗΣΗ για συγκεκριμένα εμπορεύματα.
[μλ07.σ33]
Οι οικονομικές-ανάγκες μπορεί να είναι παράδοξες ή και βλαπτικές για το κοινωνικό σύνολο. Είναι οικονομικές-ανάγκες ΑΡΚΕΙ να υπάρχει η αγοραστική-δυναμη απο μέλος της κοινωνίας.
Η οικονομική-επιστήμη μελετά τις οικονομικές-ανάγκες χωρίς να ενδιαφέρεται για τη σημασία αυτών πραγματικά.
[μλ07.σ35]
* μλ07.ικανοποίηση_οικονομικής_ανάγκης, ικανοποίηση_οικονομικής_ανάγκης_μλ07:
προϋποθέτει α) επιθυμία εμπορεύματος β) ΔΥΝΑΤΟΤΗΤΑ απόκτησης του εμπορεύματος, δυνατότητα προσφοράς άλλου εμπορεύματος, χρημάτων ή της εργασίας μας.
[μλ07.σ33]
* μλ07.ατομική_ιδιοxτησία, ατομική_ιδιοxτησία_μλ07:
Η διασφάλιση της ατομικής-ιδιοχτησίας είναι προϋπόθεση για την εμφάνιση και επικράτηση της ΑΝΤΑΛΛΑΓΗΣ των εμπορευμάτων
[μλ07.σ33]
* μλ07.δικαίωμα_κυριότητας, δικαίωμα_κυριότητας_μλ07:
όταν πωλούμε ένα αντικείμενο, εκχωρούμε το δικαίωμα-κυριότητας
[μλ07.σ33]
* μλ07.δικαίωμα_xρήσης, δικαίωμα_xρήσης_μλ07:
όταν νοικιάζουμε έκχωρούμε το δικαίωμα-χρήσης.
[μλ07.σ33]
* μλ07.Αγοραστική_δύναμη, Αγοραστική_δύναμη_μλ07:
η δυνατότητα να αποκτήσουμε συγκεκριμένες ποσότητες ενός εμπορεύματος ή μιας ομάδας εμπορευμάτων,
[μλ07.σ33]
name::
* McsElln.μλ07.κ3.3.Είδη-και-ταξινόμηση-των-αναγκών,
* μλ07.είδη_αναγκών, είδη_αναγκών_μλ07:
Κριτήρια ταξινόμησης των αναγκών:
• Η επιτακτικότητα της ανάγκης:
o Βιοτικές ή πρωτεύουσες ανάγκες
o Κοινωνικές και πολιτισμικές ανάγκες
• Η προέλευση της ανάγκης:
o Καταναλωτικές ανάγκες
o Ανάγκες παραγωγής
• Το υποκείμενο της ανάγκης:
o Ατομικές ανάγκες
o Συλλογικές ανάγκες
[μλ07.σ37]
name::
* McsElln.μλ07.κ3.4.Τα-μέσα-οικανοποίησης-των-αναγκών,
* μλ07.αγαθό, αγαθό_μλ07:
Αγαθά: τα μέσα που χρησιμοποιούμε για να ικανοποιήσουμε τις ανάγκες μας, είτε αυτές είναι υλικά αντικείμενα, είτε υπηρεσίες.
[μλ07.σ38]
Διάκριση των αγαθών σύμφωνα με:
• Τον τρόπο που χρησιμοποιούνται:
o Διαρκή αγαθά -Αγαθά μιας χρήσης
o Αγαθά για κατανάλωση – αγαθά για την παραγωγή
[μλ07.σ38]
name::
* McsElln.μλ07.κ3.5.Αγαθά-και-δικαιώματα-Ιδιοκτησίας,
* μλ07.ιδιοκτησία, ιδιοκτησία_μλ07:
Ατομική και δημόσια.
[μλ07.σ39]
Διάκριση των αγαθών σύμφωνα με:
• Τα δικαιώματα χρήσης των αγαθών
o Ιδιωτικά αγαθά
o Δημόσια αγαθά
* μλ07.ιδιωτικό_αγαθό, ιδιωτικό_αγαθό_μλ07:
ειναι το αγαθό που η χρήση του αποκλείει άλλους απο τη χρήση του.
[μλ07.σ39]
* μλ07.δημόσιο_αγαθό, δημόσιο_αγαθό_μλ07:
Η χρήση του ΔΕΝ αποκλείει άλλους απο τη χρήση του με πληρωμή ή μη.
[μλ07.σ40]
* μλ07.ελεύθερο_αγαθό, ελεύθερο_αγαθό_μλ07:
Απο τη φύση τους προσφέρονται για άμεση κατανάλωση, θάλασσα, φυσικοί χώροι, κλπ.
[μλ07.σ33]
name::
* McsElln.μλ07.κ3.6.Το-καταναλωτικό-πρότυπο,
* μλ07.καταναλωτικό_πρότυπο, καταναλωτικό_πρότυπο_μλ07:
Οι άνθρωποι αλληλοεπηρεάζονται στις καταναλωτικές τους συνήθειες, ως προς τον τρόπο ικανοποίησης των αναγκών και ως προς τη δημιουργία νέων αναγκών. Η αλληλεπίδραση μεταξύ των ανθρώπων συνδέεται με:
• το μηχανισμό μίμησης και ομοιομορφίας
• το μηχανισμό για διάκριση
Καταναλωτικό πρότυπο: το σύνολο των καταναλωτικών συνηθειών μιας κοινωνίας.
[μλ07.σ42]
name::
* McsElln.μλ07.κ4.Η-ΠΑΡΑΓΩΓΗ,
name::
* McsElln.μλ07.κ4.1.Η-σύγxρονη-επιxείρηση,
* μλ07.επιxείρηση, επιxείρηση_μλ07:
Επιχείρηση είναι βασική μονάδα παραγωγής εμπορευμάτων.
Είναι αυτόνομη και αυτοτελής μορφή ιδιοκτησίας παραγωγής εμπορευμάτων υλικής-μορφής ή υπηρεσίες
[μλ07.σ46]
name::
* McsElln.μλ07.κ4.2.Μορφές-επιxειρήσεων,
* μλ07.,είδη_επιxειρήσεων είδη_επιxειρήσεων_μλ07:
Οι επιχειρήσεις ταξινομούνται με κριτήρια:
α) Το είδος της ιδιοκτησίας:
• Ιδιωτικές επιχειρήσεις * οι ιδιοκτήτες είναι ιδιώτες
• Δημόσιες επιχειρήσεις * ιδιοκτήτης είναι το κράτος (κρατικές επιχειρήσεις) ή η τοπική αυτοδιοίκηση (δημοτικές επιχειρήσεις)
• Μικτές επιχειρήσεις * κοινή ιδιοκτησία κράτους ή τοπικής αυτοδιοίκησης και ιδιωτών
β) Τη Νομική μορφή της επιχείρησης:
• Ατομικές επιχειρήσεις (ένας ιδιοκτήτης)
• Εταιρείες (πολλοί ιδιοκτήτες/εταίροι)
* Ομόρρυθμη Εταιρεία (όλοι απεριόριστη ευθύνη στις υποχρεώσεις)
* Ετερόρρυθμη Εταιρεία (κάποιοι απεριόριστη ευθύνη άλλοι ετερόρυθμοι)
* Εταιρεία Περιορισμένης Ευθύνης (όλοι ευθύνονται ανάλογα με τη συνεισφορά)
* Ανώνυμη εταιρεία (όλοι ανάλογα με συνεισφορά, μετοχές)
γ) Τον τομέα δραστηριότητας της επιχείρησης:
• Πρωτογενούς τομέας παραγωγής (εξαρτώνται από τη φύση)
• Δευτερογενούς τομέα παραγωγής (μεταποίηση, κατασκευές)
• Τριτογενούς τομέα παραγωγής (υπηρεσίες)
δ) Το μέγεθος της επιχείρησης:
• Μικρές επιχειρήσεις
• Μεσαίες επιχειρήσεις
• Μεγάλες επιχειρήσεις
[μλ07.σ46]
name::
* McsElln.μλ07.κ4.3.Παραγωγική-διαδικασία,
* μλ07.παραγωγική_διαδικασία, παραγωγική_διαδικασία_μλ07:
συνίσταται στη ΜΕΤΑΤΡΟΠΗ ορισμένων εμπορευμάτων σε διαφορετικού είδους εμπορεύματα.
[μλ07.σ50]
* μλ07.πρώτη_ύλη, πρώτη_ύλη_μλ07:
Τα εμπορεύματα που ενσωματώνονται στο νέο εμπόρευμα ονομάζονται πρώτες ύλες.
[μλ07.σ51]
* μλ07.μέσα_παραγωγής, μέσα_παραγωγής_μλ07:
* μλ07.κεφαλαιουxικός_εξοπλισμός, κεφαλαιουxικός_εξοπλισμός_μλ07:
Τα μηχανήματα, τα εργαλεία, τα οικήματα, οι συσκευές, τα μέσα μεταφοράς που χρησιμοποιούνται κατά την παραγωγική διαδικασία, μεταφορά, αποθήκευση και εμπορία των εμπορευμάτων.
[μλ07.σ52]
* μλ07.τριπλή_λειτουργία_επιxειρήσεων, τριπλή_λειτουργία_επιxειρήσεων_μλ07:
Τριπλή λειτουργία των επιχειρήσεων:
• ΑΠΟΚΤΗΣΗ υλικών-εμπορευμάτων και ανθρώπινης-εργασίας που απαιτούνται στην παραγωγή
• Αποτελεσματικός ΣΥΝΔΥΑΣΜΟΣ της εργασίας με τα μέσα παραγωγής, για το μετασχηματισμό των πρώτων υλών σε τελικά προϊόντα πώλησης
• ΣΧΕΔΙΑΣΜΟΣ, συντονισμός, έλεγχος των επιμέρους δραστηριοτήτων που αναλαμβάνει να εκτελέσει ο κάθε εργαζόμενος
[μλ07.σ52]
name::
* McsElln.μλ07.κ4.4.Κίνδυνοι-και-υποxρεώσεις-επιxείρησης,
* μλ07.υποxρεώσεις_επιxείρησης, υποxρεώσεις_επιxείρησης_μλ07:
Υποχρεώσεις της επιχείρησης:
• Προς τους εργαζόμενους (πληρωμή μισθού, εργασιακές συνθήκες υγιεινής και ασφάλειας, σεβασμός δικαιωμάτων)
• Προς τις επιχειρήσεις που της προμηθεύουν πρώτες ύλες, μέσα παραγωγής, υπηρεσίες (πληρωμή αντιτίμου μέσα στις συμφωνηθείσες χρονικές προθεσμίες)
• Προς τους πελάτες (παράδοση εμπορεύματος στην τιμή, ποσότητα, ποιότητα, χρόνους που έχουν συμφωνηθεί)
• Προς το κράτος (φόροι, στατιστικές)
• Προς το κοινωνικό σύνολο (σεβασμός περιβάλλοντος, ποιοτικά προϊόντα)
[μλ07.σ53]
* μλ07.επιxειρηματικός_κίνδυνος, επιxειρηματικός_κίνδυνος_μλ07:
Επιχειρηματικός κίνδυνος: αδυναμία της επιχείρησης να ανταποκριθεί στις υποχρεώσεις της (λόγω μη σωστής πρόβλεψης της αγοραστικής δυνατότητας των καταναλωτών, απρόβλεπτα γεγονότα)
* οικονομική αποτυχία
* νομικές συνέπειες.
[μλ07.σ53]
* μλ07.κέρδος, κέρδος_μλ07:
κέρδος είναι η ΑΜΟΙΒΗ της επιχείρησης για τις υποχρεώσεις και κινδύνους που αναλαμβάνει.
[μλ07.σ53]
name::
* McsElln.μλ07.κ4.5.Κίνητρο-παραγωγής,
* μλ07.έσοδο, έσοδο_μλ07:
Έσοδα επιχείρησης: ΕΙΣΠΡΑΞΕΙΣ από την πώληση εμπορευμάτων (εξαρτώνται από την ποσότητα, την τιμή του εμπορεύματος που πωλείται σε δεδομένη χρονική περίοδο)
[μλ07.σ54]
* μλ07.κόστος, κόστος_μλ07:
Κόστος επιχείρησης: ΔΑΠΑΝΕΣ για την κάλυψη υποχρεώσεων.
[μλ07.σ54]
* μλ07.κέρδος, κέρδος_μλ07:
ΕΣΟΔΑ > ΚΟΣΤΟΣ = ΚΕΡΔΟΣ
[μλ07.σ54]
* μλ07.ζημία, ζημία_μλ07:
ΕΣΟΔΑ < ΚΟΣΤΟΣ = ΖΗΜΙΑ
[μλ07.σ54]
* μλ07.κίνητρο_επιxειρήσεων, κίνητρο_επιxειρήσεων_μλ07:
Κίνητρα επιχειρήσεων:
• Επιχειρήσεις που στοχεύουν σε υψηλά κέρδη (μεγάλο εισόδημα, έλεγχος της αγοράς, προϊόντα υψηλής ποιότητας, προβολή της επιχείρησης)
• Επιχειρήσεις που δεν στοχεύουν σε υψηλά κέρδη
* βελτίωση ΕΠΙΠΕΔΟΥ-ΖΩΗΣ πολιτών
* κρατικές ή δημόσιες επιχειρήσεις (προσφορά υπηρεσιών κοινωνικού οφέλους)
[μλ07.σ55]
name::
* McsElln.μλ07.κ4.6.Οργάνωση-σύγxρονης-επιxείρησης,
name::
* McsElln.μλ07.κ4.6.Η-δομή-της-επιxείρησης,
* μλ07.θέση_εργασίας, θέση_εργασίας_μλ07:
είναι τα καθήκοντα και υποχρεώσεις (εργασία) που αναλαμβάνουν οι άνθρωποι μιας επιχείρησης.
[μλ07.σ56]
* μλ07.οργανόγραμμα, οργανόγραμμα_μλ07:
Οργανόγραμμα: το σχέδιο κατανομής ΚΑΘΗΚΟΝΤΩΝ του προσωπικού στα διάφορα τμήματα (τμήμα πωλήσεων, σχεδιασμού, παραγωγής, λογιστηρίου, προσωπικού, διεύθυνσης)
[μλ07.σ56]
name::
* McsElln.μλ07.κ4.6.Η-διεύθυνση-και-λειτουργία-της-επιxείρησης,
* μλ07.διεύθυνση_επιxείρησης, διεύθυνση_επιxείρησης_μλ07:
Διεύθυνση επιχείρησης: ο συντονισμός των τμημάτων που συγκροτούν μια επιχείρηση.
[μλ07.σ58]
* μλ07.επιxείρηση_κάθετα_συγκεντρωμένη, επιxείρηση_κάθετα_συγκεντρωμένη_μλ07:
Οταν όλα τα απαραίτητα τμήματα παραγωγής λειτουργούν με δικό της προσωπικό.
[μλ07.σ59]
* μλ07.υπεργολαβία, υπεργολαβία_μλ07:
Η ανάληψη εργασιών βασικής-επιχείρησης απο άλλες επιχειρήσεις
[μλ07.σ60]
name::
* McsElln.μλ07.κ4.7.Εργασία-στη-σύγxρονη-επιxείρηση,
* μλ07.μισθός, μισθός_μλ07 (wage, salary):
Η πληρωμή 'αγαθών' στο προσωπικό επιχείρησης ως ανταπόδοση για τη δουλειά τους.
[μλ07.σ60]
* μλ07.μισθωτός, μισθωτός_μλ07 (employee):
οι εργαζόμενοι που αμείβονται με μισθό.
[μλ07.σ60]
* μλ07.θέση_εργασίας, θέση_εργασίας_μλ07 (job):
έχει εργασιακά καθήκοντα.
[μλ07.σ60]
* μλ07.εσωτερικός_καταμερισμός_εργασίας, εσωτερικός_καταμερισμός_εργασίας_μλ07:
ο τρόπος κατανομής των θέσεων-εργασίας.
[μλ07.σ60]
* μλ07.διευθυντικό_δικαίωμα, διευθυντικό_δικαίωμα_μλ07:
Διευθυντικό δικαίωμα: το ΔΙΚΑΙΩΜΑ της διεύθυνσης να ορίζει τον τρόπο οργάνωσης και εκτέλεσης των εργασιών, το ρυθμό, την ποιότητα της εργασίας.
[μλ07.σ60]
* μλ07.επάγγελμα, επάγγελμα_μλ07 (profession):
Επάγγελμα: τα εργασιακά-καθήκοντα που αντιστοιχούν σε μια θέση εργασίας και εκτελούνται πάντα όμοια.
[μλ07.σ61]
1 επάγγελμα αντιστοιχεί σε πολλές θέσεις εργασίας.
* μλ07.πολυεπαγγελματισμός, πολυεπαγγελματισμός_μλ07:
Η κατάσταση εναλλαγής εργασιακών καθηκόντων
[μλ07.σ61]
* μλ07.δεξιότητα, δεξιότητα_μλ07:
Δεξιότητα: η ικανότητα των εργαζομένων να εκπληρώνουν αποτελεσματικά τα εργασιακά τους καθήκοντα.
[μλ07.σ61]
* μλ07.αυτοαπασxολούμενος, αυτοαπασxολούμενος_μλ07 (selfemployed):
Αυτοαπασχολούμενος: ιδιοκτήτης ατομικής επιχείρησης, εργάζεται μόνος του χωρίς να απασχολεί άλλους μισθωτούς.
[μλ07.σ62]
* μλ07.συμβοηθούντα_μέλη, συμβοηθούντα_μέλη_μλ07:
Συμβοηθούντα ή μη αμειβόμενα μέλη: μέλη της οικογένειας που εργάζονται στις επιχειρήσεις των αυτοαπασχολούμενων, χωρίς να αμείβονται.
[μλ07.σ61]
name::
* McsElln.μλ07.κ5.Η-ΑΝΤΑΛΛΑΓΗ-ΤΩΝ-ΕΠΟΡΕΥΜΑΤΩΝ-ΚΑΙ-ΟΙ-ΤΙΜΕΣ,
* μλ07.αξία_εμπορεύματος_X, αξία_εμπορεύματος_X_μλ07:
* μλ07_ανταλλακτική_αξία,
* σχέση ανταλλαγής
Η σχέση με την οποία Ψ μονάδες εμπορεύματος Β ανταλλάσονται με Χ μονάδες εμπορεύματος Α
[μλ07.σ68]
* μλ07.αντιπραγματισμός, αντιπραγματισμός_μλ07 (barter):
Οι ανταλλαγές σε είδος. Ανταλλαγή ενός αντικειμένου με ένα άλλο.
* χαρακτήριζε τις παλαιότερες κοινωνίες αυτάρκειας
* ανταλλαγές τυχαίες και ευκαιριακές
* σύμπτωση επιθυμιών και ανταλλασσόμενων ποσοτήτων
* ασταθείς σχέσεις ανταλλαγής
Στη σύγχρονη εποχή: παράγονται εμπορεύματα με στόχο την ανταλλαγή και όχι την αυτοκατανάλωση
* τακτικές και επαναλαμβανόμενες ανταλλαγές
* αγορές
* απρόσωπες σχέσεις ανταλλαγής
* μεσολάβηση χρήματος
* η αξία κάθε εμπορεύματος εκφράζεται σε μονάδες χρήματος.
[μλ07.σ68]
* μλ07.αγορά_εμπορεύματος, αγορά_εμπορεύματος_μλ07 (market):
Το σύνολο των τακτικών και επαναλαμβανόμενων ανταλλαγών ενός εμπορεύματος.
[μλ07.σ69]
* μλ07.τιμή_εμπορεύματος, τιμή_εμπορεύματος_μλ07 (price of commodity):
ο αριθμός των χρηματικών μονάδων που πρέπει να δώσουμε για να αποκτήσουμε μια μονάδα εμπορεύματος.
[μλ07.σ69]
* μλ07.είδη_ανταλλαγών_κριτήριο_οργανισμοί, είδη_ανταλλαγών_κριτήριο_οργανισμοί_μλ07:
• Ανταλλαγές μεταξύ επιχειρήσεων και καταναλωτών
• Ανταλλαγές μεταξύ επιχειρήσεων (διαρκή κεφαλαιουχικά αγαθά, πρώτες ύλες, ημικατεργασμένα προϊόντα, υπηρεσίες, προϊόντα για μεταπώληση)
[μλ07.σ70]
* μλ07.είδη_ανταλλαγών_κριτήριο_τοποθεσία, είδη_ανταλλαγών_κριτήριο_τοποθεσία_μλ07:
• τοπικές ανταλλαγές, συνοικία, πόλη
• διατοπικές, μεταξύ πόλεων
* διεθνείς, μεταξύ χωρών.
[μλ07.σ70]
* μλ07.σxετική_τιμή_εμπορεύματος, σxετική_τιμή_εμπορεύματος_μλ07:
Η σχέση ανταλλαγής δύο εμπορευμάτων
[μλ07.σ71]
* μλ07.απόλυτη_τιμή_εμπορεύματος, απόλυτη_τιμή_εμπορεύματος_μλ07:
Η σχέση ανταλλαγής του εμπορεύματος με χρήμα.
[μλ07.σ71]
* μλ07.αγοραστική_δύναμη_xρήματος, αγοραστική_δύναμη_xρήματος_μλ07:
η ποσότητα εμπορευμάτων που μπορεί να αγοράσει μια μονάδα χρήματος.
[μλ07.σ71]
* μλ07.μηxανισμός_διαμόρφωσης_τιμών, μηxανισμός_διαμόρφωσης_τιμών_μλ07:
"οι τιμές προσδιορίζονται από την αλληλεπίδραση της προσφοράς και της ζήτησης".
Η αξία των εμπορευμάτων μεταβάλλεται συνεχώς.
Η διαμόρφωση των τιμών είναι αποτέλεσμα της σύγκρουσης συμφερόντων των καταναλωτών, που προσπαθούν να αγοράζουν σε χαμηλές τιμές και των επιχειρήσεων, που προσπαθούν να πωλούν σε υψηλές τιμές.
[μλ07.σ73]
* μλ07.xαρακτηριστικά_αγορών, xαρακτηριστικά_αγορών_μλ07:
Παράγοντες που καθορίζουν τη μορφή της αγοράς από την οποία εξαρτάται η δύναμη των επιχειρήσεων να επιβάλλουν τις τιμές:
• Αριθμός επιχειρήσεων που παράγουν ίδιο ή παρόμοιο εμπόρευμα και το μερίδιο που έχει η κάθε επιχείρηση στις συνολικές πωλήσεις
• Αριθμός αγοραστών και το μερίδιο των αγορών κάθε αγοραστή στις συνολικές πωλήσεις
• Βαθμός ομοιογένειας του εμπορεύματος, το κατα πόσο οι αγοραστές θεωρούν ότι είναι ίδια ή όχι εμπορεύματα.
[μλ07.σ74]
* μλ07.είδη_αγορών, είδη_αγορών_μλ07:
Βασικές μορφές αγοράς:
• Τέλειος ή πλήρης ανταγωνισμός (μεγάλος αριθμός επιχειρήσεων, μεγάλος αριθμός αγοραστών, ομογενές προϊόν)
• Μονοπώλιο (μια επιχείρηση, μεγάλος αριθμός αγοραστών)
• Μονοπωλιακός ανταγωνισμός (μεγάλος αριθμός επιχειρήσεων, μεγάλος αριθμός αγοραστών, διαφοροποιημένο προϊόν)
• Ολιγοπώλιο (λίγες επιχειρήσεις και μια πολύ μεγάλη)
• Διμερές μονοπώλιο (ένας πωλητής {μονοπώλιο} και ένας αγοραστής {μονοψώνιο})
• Ολιγοψώνιο (λίγοι αγοραστές με μεγάλη αγοραστική δύναμη)
[μλ07.σ74-75]
name::
* McsElln.μλ07.κ6.ΤΟ-XΡΗΜΑ [σ79],
μλ07.πλεονεκτημα_χρηματος:
Με το χρήμα διευκολύνονται οι συναλλαγές επειδή:
• Μετρά την ανταλλακτική αξία των εμπορευμάτων
• Καταργεί την ανάγκη να συμπίπτουν οι επιθυμίες των συναλλασσομένων ως προς το είδος, ποσότητα των εμπορευμάτων που θέλουν να αποκτήσουν
• Αποδεσμεύει χρονικά την πώληση ενός αγαθού από την αγορά κάποιου άλλου
• Αυξάνει την παραγωγή που προορίζεται για ανταλλαγή
• Μειώνει την παραγωγή που προορίζεται για αυτοκατανάλωση
• Αυξάνει τον κοινωνικό καταμερισμό της εργασίας και της εξειδίκευσης
μλ07.λειτουργια_χρηματος:
Το χρήμα διαδραματίζει καθοριστικό ρόλο στην οικονομία επιτελώντας τρεις λειτουργίες:
• Είναι μέτρο αξίας των εμπορευμάτων (επιτρέπει τη σύγκριση εμπορευμάτων)
• Είναι μέσο πληρωμών (όλοι αποδέχονται την καταβολή αντιτίμου σε χρήμα)
• Είναι μέσο αποταμίευσης (επιτρέπει τη διαφοροποίηση του χρόνου πώλησηςαγοράς)
μλ07.ιδιοτητα_χρηματος:
Ιδιότητες του χρήματος προκειμένου να επιτελέσει τις λειτουργίες του:
• Πρέπει να είναι κοινώς αποδεκτό
• Η ανταλλακτική του αξία πρέπει να είναι τόση, ώστε να εξυπηρετεί τις περισσότερες συναλλαγές που γίνονται καθημερινά
• Δεν πρέπει να υπόκειται σε ταχεία φυσική φθορά ή αλλοίωση
• Πρέπει να υποδιαιρείται σε μικρότερες μονάδες
μλ07.ειδος_αντικειμενου_χρηματος:
Το είδος του αντικειμένου που χρησιμοποιείται ως χρήμα, γίνεται δηλαδή κοινά αποδεκτό μέσο συναλλαγών, καθορίζεται από:
• Την οργάνωση της κοινωνίας
• Τη σημασία που έχουν οι ανταλλακτικές σχέσεις
• Το βαθμό καταμερισμού της κοινωνικής εργασίας
μλ07.xρημα (money#cptEconomy541.115#):
χρημα είναι ΚΑΘΕΤΙ που χρησιμοποιείται ευρέως στις συναλλαγές.
μλ07.κατηγορια_xρηματος:
Κατηγορίες χρήματος:
• μλ07.περιεκτικο_xρημα: Περιεκτικό χρήμα (έχει αξία ίση με την εμπορευματική του αξία)
• μλ07.παραστατικο_xρημα: Παραστατικό χρήμα (η αναγραφόμενη αξία αντιστοιχεί σε αξία μεγαλύτερη από την αξία του υλικού που το αποτελεί)
• Ψευδοπεριεκτικό χρήμα (χρεόγραφα)
===
Σύγχρονα είδη χρήματος:
• Μεταλλικό χρήμα
• Χαρτονόμισμα
• Πιστωτικό χρήμα
* επιταγή (εντολή προς την τράπεζα να εξαργυρώσει το αναγραφόμενο ποσό στον δικαιούχο)
* συναλλαγματική (ιδιωτική ρύθμιση πληρωμής μεταξύ δύο συναλλασσομένων)
• Πιστωτικές κάρτες (πλαστικό χρήμα)
μλ07.τραπεζα:
* επιχειρήσεις που ασχολούνται με το εμπόριο του χρήματος
* δέχονται καταθέσεις από φυσικά πρόσωπα, επιχειρήσεις, οργανισμούς * δίνουν δάνεια σε φυσικά πρόσωπα, επιχειρήσεις, κράτος * έχουν κίνητρο το κέρδος (προκύπτει από τη διαφορά ανάμεσα στον
τόκο που καταβάλλουν στους καταθέτες και τον τόκο που εισπράττουν από τους δανειολήπτες
μλ07.κεντρικη_τραπεζα:
• Είναι κρατική ή υπό κρατικό έλεγχο
• Έχει δικαίωμα έκδοσης τραπεζογραμματίων
• Διατηρεί τις καταθέσεις των εμπορικών τραπεζών
• Ελέγχει τα δάνεια μεταξύ των τραπεζών
• Ρυθμίζει το βασικό επιτόκιο και τους κανόνες χορήγησης δανείων από τις εμπορικές τράπεζες προς τους ιδιώτες
• Ρυθμίζει την τιμή του συναλλάγματος
• Ρυθμίζει το νομισματικό και πιστωτικό σύστημα
• Αναλαμβάνει τη συγκέντρωση των δημοσίων εσόδων και την εκτέλεση των δημοσίων δαπανών
* Δε δεχεται καταθεσεις ουτε δινει δανεια σε ιδιωτες.
μλ07.καταθεση_τραπεζας:
Είδη καταθέσεων στις τράπεζες:
• Καταθέσεις όψεως (διακινούνται με ατομικές επιταγές, μικρο επιτοκιο, μεγαλη ποσοτητα συναλλαγων, κοστος για τραπεζα)
• Καταθέσεις ταμιευτηρίου (λογαριασμός κατάθεσης και ανάληψης χρημάτων)
• Καταθέσεις προθεσμίας (κατάθεση με χρονικό περιορισμό)
===
Η κατάθεση αποταμιεύσεων στις τράπεζες ή πιστωτικά ιδρύματα εξασφαλίζει:
• Ασφάλεια από τους κινδύνους απώλειας χρημάτων
• Κέρδος με τη μορφή τόκου (το μέγεθος του τόκου εξαρτάται από το χρηματικό ποσό κατάθεσης, το χρόνο παραμένει στην τράπεζα, το επιτόκιο)
===
Καταθέσεις Όψεως (demand deposit)
Καταθέσεις όψεως είναι οι τραπεζικοί λογαριασμοί τους οποίους οι καταθέτες χρησιμοποιούν άμεσα για την αγορά αγαθών και υπηρεσιών εκδίδοντας τραπεζικές επιταγές.
Οι καταθέσεις όψεως σε μια επιχείρηση, περιλαμβάνουν τα χρηματικά ποσά τα οποία έχουν κατατεθεί σε τράπεζα και μπορούν να αναληφθούν χωρίς προειδοποίηση.
Πηγή: http://www.euretirio.com/2010/06/katatheseis-opseos.html#ixzz22TFARxUO
μλ07.δανειο:
Οι τράπεζες χορηγούν δάνεια:
• Προς τις επιχειρήσεις (ενίσχυση της παραγωγικότητας, διευκόλυνση της επιχειρηματικής δράσης τους)
• Προς τους καταναλωτές (δάνεια στεγαστικά, καταναλωτικά)
• Προς το κράτος (αγορά ομολόγων)
μλ07.τοκος:
?αμοιβή του δανειοδότη επειδή στερείται του δικαιώματος να χρησιμοποιήσει
το χρηματικό ποσό που έδωσε για το χρονικό διάστημα που διαρκεί το δάνειο
* επιβάρυνση του δανειολήπτη για τη χρησιμοποίηση χρήματος που δεν ανήκει στον ίδιο.
* αμοιβή του καταθέτη χρημάτων στις τράπεζες, επειδή χρησιμοποιούν τα χρήματά του για τη χορήγηση δανείων σε τρίτους.
μλ07.ατομικο_εισοδημα:
το σύνολο των χρημάτων που εισπράττει ένα άτομο από διάφορες πηγές.
μλ07.αποταμιευση:
το τμήμα του εισοδήματος που δεν δαπανάται.
μλ07.επιτοκιο:
το ποσό του τόκου για κάθε 100 € που κατατίθενται για ένα ημερολογιακό έτος.
μλ07.xρηματιστηριο:
η αγορά της ιδιοκτησίας των επιχειρήσεων που έχουν τη μορφή Ανώνυμων Εταιρειών.
===
Η εισαγωγή των επιχειρήσεων στο χρηματιστήριο τους εξασφαλίζει:
• Χρηματικά κεφάλαια, χωρίς να αναγκαστούν να δανειστούν από τράπεζες
• Αύξηση μετοχικού κεφαλαίου
• Επέκταση οικονομικών δραστηριοτήτων
μλ07.xρηματιστης:
εκπροσωπεύουν τους αγοραστές και πωλητές μετοχών στο χρηματιστήριο.
μλ07.τιμη_εκκινησης_μετοxης:
η αρχική τιμή με βάση την οποία αρχίζουν οι αγορές και πωλήσεις των μετοχών.
μλ07.τιμη_κλεισιματος_μετοxής:
η διαμόρφωση τιμής στην οποία οι προσφερόμενες μετοχές της επιχείρησης είναι ίσες με αυτές που ζητούνται.
μλ07.xρηματιστηριο_αξιων:
συναλλαγές για ομόλογα, δηλαδή δανειακούς τίτλους του δημοσίου ή μεγάλων δημοσίων επιχειρήσεων.
μλ07.Ευρωπαϊκη_Κεντρικη_Τραπεζα, μλ07.ΕΚΤ:
αρμόδια για τη διαμόρφωση της ισοτιμίας του ευρώ.
name::
* McsElln.μλ07.κ7.Η-ΔΙΑΝΟΜΗ-ΤΟΥ-ΕΙΣΟΔΗΜΑΤΟΣ,
μλ07.Εισόδημα:
το σύνολο των αμοιβών που λαμβάνει κάποιος για τη συμμετοχή του στην παραγωγική διαδικασία.
μλ07.λειτουργικη_διανομη_εισοδηματος:
ο τρόπος με τον οποίο μοιράζεται το εισόδημα σε σχέση με το είδος της ιδιοκτησίας.
* μισθος
* κερδος
* τοκος
* ενοικιο
μλ07.διανομη_εισοδηματος:
ο τρόπος με τον οποίο μοιράζεται το εισόδημα στα άτομα μιας κοινωνίας.
μλ07.μορφη_εισοδηματος:
• Μισθός (η αμοιβή του μισθωτού ως αντάλλαγμα για την παροχή της εργασίας του στον εργοδότη, για ένα ορισμένο χρονικό διάστημα)
• Κέρδος (η αμοιβή του επιχειρηματία, ως ιδιοκτήτη της επιχείρησης, για τον επιχειρηματικό κίνδυνο που αναλαμβάνει και για την οργάνωση της παραγωγικής διαδικασίας)
• Τόκος (αμοιβή του ιδιοκτήτη ενός χρηματικού ποσού για τη χρησιμοποίηση αυτού του ποσού από κάποιον άλλο)
• Ενοίκιο (το ποσό που πληρώνει κάποιος, στον ιδιοκτήτη του, για τη χρήση ενός ακινήτου ή κινητού πράγματος)
μλ07.μεταβιβαστικη_πληρωμη:
ατομικά εισοδήματα που δε σχετίζονται με κάποια παραγωγική διαδικασία (χαρτζιλίκι, ελεημοσύνη, φιλοδώρημα, επιδόματα ανεργίας, υποτροφίες, επιδοτήσεις, συντάξεις).
Η άνιση διανομή του εισοδήματος μεταξύ των ατόμων μιας κοινωνίας δημιουργεί το φαινόμενο της φτώχειας (απόλυτη φτώχεια, σχετική φτώχια).
name::
* McsElln.μλ07.κ8.ΜΙΣΘΩΤΗ-ΕΡΓΑΣΙΑ,
μλ07.μορφες_εργασιας:
• Αυτοαπασχολούμενοι
• Συμβοηθούντα και μη αμειβόμενα μέλη
• Μισθωτοί
• Εργοδότες
μλ07.συμβαση_εργασιας:
η νομική σχέση που συνάπτεται μεταξύ μισθωτού και εργοδότη.
μλ07.διευθυντικο_δικαιωμα:
το δικαίωμα του εργοδότη να οργανώνει την εργασία με τον τρόπο που επιθυμεί και να απαιτεί συγκεκριμένη ποιότητα στο παραγόμενο προϊόν ή υπηρεσία και συγκεκριμένους χρόνους εκτέλεσης της εργασίας (ρυθμός παραγωγής). Το διευθυντικό δικαίωμα περιορίζεται από τους εργατικούς νόμους και τις συλλογικές συμβάσεις εργασίας. Οι σχέσεις εργοδοτών και μισθωτών είναι σχέσεις αντιπαλότητας.
μλ07.επαγγελμα:
όμοια ή σχετικά καθήκοντα που αναλαμβάνουν πολλοί εργαζόμενοι.
μλ07.εργασιακη_δεξιοτητα:
το σύνολο των στοιχείων με τα οποία οι εργαζόμενοι διεκπεραιώνουν τα εργασιακά τους καθήκοντα.
===
Οι εργασιακές δεξιότητες διακρίνονται σε:
• Τεχνικές δεξιότητες (αποκτώνται μέσω της εκπαίδευσης και μέσω της εμπειρίας)
• Κοινωνικές δεξιότητες (κανόνες και κώδικες κοινωνικής και επαγγελματικής συμπεριφοράς, η τήρηση των οποίων αποτελεί την προϋπόθεση για την εφαρμογή και των τεχνικών δεξιοτήτων)
μλ07.Τριτογενοποιηση_οικονομιας:
διεύρυνση του τριγενούς τομέα παραγωγής (αύξηση των επαγγελμάτων παροχής υπηρεσιών) σε σχέση με τον πρωτογενή τομέα (αγροτική παραγωγή) και το δευτερογενή τομέα (μεταποίηση).
μλ07.Κριτήρια πρόσληψης μισθωτών:
• Επίπεδο εκπαίδευσης (θεωρητικές γνώσεις, κοινωνικές εργασιακές δεξιότητες)
• Προηγούμενη εργασιακή εμπειρία (υπάρχουσες εργασιακές ικανότητες)
• Οικογενειακή κατάσταση (προϋπόθεση μόνιμης σύνδεσης μεταξύ επιχείρησης-μισθωτού ή ευχέρεια απόλυσης)
μλ07.εργατικο_σωματειο:
* Ενώσεις ή συνδικάτα μισθωτών προκειμένου να διεκδικήσουν νόμιμα τα δικαιώματά τους
* Έχουν στόχο την προάσπιση του εισοδήματος και της εργασίας των εργαζομένων
* Φροντίζουν για την τήρηση των συμβατικών και νόμιμων υποχρεώσεων των εργοδοτών
* Στοχεύουν στον περιορισμό του διευθυντικού δικαιώματος των εργοδοτών
===
Είδη σωματίων:
• Ομοιεπαγγελματικά σωματεία
• Κλαδικά σωματεία
• Εργοστασιακά σωματεία
μλ07.ομοσπονδια:
ενώσεις πολλών ομοειδών σωματείων
μλ07.συνομοσπονδια:
ενώσεις πολλών ομοσπονδιών
μλ07.συλλογικη_συμβαση:
συμφωνίες, με υποχρεωτική εφαρμογή, στις οποίες καταλήγουν κατόπιν διαπραγματεύσεων τα εργατικά σωματεία με τις ενώσεις των εργοδοτών.
name::
* McsElln.μλ07.κ9.ΟΙ-ΕΘΝΙΚΟΙ-ΛΟΓΑΡΙΑΣΜΟΙ,
μλ07.συστημα_Εθνικων_Λογαριασμων:
το σύστημα εκτίμησης των συνολικών οικονομικών μεγεθών μιας χώρας.
===
Οι εθνικοί λογαριασμοί επιτρέπουν να γνωρίζουμε στοιχεία για την οικονομική κατάσταση μιας χώρας όπως:
• Το συνολικό παραγόμενο προϊόν της χώρας
• Το συνολικό εισόδημα που δημιουργείται κατά την παραγωγή του συνολικού προϊόντος
• Τον τρόπο που μοιράζεται το συνολικό εισόδημα κατά πηγή εισοδήματος (μισθοί, κέρδη, τόκοι, ενοίκια)
• Το συνολικό χρηματικό ποσό που δαπανάται για την αγορά του συνολικού προϊόντος
• Τις κατηγορίες δαπανών και το επίπεδο που φτάνει η καθεμιά
===
Οι πίνακες των εθνικών λογαριασμών:
• Δείχνουν την εθνική οικονομική δραστηριότητα εκφρασμένη σε χρηματικές μονάδες
• Παρακολουθούμε την οικονομική εξέλιξη (κάνουμε συγκρίσεις με τα προηγούμενα χρόνια, προβλέψεις για το μέλλον)
• Χρησιμεύουν για να κάνουμε συγκρίσεις στα πλαίσια μιας χώρας, της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης και σε παγκόσμιο επίπεδο
• Αποτελούν υλικό για τη διαμόρφωση της οικονομικής και κοινωνικής πολιτικής
μλ07.εθνικο_προϊον:
η αξία του συνόλου των εμπορευμάτων που παράγει μια χώρα στη διάρκεια ενός έτους.
Υπάρχουν δύο μέθοδοι υπολογισμού της αξίας του εθνικού προϊόντος, οι οποίες καταλήγουν πάντα στο ίδιο αποτέλεσμα:
• Αθροίζουμε την αξία των τελικών προϊόντων (τελικά είναι τα προϊόντα που αγοράζονται για τελική χρήση, ενδιάμεσα είναι αυτά που αγοράζονται για να τα επεξεργαστούμε και μετά να τα πουλήσουμε)
• Μέθοδος της προστιθέμενης αξίας (υπολογίζουμε κάθε φορά την αξία που προστίθεται, κατά την παραγωγή ενός εμπορεύματος, στην αξία των χρησιμοποιούμενων πρώτων υλών και ημικατεργασμένων εμπορευμάτων)
μλ07.εθνικο_εισοδημα:
το σύνολο των εισοδημάτων που δημιουργούνται κατά την παραγωγική διαδικασία. Στο εθνικό εισόδημα περιλαμβάνονται:
• Οι μισθοί και όλες οι αμοιβές της εργασίας
• Τα ενοίκια γης και ακινήτων
• Οι τόκοι
• Τα κέρδη των επιχειρήσεων
μλ07.εθνικη_δαπανη:
το σύνολο των δαπανών που πραγματοποιούνται σε μια χώρα σε ένα έτος, τόσο για την αγορά καταναλωτικών υλικών αγαθών και υπηρεσιών, όσο και για την αγορά επενδυτικών αγαθών που χρησιμοποιούνται για την αύξηση ή ανανέωση του κεφαλαιουχικού εξοπλισμού.
Στην Εθνική δαπάνη περιλαμβάνονται:
• Οι καταναλωτικές δαπάνες των ιδιωτών και του δημοσίου για αγορά τελικών αγαθών και υπηρεσιών
• Οι δαπάνες που γίνονται από τους ιδιώτες και το δημόσιο για την αύξηση ή ανανέωση του κεφαλαιουχικού εξοπλισμού
• Οι μεταβολές της αξίας των εμπορευμάτων που έχουν οι επιχειρήσεις στις αποθήκες τους
Επειδή μετράμε, από διαφορετική οπτική:
o Με το Εθνικό Προϊόν την αξία της παραγωγής,
o Με το Εθνικό Εισόδημα τα εισοδήματα που δημιουργούνται με την παραγωγή,
o Με την Εθνική Δαπάνη πώς χρησιμοποιείται αυτή η παραγωγή,
Τα μεγέθη Εθνικό Προϊόν, Εθνικό Εισόδημα, Εθνική Δαπάνη είναι πάντα ίσα μεταξύ τους
μλ07.αποσβεση:
η φθορά του κεφαλαιουχικού εξοπλισμού, που οφείλεται στη χρήση του, μετρημένη σε χρηματικές μονάδες
μλ07.ακαθαριστο_εθνικο_προϊον (μλ07.ΑΕΠ):
το Εθνικό Προϊόν αν περιλαμβάνει και το ποσό των αποσβέσεων, δηλαδή τη φθορά του κεφαλαιουχικού εξοπλισμού εκφρασμένη σε χρηματική αξία.
μλ07.κατα_κεφαλην_Εθνικο_προϊον:
το ύψος του εθνικού προϊόντος αν το διαιρέσουμε με το μέγεθος του πληθυσμού της χώρας.
Το κατά κεφαλήν εθνικό προϊόν χρησιμεύει:
• Για να συγκρίνουμε, ως προς τον πλούτο, τα κράτη μεταξύ τους
• Για να παρακολουθούμε την οικονομική εξέλιξη μιας χώρας
Το μέγεθος του εθνικού προϊόντος και ο ρυθμός αύξησής του είναι δείκτης οικονομικής προόδου μιας χώρας αλλά, ως ποσοτικό μέγεθος, δε δείχνει την ακριβή και πραγματική κατάσταση της οικονομίας αυτής της χώρας επειδή:
• Το ύψος του εθνικού προϊόντος και του κατά κεφαλήν εθνικού προϊόντος δε δείχνει αν μοιράζεται ίσα ή άνισα μεταξύ των κατοίκων της χώρας
• Στις φτωχές χώρες, πολλά αγαθά και υπηρεσίες παράγονται με σκοπό την αυτοκατανάλωση, άρα δεν περιλαμβάνονται στην αξία του εθνικού προϊόντος
• Οι τιμές των εμπορευμάτων διαφέρουν πολύ από χώρα σε χώρα
• Το εθνικό προϊόν δίνει ποσοτικές εκτιμήσεις της συνολικής παραγωγής και όχι ποιοτικά στοιχεία
name::
* McsElln.μλ07.κ10.Ο-ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΙΚΟΣ-ΡΟΛΟΣ-ΤΟΥ-ΚΡΑΤΟΥΣ,
Στις σύγχρονες κοινωνίες το κράτος παρεμβαίνει στην οικονομική και κοινωνική ζωή διαδραματίζοντας κομβικό ρόλο στην οργάνωση της καθημερινής ζωής.
Κατηγορίες παρέμβασης του κράτους:
• Παρεμβαίνει στον τρόπο με τον οποίο κατανέμονται οι παραγωγικοί πόροι σε διαφορετικές χρήσεις:
o Εξασφαλίζει ορισμένες υπηρεσίες στον πολίτη που μόνο αυτό θα μπορούσε να δώσει (εθνική άμυνα, αστυνομία, δικαστήρια, φυλακές, δημόσια έργα υποδομής κ.α.)
o Εξασφαλίζει τις προϋποθέσεις για την παραγωγή εμπορευμάτων (το δικαίωμα στην ατομική περιουσία και στην ελευθερία των συναλλαγών)
o Εξασφαλίζει τη συμμετοχή, όλων των πολιτών, στη χρήση των δημοσίων αγαθών (εκπαίδευση, συγκοινωνίες, βιβλιοθήκες, μουσεία, νοσοκομεία, επιδότηση αγροτικών προϊόντων, στεγαστικά δάνεια, κοινωνική ασφάλιση, ιατροφαρμακευτική περίθαλψη κ.α.)
o Αποθαρρύνει δραστηριότητες που βάζουν σε κίνδυνο τη δημόσια υγεία (φόροι στη βενζίνη, τσιγάρα, ποτά, μέτρα προστασίας του περιβάλλοντος)
• Παρεμβαίνει για να αντιμετωπίσει την άνιση διανομή του πλούτου και του εισοδήματος:
o Στοχεύει στην άμβλυνση των κοινωνικών ανισοτήτων μεταξύ των ομάδων του πληθυσμού
o Προσφέρει κοινωνικό μισθό (συντάξεις, επιδόματα ανεργίας, οικογενειακά, πολυτέκνων, παιδικοί σταθμοί, αθλητικές εγκαταστάσεις, δωρεάν ή χαμηλές τιμές σε αγαθά όπως εκπαίδευση, συγκοινωνίες, νοσοκομειακή περίθαλψη κ.α.)
• Παρεμβαίνει για να επιτύχει τη μέγιστη δυνατή παραγωγή από τους υπάρχοντες πόρους:
o Αντιμετωπίζει τις οικονομικές κρίσεις και αμβλύνει τις συνέπειές τους
o Στοχεύει στην πλήρη απασχόληση της εργασίας και αξιοποίηση των φυσικών πόρων
o Στοχεύει στην αξιοποίηση του κεφαλαιουχικού εξοπλισμού των επιχειρήσεων
o Διευκολύνει τις επιχειρήσεις να υιοθετήσουν αποτελεσματικές παραγωγικές τεχνικές και να επινοήσουν νέες
• Παρεμβαίνει για να ενισχύσει την αναπτυξιακή διαδικασία της κοινωνίας:
o Μεριμνά για το μέλλον προβλέποντας τις ανάγκες, τα πιθανά μελλοντικά προβλήματα και την εξεύρεση λύσεων
o Ενισχύει τους ρυθμούς ανάπτυξης, βοηθά στην εξεύρεση νέων τεχνικών παραγωγής
Οι δημόσιες υπηρεσίες και οργανισμοί αποτελούν το εργαλείο, το μηχανισμό του κράτους προκειμένου να παρέμβει στην οικονομική δραστηριότητα. Στο μηχανισμό αυτό ανήκουν:
• Τα υπουργεία με τις επιμέρους υπηρεσίες τους
• Οργανισμοί τοπικής αυτοδιοίκησης (νομαρχίες – δήμοι -κοινότητες)
• Οργανισμοί κοινωνικής ασφάλισης (ΙΚΑ, ΟΓΑ κ.λ.π.)
• Νομικά Πρόσωπα Δημοσίου Δικαίου (νοσοκομεία, ανώτατα εκπαιδευτικά ιδρύματα, επιχειρήσεις κοινής ωφελείας κ.τ.λ.)
Μέσα παρέμβασης του κράτους για να ασκήσει την οικονομική του πολιτική:
• Δημοσιονομικά μέσα (οι δημόσιες δαπάνες και τα δημόσια έσοδα με τα οποία το κράτος παρεμβαίνει ασκώντας την δημοσιονομική πολιτική)
• Νομισματικά μέσα (το κράτος παρεμβαίνει μέσω της Κεντρικής Τράπεζας ασκώντας τη νομισματική πολιτική π.χ. ρύθμιση της ποσότητας του χρήματος που κυκλοφορεί, ύψος επιτοκίου, ισοτιμία συναλλάγματος)
• Διοικητικά μέσα (αποφάσεις και ενέργειες του κράτους που ρυθμίζουν τις οικονομικές σχέσεις μέσα στη χώρα καθώς και τις σχέσεις με τις οικονομίες άλλων χωρών). Παραδείγματα διοικητικών μέσων είναι ο έλεγχος:
o Τιμών των προϊόντων και υπηρεσιών
o Καταλληλότητας ορισμένων προϊόντων
o Συνθηκών εργασίας και ωραρίου λειτουργίας των επιχειρήσεων
o Όγκου εισαγωγών-εξαγωγών
o Προσδιορισμού μονάδων μέτρησης του βάρους και του όγκου
Δημόσιες δαπάνες:
οι οικονομικοί πόροι, τα χρηματικά ποσά που διατίθενται για την κάλυψη των αναγκών και των υποχρεώσεων των δημοσίων υπηρεσιών και οργανισμών.
Κατηγορίες δημοσίων δαπανών:
• Δημόσιες δαπάνες για αγαθά και υπηρεσίες
o Δημόσιες δαπάνες για επενδύσεις
o Δημόσιες δαπάνες κατανάλωσης
• Μεταβιβαστικές δαπάνες (δημόσιες δαπάνες για την ενίσχυση ορισμένων ατόμων ορισμένων κατηγοριών π.χ. επιδόματα ανεργίας, συντάξεις, υποτροφίες)
• Ανάλογα με το σκοπό που εξυπηρετούν (δημόσιες δαπάνες για την παιδεία, υγεία, δικαιοσύνη, εθνική άμυνα κλπ.)
Δημόσια έσοδα:
τα χρηματικά ποσά, με τα οποία καλύπτονται οι δημόσιες δαπάνες και εισπράττει το κράτος από:
• Τα άτομα και τις επιχειρήσεις με τη μορφή φορολογίας
• Επιβολή τελών και προστίμων
• Επιχειρηματικές κρατικές δραστηριότητες
• Εκμετάλλευση περιουσιακών στοιχείων του δημοσίου
• Δημόσιο δανεισμό
Βασικές μορφές φόρων:
• Φόρος εισοδήματος
o Επιβάλλεται στα φυσικά και νομικά πρόσωπα κάθε χρόνο με κριτήριο το εισόδημά τους το οποίο δηλώνεται σε ειδικό έντυπο τη φορολογική δήλωση
o Συστήματα φορολόγησης εισοδήματος:
o Σύστημα αναλογικής φορολογίας (το ποσό του φόρου είναι ανάλογο με το ύψος του εισοδήματος)
o Σύστημα προοδευτικής φορολογίας (όσο μεγαλύτερο είναι το εισόδημα, τόσο μεγαλύτερη η φορολογία)
o Σύστημα αντιστρόφως προοδευτικής φορολογίας (ο φόρος επιβαρύνει αναλογικά περισσότερο τα χαμηλότερα εισοδήματα)
o Στην ελλάδα ισχύει η προοδευτική φορολογία για τα φυσικά πρόσωπα και η αναλογική για τα νομικά.
• Φόρος περιουσίας
o Επιβάλλεται στη συνολική αξία κάθε περιουσιακού στοιχείου φυσικών ή νομικών προσώπων (π.χ. φόρος ακίνητης περιουσίας, φόρος κατά τη μεταβίβαση ακινήτου, φόρος κληρονομιάς)
• Φόρος καταναλωτικής δαπάνης
o Ειδικός φόρος κατανάλωσης (φορολογούν την κατανάλωση συγκεκριμένων προϊόντων π.χ. τσιγάρα, ποτό, βενζίνη)
o Φόρος προστιθέμενης αξίας (επιβαρύνει την κατανάλωση εμπορευμάτων)
Πηγές δημόσιου δανεισμού:
• Ιδιώτες αποταμιευτές (κρατικά ομόλογα)
• Κεντρική Τράπεζα
• Εμπορικές τράπεζες
Εξωτερικό δημόσιο χρέος:
το σύνολο των δανείων που έχουν γίνει από άλλα κράτη (εξωτερικός δανεισμός).
Εσωτερικό δημόσιο χρέος:
το σύνολο των δανείων που έχουν γίνει με εσωτερικό δανεισμό.
Δημόσιος προϋπολογισμός:
• Καταγράφει λεπτομερώς όλες τις δαπάνες και τα έσοδα του κράτους που προβλέπονται για το επόμενο έτος
• Συντάσσεται από το υπουργείο Οικονομικών
• Κατατίθεται στη Βουλή προς ψήφιση
• Όταν ψηφιστεί από τους βουλευτές γίνεται νόμος του κράτους
Δημόσιος προϋπολογισμός * ισοσκελισμένος (δαπάνες = έσοδα)
* ελλειμματικός (δαπάνες > έσοδα)
* πλεονασματικός (δαπάνες < έσοδα)
Δημόσιες επιχειρήσεις:
στόχος τους είναι να εξυπηρετήσουν το δημόσιο συμφέρον και να βελτιώσουν την κοινωνική ευημερία σε τομείς παραγωγής, στους οποίους οι ιδιωτικές επιχειρήσεις ενδέχεται να μη μπορούν ή να μη θέλουν να προσφέρουν τις υπηρεσίες και τα εμπορεύματά τους.
name::
* McsElln.μλ07.κ11.ΤΟ-ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΙΚΟ-ΣΥΣΤΗΜΑ-ΣΕ-ΜΕΓΕΘΥΝΣΗ,
Οικονομική ανάπτυξη:
η διαδικασία μόνιμης βελτίωσης των υλικών συνθηκών διαβίωσης των κατοίκων μιας χώρας.
Χαρακτηριστικά στοιχεία της οικονομικής ανάπτυξης:
• Είναι μια διαδικασία που εξελίσσεται στο χρόνο
• Συνεπάγεται συνεχείς αλλαγές
• Οι αλλαγές έχουν μόνιμο χαρακτήρα, δεν ανατρέπονται και οδηγούν σε νέες αλλαγές.
Οι αλλαγές αυτές αποτυπώνονται στους εξής τομείς:
' Στην αύξηση της παραγωγικής ικανότητας μιας χώρας (η δυνατότητα παραγωγής εμπορευμάτων με δεδομένη εργασία, κεφαλαιουχικό εξοπλισμό, φυσικού πόρους και τεχνολογία)
' Σε μεταβολές στη διάρθρωση των παραγόμενων εμπορευμάτων
(προοδευτικά αναπτύσσεται ο τριτογενής τομέας παραγωγής {εμπόριο, υπηρεσίες})
' Στη μεταβολή του καταναλωτικού προτύπου(αυξάνεται το μερίδιο εισοδήματος που καλύπτει την απόκτηση διαρκών καταναλωτικών αγαθών και υπηρεσιών)
' Σε δημογραφικές αλλαγές (αλλαγές στην ηλικιακή σύνθεση του πληθυσμού και στη γεωγραφική κατανομή του πληθυσμού)
' Στη μεταβολή των θεσμών (μεταβολές στη συγκρότηση της κοινωνίας και του κράτους)
' Στη μεταβολή των νοοτροπιών, των ηθών και εθίμων
Παράγοντες που επηρεάζουν την αύξηση της παραγωγικής ικανότητας μιας χώρας:
• Αύξηση του αριθμού των εργαζομένων και καλύτερη ποιότητα εργασίας:
o Βελτίωση των συνθηκών διαβίωσης, υγείας, μείωση της θνησιμότητας
o Επέκταση της εκπαίδευσης
o Βελτίωση των συνθηκών εργασίας
o Είσοδος των γυναικών στην αγορά εργασίας
• Αύξηση κεφαλαιουχικού εξοπλισμού (συσσώρευση του κεφαλαίου):
o Βελτίωση της ποιότητας των μηχανημάτων και λοιπού εξοπλισμού
• Βελτίωση της τεχνολογίας
name::
* McsElln.μλ07.κ12.ΤΟ-ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΙΚΟ-ΣΥΣΤΗΜΑ-ΣΕ-ΚΡΙΣΗ,
Κρίση οικονομικού συστήματος:
ο ομαλός τρόπος λειτουργίας του οικονομικού συστήματος διακόπτεται ή γίνεται υποτονικός, με δυσάρεστες συνέπειες για την οικονομική και κοινωνική ζωή.
Οικονομικά ενεργός πληθυσμός ή εργατικό δυναμικό:
το σύνολο των ατόμων που θέλει και μπορεί να εργαστεί.
Άνεργοι:
τα άτομα που ανήκουν στο εργατικό δυναμικό, θέλουν να εργαστούν αλλά δε βρίσκουν εργασία, για μικρό ή μεγάλο χρονικό διάστημα.
Ποσοστό ανεργίας:
ο αριθμός των ανέργων προς το σύνολο του εργατικό δυναμικού.
Είδη ανεργίας:
• Κυκλική ανεργία ή ανεργία ανεπαρκούς ζήτησης
• Διαρθρωτική ανεργία. Αίτια:
o Μεταβολές στο πρότυπο κατανάλωσης
o Μεταβολές στη χρησιμοποιούμενη τεχνολογία
o Έλλειψη πληροφόρησης και γεωγραφικής κινητικότητας των εργαζομένων
• Εποχική ανεργία
• Ανεργία τριβής
Πολιτικές αντιμετώπισης της ανεργίας:
• Μέτρα κοινωνικής πρόνοιας
• Μέτρα ανάπτυξης της οικονομίας
o Αύξηση δημοσίων δαπανών που θα δημιουργήσουν νέες θέσεις εργασίας
o Κίνητρα για αύξηση της ζήτησης προϊόντων και υπηρεσιών
o Προγράμματα επιμόρφωσης ανέργων
o Δημιουργία τεχνικών και επαγγελματικών σχολών
o Μείωση του κόστους για την απασχόληση πρόσθετων εργαζομένων από τις επιχειρήσεις
• Μέτρα για την αύξηση της πληροφόρησης για την αγορά εργασίας και την ψυχολογική στήριξη των ανέργων
Πληθωρισμός:
το φαινόμενο της συνεχούς και γενικής αύξησης των τιμών, με συνέπεια τη μείωση της αγοραστικής αξίας του χρήματος.
Επιπτώσεις του πληθωρισμού:
• Επιπτώσεις στο εισόδημα και το βιοτικό επίπεδο
• Επιπτώσεις στην αποταμίευση και τα δάνεια
Έλλειψη επαρκούς εισοδήματος
* στέρηση της δυνατότητας απόκτησης περιουσιακών στοιχείων και εκπαίδευσης για τις νεότερες γενιές
* εγκλωβισμός των φτωχών οικογενειών στην «παγίδα της φτώχειας»
* κληρονομιά της φτώχειας από γενιά σε γενιά.
name::
* McsElln.μλ07.κ13.Η-ΕΥΡΩΠΑΪΚΗ-ΕΝΩΣΗ,
Σκοπός της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης είναι η εξασφάλιση της ειρήνης και της ευημερίας των λαών της με τη δημιουργία μιας οικονομικής και πολιτικής ένωσης. Τα κράτη μέλη έχουν αναλάβει την υποχρέωση να πραγματοποιήσουν αυτόν το στόχο με κοινή εργασία στο πλαίσιο της Ένωσης.
Με τη Συνθήκη του Μάαστριχτ (1992) αποφασίστηκε:
• Δημιουργία ενιαίου ευρωπαϊκού νομίσματος
• Κατάργηση περιορισμών στην ελεύθερη διακίνηση εμπορευμάτων, κεφαλαίων και προσώπων στο εσωτερικό της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης
name::
* McsElln.ΜθμΛ1.ΒΙΟΛΟΓΙΑ (μλ03),
* McsEngl.conceptIt532.3,
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.βιολογία-μλ03,
* McsElln.ΜαθημαΛ3.ΒΙΟΛΟΓΙΑ@cptIt532.3, {2012-06-16}
* McsElln.μλα.βιολογία,
* McsElln.μλ03.βιολογία, {2012-06-16}
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/courses/DSGL-A105//
_DESCRIPTION:
Σ' αυτό το βιβλίο γίνεται προσπάθεια να παρουσιαστούν και να εξηγηθούν με απλό τρόπο οι λειτουργίες του πιο πολύπλοκου οργανισμού του πλανήτη μας.
Το βιβλίο αποτελείται από δώδεκα κεφάλαια, από τα οποία το πρώτο αναφέρεται σε ήδη γνωστές έννοιες (ιστός, όργανο, σύστημα οργάνων). Στη συνέχεια γίνεται η παρουσίαση κάθε συστήματος οργάνων ξεχωριστά. Πρώτα παρουσιάζονται τα συστήματα που έχουν σχέση με την πρόσληψη της τροφής, την απορρόφηση των συστατικών της (πεπτικό σύστημα) και τη μεταφορά τους, με το κυκλοφορικό και το λεμφικό σύστημα, σε όλους τους ιστούς. Στη συνέχεια γίνεται περιγραφή του αναπνευστικού συστήματος, μέσω του οποίου προσλαμβάνεται το οξυγόνο, το οποίο είναι απαραίτητο για την παραγωγή ενέργειας. Ακολουθούν τα συστήματα που έχουν σχέση με τη στήριξη και την κίνηση του σώματος (ερειστικό και μυϊκό σύστημα). Στα κεφάλαια νευρικό σύστημα & ενδοκρινείς αδένες περιγράφονται τα συστήματα που είναι υπεύθυνα για το συντονισμό όλων των λειτουργιών του οργανισμού. Μεταξύ αυτών παρεμβάλλεται το σύστημα των αισθητήριων οργάνων, το οποίο, κυριολεκτικά, είναι το παράθυρο του οργανισμού στον κόσμο. Η ύλη του βιβλίου αυτού ολοκληρώνεται με το αναπαραγωγικό σύστημα, το οποίο είναι απαραίτητο για τη διαιώνιση του είδους.
Στόχος του βιβλίου αυτού δεν είναι μόνον η πληροφόρηση αλλά και η ευαισθητοποίηση των μαθητών σε θέματα που αφορούν το σώμα τους. Οι παρεχόμενες γνώσεις αναμένεται ότι θα συμβάλλουν στην απόκτηση θετικών στάσεων όπως αποφυγή του καπνίσματος, του αλκοόλ, υιοθέτηση υγιεινής διατροφής και άσκησης, και θα συντελέσουν στη σωστή λειτουργία του οργανισμού τους.
[http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/courses/DSGL-A105/]
1. ΑΠΟ ΤΟ ΚΥΤΤΑΡΟ ΣΤΟΝ ΟΡΓΑΝΙΣΜΟ
Κύτταρα και ιστοί
Οργανα και συστήματα οργάνων
2. ΠΕΠΤΙΚΟ ΣΥΣΤΗΜΑ
Δομή και λειτουργία του πεπτικού συστήματος
Πέψη και απορρόφηση των θρεπτικών ουσιών
Μεταβολισμός
3. ΚΥΚΛΟΦΟΡΙΚΟ ΣΥΣΤΗΜΑ
Καρδιά
Αιμοφόρα αγγεία
Η κυκλοφορία του αίματος
Αίμα
4. ΛΕΜΦΙΚΟ ΣΥΣΤΗΜΑ
Δομή του λεμφικού συστήματος
5. ΑΝΑΠΝΟΗ
Δομή και λειτουργία του αναπνευστικού συστήματος
6. ΑΠΕΚΚΡΙΣΗ ΚΑΙ ΩΣΜΟΡΡΥΘΜΙΣΗ
Ουροποιητικό σύστημα
Ωσμορρύθμιση
Ομοιόσταση
7. ΕΡΕΙΣΤΙΚΟ ΣΥΣΤΗΜΑ
Οστά
Σχηματισμός και ανάπτυξη των οστών
Αρθρώσεις
Τα μέρη του σκελετού
8. ΜΥΪΚΟ ΣΥΣΤΗΜΑ
Δομή και λειτουργία του γραμμωτού μυός
9. ΝΕΥΡΙΚΟ ΣΥΣΤΗΜΑ
Δομή και λειτουργία των νευρικών κυττάρων
Περιφερικό νευρικό σύστημα
Κεντρικό νευρικό σύστημα
Αυτόνομο νευρικό σύστημα
10. ΑΙΣΘΗΤΗΡΙΑ ΟΡΓΑΝΑ - ΑΙΣΘΗΣΕΙΣ
Υποδοχείς - αισθήσεις
Σωματικές αισθήσεις
Ειδικές αισθήσεις
11. ΕΝΔΟΚΡΙΝΕΙΣ ΑΔΕΝΕΣ
Ορμόνες
Αδένες
12. ΑΝΑΠΑΡΑΓΩΓΗ - ΑΝΑΠΤΥΞΗ
Δομή και λειτουργία του αναπαραγωγικού συστήματος
Από τη μείωση στη γονιμοποίηση
Ανάπτυξη του εμβρύου - τοκετός
Σύμβολα - Συντμήσεις
Παραθέματα
Λεξιλόγιο
Πηγές φωτογραφιών
Βιβλιογραφία
Ευρετήριο
name::
* McsElln.μλ03.κ1.ΑΠΟ-ΤΟ-ΚΥΤΤΑΡΟ-ΣΤΟΝ-ΟΡΓΑΝΙΣΜΟ,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL-A105/321/2155,7804//
μλ03.κύτταρο, κύτταρο_μλ03 (cellHuman#cptHBody063#):
Ο ανθρώπινος οργανισμός συνίσταται από τρισεκατομμύρια κύτταρα. Τα κύτταρα αυτά εμφανίζουν σημαντική ποικιλομορφία, που αφορά το μέγεθος, το σχήμα, το χρώμα κ.ά. Παρ' όλο που προέρχονται από ένα αρχικό κύτταρο, το ζυγωτό, με αλλεπάλληλες μιτωτικές διαιρέσεις, αποκτούν τελικά διαφορετικά μορφολογικά και λειτουργικά χαρακτηριστικά με τη διαδικασία της διαφοροποίησης. Τα χαρακτηριστικά αυτά τους επιτρέπουν να επιτελούν αποτελεσματικά τις εξειδικευμένες λειτουργίες τους.
μλ03.ιστός, ιστός_μλ03 (tissueHuman#cptHBody053#):
Κύτταρα μορφολογικά όμοια που συμμετέχουν στην ίδια λειτουργία αποτελούν έναν ιστό.
Διακρίνουμε τέσσερα είδη ιστών, τον επιθηλιακό, τον ερειστικό, το μυϊκό και το νευρικό.Διακρίνουμε τέσσερα είδη ιστών, τον επιθηλιακό, τον ερειστικό, το μυϊκό και το νευρικό.
μλ03.επιθηλιακός_ιστός, επιθηλιακός_ιστός_μλ03 (epithelial tissue#cptHBody054#):
Ο επιθηλιακός ιστός αποτελείται από κύτταρα στενά συνδεδεμένα μεταξύ τους, που σχηματίζουν επιφάνειες, οι οποίες καλύπτουν εξωτερικά το σώμα ή επενδύουν εσωτερικά διάφορες κοιλότητες.
μλ03.κροσσωτός_επιθηλιακός_ιστός, κροσσωτός_επιθηλιακός_ιστός_μλ03:
Πολλά επιθηλιακά κύτταρα φέρουν βλεφαρίδες ή μικρολάχνες και σχηματίζουν τον κροσσωτό επιθηλιακό ιστό (εικ.1.2). Τέτοιος ιστός επενδύει εσωτερικά τις αεροφόρες οδούς.
μλ03.εξωκρινής_αδένας, εξωκρινής_αδένας_μλ03:
Οι εξωκρινείς αδένες (εικ.1.3) εκκρίνουν τα προϊόντα τους διαμέσου ενός εκφορητικού πόρου είτε έξω από το σώμα (π.χ. οι ιδρωτοποιοί αδένες) είτε σε εσωτερικές κοιλότητες (π.χ. οι σιελογόνοι αδένες).
μλ03.ενδοκρινής_αδένας, ενδοκρινής_αδένας:
Οι ενδοκρινείς αδένες (εικ.1.4) εκκρίνουν τα προϊόντα τους κατευθείαν στο αίμα (π.χ. η υπόφυση).
μλ03.μικτός_αδένας, μικτός_αδένας:
Οι μικτοί αδένες περιλαμβάνουν εξωκρινή και ενδοκρινή μοίρα. Για παράδειγμα, η εξωκρινής μοίρα του παγκρέατος εκκρίνει το παγκρεατικό υγρό στο δωδεκαδάκτυλο, διάμέσου του παγκρεατικού πόρου, ενώ η ενδοκρινής μοίρα εκκρίνει στο αίμα την ινσουλίνη και τη γλυκαγόνη, οι οποίες ελέγχουν τη συγκέντρωση της γλυκόζης στο αίμα.
===
κυτταρα-λειτουργία
Επιθηλιακά κύπαρα
Προστασία, παραγωγή και έκκριση προϊόντων, διάχυση και απορρόφηση ουσιών και απομάκρυνση μικροβίων ή σκόνης.
Βλεννογόνο κύπαρα
Έκκριση βλέννας
μλ03.ερειστικός_ιστός, ερειστικός_ιστός_μλ03 (#cptHBody056#):
Ο ερειστικός ιστός αποτελείται από κύτταρα που βρίσκονται μέσα σε άφθονη μεσοκυττάρια ουσία. Η μεσοκυττάρια ουσία μπορεί να περιέχει δύο τύπων πρωτεϊνικά ινίδια, το κολλαγόνο, που της προσδίδει αντοχή και ελαστικότητα και την ελαστίνη, που της προσδίδει περισσότερη ελαστικότητα. Ο ερειστικός ιστός συνδέει δομές μεταξύ τους, προσφέρει στήριξη και προστασία. Διακρίνεται σε συνδετικό, χόνδρινο και οστίτη ιστό.
μλ03.συνδετικός_ιστός, συνδετικός_ιστός_μλ03 (tissueHmn.connective#cptHBody098#):
Ο συνδετικός ιστός διακρίνεται σε χαλαρό και πυκνό. Ο χαλαρός συνδετικός ιστός συναντάται κυρίως στο δέρμα. Η μεσοκυττάρια ουσία του περιέχει ίνες κολλαγόνου και ελαστίνης (εικ.1.5). Η μεσοκυττάρια ουσία του πυκνού συνδετικού ιστού αποτελείται κυρίως από ινίδια κολλαγόνου σε δεσμίδες. Συναντάται στους συνδέσμους των αρθρώσεων και στους τένοντες που συνδέουν τους σκελετικούς μυς με τα οστά. Ο λιπώδης ιστός είναι ένας ειδικός τύπος χαλαρού συνδετικού ιστού, του οποίου τα κύτταρα (λιποκύτταρα) αποθηκεύουν λίπος (εικ.1.6).
μλ03.xόνδρινος_ιστός, xόνδρινος_ιστός_μλ03 (#cptHBody099#):
Ο χόνδρινος ιστός είναι στέρεος και συγχρόνως εύκαμπτος. Τα κύτταρά του, οι χονδροβλάστες, βρίσκονται μέσα σε κοιλότητες της μεσοκυττάριας ουσίας (εικ.1.7). Ο ιστός αυτός συναντάται στους αρθρικούς χόνδρους, στο πτερύγιο του αυτιού, στους μεσοσπονδύλιους δίσκους κ.τ.λ.
μλ03.οστίτης_ιστός, οστίτης_ιστός_μλ03 (bone_tissue.human#cptHBody100#):
Ο οστίτης ιστός, που συναντάται στα οστά, αποτελείται από εξαιρετικά σκληρή μεσοκυττάρια ουσία, η οποία περιέχει άλατα και ινίδια κολλαγόνου. Μέσα σε κοιλότητές της υπάρχουν τα οστεοκύτταρα (εικ.1.8).
μλ03.αίμα, αίμα_μλ03 (blood#cptHBody028#):
Το αίμα θεωρείται από τους περισσότερους ερευνητές ως ιδιαίτερος τύπος συνδετικού ιστού, που αποτελείται από τρία είδη κυττάρων:
* μλ03.ερυθρο_αιμοσφαιριο: τα ερυθρά αιμοσφαίρια, που μεταφέρουν οξυγόνο,
* μλ03.λευκο_αιμοσφαιριο: τα λευκά αιμοσφαίρια, που συμβάλλουν στην άμυνα, και
* μλ03.αιμοπεταλιο: τα αιμοπετάλια, που συμμετέχουν στην πήξη του αίματος.
Η μεσοκυττάρια ουσία σ' αυτή την περίπτωση είναι υγρή και αποτελεί το πλάσμα του αίματος (εικ.1.9).
===
2. Ποια είναιτα είδη του ερειστικού ιστού;
Τα είδη του ερειστικού ιστού είναι ο συνδετικός ιστός, ο οποίος διακρίνεται σε
χαλαρό και πυκνό, ο χόνδρινος ιστός και ο οστίτης ιστός. Ο λιπώδης ιστός και το
αίμα θεωρούνται ως ιδιαίτεροι τύποι ερειστικού ιστού.
[16]
===
κύτταρα-λειτουργία:
Χονδροβλάστες
Οστεοκύτταρα
Σύνδεση δομών, στήριξη, προστασία.
Λιποκύπαρα
Αποθήκευση λίπους
Ερυθρά αιμοσφαίρια
Τροφοδότηση των κυπάρων με οξυγόνο
Λευκά αιμοσφαίρια
Άμυνα του οργανισμού.
μλ03.μυικός_ιστός, μυικός_ιστός_μλ03 (muscle_tissue#cptHBody057#):
Ο μυϊκός ιστός αποτελείται από κύτταρα, τις μυϊκές ίνες, οι οποίες έχουν την ικανότητα να συστέλλονται, επιτρέποντας κινήσεις. Υπάρχουν τρεις τύποι μυϊκού ιστού.
Ο σκελετικός μυϊκός ιστός συναντάται στους σκελετικούς μυς και αποτελείται από σχετικά μακριές κυλινδρικές μυϊκές ίνες, που φέρουν γραμμώσεις. Η συστολή τους γίνεται με τη θέλησή μας (εικ. 1.10).
μλ03.μυοκάρδιο, μυοκάρδιο_μλ03:
Ο μυϊκός ιστός της καρδιάς (μυοκάρδιο) βρίσκεται μόνο στα τοιχώματα της καρδιάς. Οι μυϊκές ίνες του είναι κυλινδρικές, έχουν γραμμώσεις, αλλά δεν υπακούουν στη θέλησή μας (εικ. 1.11).
μλ03.λείος_μυικός_ιστός, λείος_μυικός_ιστός:
Ο λείος μυϊκός ιστός επενδύει κυρίως τοιχώματα, όπως αυτά των αγγείων και του γαστρεντερικού σωλήνα. Αποτελείται από ατρακτοειδείς και χωρίς γραμμώσεις μυϊκές ίνες, οι οποίες δεν υπακούουν στη θέλησή μας (εικ. 1.12).
===
Μυϊκά κύτταρα Κίνηση
μλ03.νευρικός_ιστός, νευρικός_ιστός_μλ03 (tissueHmn.nervous#cptHBody058#):
Ο νευρικός ιστός αποτελείται από νευρικά κύτταρα ή νευρώνες και από νευρογλοιακά κύτταρα. Οι νευρώνες είναι κύτταρα με αποφυάδες εξειδικευμένα στην παραγωγή και μεταβίβαση νευρικών ώσεων. Τα νευρογλοιακά κύτταρα στηρίζουν μονώνουν και τρέφουν τους νευρώνες (εικ. 1.13). Παρατηρούμε ότι σε έναν ιστό ενδέχεται να συνυπάρχουν διαφορετικά είδη κυττάρων, τα οποία όμως συμμετέχουν στην ίδια λειτουργία.
===
Νευρικά κύτταρα
Παραγωγή - μεταβίβαση των νευρικών ώσεων.
Νευρογλοιακά κύπαρα
Στήριξη, μόνωση και θρέψη των νευρικών κυπάρων.
μλ03.όργανο, όργανο_μλ03 (organ#cptHBody060#):
Όργανα
Ένα όργανο αποτελείται από διαφορετικούς ιστούς και επιτελεί μία συγκεκριμένη λειτουργία. Για παράδειγμα, ο δικέφαλος βραχιόνιος μυς αποτελείται από μυϊκό, συνδετικό και νευρικό ιστό. Η λειτουργία του είναι η κάμψη του πήχη. Το στομάχι αποτελείται και από τους τέσσερις τύπους ιστών. Η λειτουργία του είναι η αποθήκευση της τροφής και η πέψη των πρωτεϊνών.
μλ03.σύστημα_οργάνων, σύστημα_οργάνων_μλ03 (system-of-organs#cptHBody059#):
Συστήματα οργάνων
Όργανα που συνεργάζονται για την πραγματοποίηση μίας λειτουργίας συνιστούν ένα σύστημα οργάνων. Για παράδειγμα, η στοματική κοιλότητα, ο φάρυγγας, ο οισοφάγος, το στομάχι, το λεπτό και το παχύ έντερο, μαζί με τους προσαρτημένους αδένες που είναι όργανα που έχουν σχέση με την πρόσληψη, τη μεταφορά και την πέψη της τροφής, την απορρόφηση των χρήσιμων συστατικών και την αποβολή των άχρηστων, αποτελούν το πεπτικό σύστημα.
Στο πεπτικό σύστημα πραγματοποιείται η πέψη της τροφής και η απορρόφηση των θρεπτικών συστατικών. Οι θρεπτικές ουσίες και το οξυγόνο μεταφέρονται σε όλα τα όργανα με το κυκλοφορικό σύστημα. Το αναπνευστικό σύστημα χρησιμεύει για την ανταλλαγή των αερίων της αναπνοής. Οι άχρηστες και οι επιβλαβείς ουσίες αποβάλλονται κυρίως από το ουροποιητικό σύστημα.
Το σύστημα των αισθητήριων οργάνων δέχεται ερεθίσματα. Τα ερεθίσματα αυτά αναλύονται και ερμηνεύονται στο νευρικό σύστημα, το οποίο σε συνεργασία με το σύστημα των ενδοκρινών αδένων ρυθμίζει και συντονίζει όλες τις λειτουργίες του σώματος.
Το ερειστικό σύστημα, που αποτελείται από τον αρθρωτό σκελετό, στηρίζει και προστατεύει τον οργανισμό και μαζί με το μυϊκό σύστημα συμβάλλει στις κινήσεις.
Το αναπαραγωγικό σύστημα παράγει τους γαμέτες και είναι απαραίτητο στην αναπαραγωγή.
Όλα τα παραπάνω συστήματα συνεργάζονται στενά μεταξύ τους και αποτελούν τον ανθρώπινο οργανισμό.
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6. Ποια είναιτα κυριότερα συστήματα του οργανισμού μας και ποιος είναι ο ρόλος τους;
1) Το πεπτικό σύστημα, στο οποίο πραγματοποιείται η πέψη της τροφής και η απορρόφηση των θρεπτικών συστατικών.
2) Το κυκλοφορικό σύστημα, το οποίο χρησιμεύει για τη μεταφορά των θρεπτικών ουσιών και του οξυγόνου σε όλα τα κύπαρα του οργανισμού.
3) Το αναπνευστικό σύστημα, το οποίο χρησιμεύει για την ανταλλαγή των αερίων της αναπνοής.
4) Το ουροποιητικό σύστημα, το οποίο συμβάλλει στην απομάκρυνση των άχρηστων και επιβλαβών ουσιών.
5) Το ερειστικό σύστημα, το οποίο στηρίζει και προστατεύει τον οργανισμό.
6) Το μυϊκό σύστημα, το οποίο συμβάλλει (μαζί με το ερειστικό) στην κίνηση του οργανισμού.
7) Το σύστημα των αισθητήριων οργάνων, που ανιχνεύει τις μεταβολές στο περιβάλλον.
8) Το νευρικό σύστημα, το οποίο ρυθμίζει και συντονίζει τις λειτουργίες του οργανισμού.
9) Το σύστημα των ενδοκρινών αδένων, το οποίο παράγει τις ορμόνες και συμβάλλει στο συντονισμό λειτουργιών του οργανισμού.
10) Το αναπαραγωγικό σύστημα, το οποίο είναι υπεύθυνο για τη διαιώνιση του είδους
name::
* McsElln.μλ03.κ2.ΠΕΠΤΙΚΟ-ΣΥΣΤΗΜΑ μλ03.σ21,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL-A105/321/2155,7805//
μλ03.θρεπτική_ουσία, θρεπτική_ουσία_μλ03 (nutrient#cptCore580#):
Για να διατηρηθεί η ζωή, να εξασφαλιστούν δηλαδή οι δομές και οι λειτουργίες της, χρειάζεται ενέργεια. Ο άνθρωπος εξασφαλίζει την απαραίτητη γι' αυτόν ενέργεια με τη διάσπαση (οξείδωση) των θρεπτικών ουσιών που βρίσκονται στις τροφές. Οι θρεπτικές ουσίες που παρέχουν ενέργεια στον οργανισμό είναι οι υδατάνθρακες και τα λίπη και, σε ειδικές μόνο περιπτώσεις, οι πρωτεΐνες. Με την ευρύτερη έννοια βέβαια ως θρεπτικές ουσίες χαρακτηρίζονται και άλλες, που, παρά το ότι δεν παρέχουν ενέργεια, είναι απαραίτητες για την πραγματοποίηση διάφορων λειτουργιών του οργανισμού. Σ' αυτές περιλαμβάνονται το νερό, οι βιταμίνες και τα ανόργανα άλατα - ιόντα.
μλ03.πεπτικό_σύστημα, πεπτικό_σύστημα_μλ03 (digestive_system#cptHBody071#):
Οι θρεπτικές ουσίες εισέρχονται στον οργανισμό μέσω του πεπτικού συστήματος, όπου και υφίστανται την απαραίτητη κατεργασία, ώστε να μπορούν να απορροφηθούν.
* μλ03.πέψη, πέψη_μλ03:
Η κατεργασία αυτή λέγεται πέψη.
Η απορρόφηση των προϊόντων της πέψης των θρεπτικών ουσιών, του νερού, των βιταμινών και των ανόργανων αλάτων επιτελείται επίσης στο πεπτικό σύστημα.
Το πεπτικό σύστημα αποτελείται από το γαστρεντερικό σωλήνα και από τους προσαρτημένους σ' αυτό αδένες, που είναι οι σιελογόνοι αδένες, το πάγκρεας και το ήπαρ (εικ.2.1)
μλ03.γαστρεντερικός_σωλήνας, γαστρεντερικός_σωλήνας_μλ03 (gastrointestinal_tract#cptHBody071.1#):
Ο γαστρεντερικός σωλήνας αρχίζει με τη στοματική κοιλότητα, συνεχίζεται με το φάρυγγα, τον οισοφάγο, το στομάχι, το λεπτό έντερο, το παχύ έντερο και καταλήγει στον πρωκτό.
Ο γαστρεντερικός σωλήνας είναι ένας κοίλος αγωγός, του οποίου το τοίχωμα αποτελείται από τέσσερις βασικές στιβάδες. Η διάμετρος και η δομή των στιβάδων του παρουσιάζουν τοπικές διαφοροποιήσεις. Οι ανατομικές διαφοροποιήσεις των επιμέρους τμημάτων του γαστρεντερικού σωλήνα σχετίζονται με λειτουργικές διαφορές. Το κάθε τμήμα δηλαδή επιτελεί συγκεκριμένες λειτουργίες, που μπορεί να είναι κινητικές, εκκριτικές ή απορροφητικές.
Με τις κινητικές λειτουργίες επιτυγχάνεται η ανάμειξη και προώθηση της τροφής κατά μήκος του γαστρεντερικού σωλήνα. Εμφανίζονται δύο κύριοι τύποι κινήσεων, οι κινήσεις ανάμειξης και οι κινήσεις προώθησης. Βασική προωθητική κίνηση είναι η περισταλτική κίνηση (εικ.2.2).
Η εκκριτική λειτουργία συμβάλλει στην προστασία του γαστρεντερικού σωλήνα (με την έκκριση βλέννας), στη ρύθμιση της λειτουργίας του (με την έκκριση ορμονών) και στη διάσπαση των θρεπτικών συστατικών της τροφής (με την έκκριση ενζύμων). Τα τελικά προϊόντα της πέψης απορροφώνται στο λεπτό έντερο.
Οι στιβάδες από τις οποίες αποτελείται το τοίχωμα του γαστρεντερικού σωλήνα από μέσα προς τα έξω είναι (εικ.2.3):
Ο βλεννογόνος χιτώνας
Ο υποβλεννογόνιος χιτώνας
Ο μυϊκός χιτώνας
Ο ορογόνος χιτώνας
μλ03.στοματική_κοιλότητα, στοματική_κοιλότητα_μλ03 (mouth#cptHBody080#):
Η στοματική κοιλότητα συνίσταται από τα χείλη, τις παρειές, τη σκληρή και τη μαλακή υπερώα. Περιέχει τη γλώσσα και τα δόντια (εικ.2.4). Η γλώσσα εκτός από τη συμμετοχή της στη μάσηση και στην κατάποση παίζει επίσης σημαντικό ρόλο στην ομιλία, στην αφή και στη γεύση. Τα βρέφη γεννιούνται χωρίς δόντια. Στον έκτο με έβδομο μήνα αρχίζουν να εκφύονται οι νεογιλοί, που είναι είκοσι και συμπληρώνονται στην ηλικία των δύο ετών. Τα μόνιμα δόντια είναι τριάντα δύο και αντικαθιστούν σταδιακά τους νεογιλούς από το 6ο * 13ο έτος, εκτός από το φρονιμίτη που εκφύεται μετά το 17ο έτος. Τα δόντια παίζουν βασικό ρόλο στη μάσηση της τροφής. Τα πρόσθια τεμαχίζουν την τροφή, ενώ τα οπίσθια την αλέθουν, καθώς οι μύες κινούν την κάτω γνάθο (εικ. 2.5.).
μλ03.σάλιο, σάλιο_μλ03 (saliva#cptHBody117#):
Το σάλιο παράγεται από τρία ζεύγη σιελογόνων αδένων, που διεγείρονται από μηχανικά και χημικά ερεθίσματα. Συνολικά παράγονται 1000 - 1500 ml σάλιου την ημέρα. Ο συνήθης ρυθμός έκκρισής του αυξάνεται από οσφρητικά και γευστικά ερεθίσματα, όπως π.χ. από την όσφρηση ενός φαγητού που μας αρέσει ιδιαίτερα. Το σάλιο περιέχει νερό, πτυαλίνη (ένζυμο που συμβάλλει στην πέψη του αμύλου), λυσοζύμη (ένζυμο που καταστρέφει το βακτηριακό τοίχωμα), βλέννα κ.ά.
Η χλωρίδα του στόματος περιέχει μεγάλο αριθμό παθογόνων μικροοργανισμών, που εύκολα μπορεί να προκαλέσουν βλάβες στους ιστούς (ουλίτιδα) ή στα δόντια (τερηδόνα). Το σάλιο βοηθά στην πρόληψη αυτών των βλαβών με ποικίλους τρόπους όπως με την έκπλυση λόγω της ροής του και με καταστροφή των μικροβίων, γιατί περιέχει λυσοζύμη και ορισμένα αντισώματα.
μλ03.κατάποση, κατάποση_μλ03 (swallowing):
Η μάσηση επιτυγχάνεται με ένα σύνολο συνδυασμένων εκούσιων κινήσεων της κάτω γνάθου, της γλώσσας, των παρειών και των χειλιών. Οι κινήσεις αυτές έχουν ως αποτέλεσμα την κατάτμηση της τροφής και την ανάμειξή της με σάλιο και βλέννα, ώστε να σχηματιστεί ο βλωμός (μπουκιά). Η μεταφορά του βλωμού και των υγρών από το στόμα στο στομάχι ονομάζεται κατάποση και εξελίσσεται σε τρία στάδια (εικ. 2.6). Κατά το πρώτο στάδιο, που γίνεται με τη θέλησή μας, ο βλωμός, με τις κινήσεις κυρίως της γλώσσας, ωθείται στο πίσω μέρος του στόματος και προχωρά στο φάρυγγα. Στα επόμενα δύο στάδια, που είναι ακούσια, ο βλωμός προωθείται μέσω του φάρυγγα και του οισοφάγου στο στομάχι. Κατά τη διέλευση της τροφής από το φάρυγγα προς τον οισοφάγο ο λάρυγγας κινείται προς τα πάνω, εμποδίζοντας την είσοδο της τροφής σ' αυτόν. Δε δημιουργείται έτσι κίνδυνος για την αναπνοή.
μλ03.φάρυγγας (pharynx#cptHBody081#):
μλ03.οισοφάγος (esophagus#cptHBody082#):
μλ03.στομάxι (stomach#cptHBody074#):
μλ03.έντερο (intestine#cptHBody106#):
μλ03.λεπτό_έντερο (small_intestine#cptHBody272#):
Το λεπτό έντερο έχει μικρή διάμετρο (2,5 cm) σε σχέση με το παχύ (6,5 cm). Το μήκος του όμως (6-7 m) είναι πολύ μεγαλύτερο από του παχέος εντέρου (1,5 m) (εικ. 2.8). Τα πρώτα 25 cm. του λεπτού εντέρου αποτελούντο δωδεκαδάκτυλο, το οποίο μέσω ενός κοινού πόρου δέχεται τη χολή από τη χοληδόχο κύστη και παγκρεατικές εκκρίσεις από το πάγκρεας. Σε όλο το μήκος του λεπτού εντέρου, κυρίως όμως στο δωδεκαδάκτυλο, παράγεται βλέννα, η οποία προστατεύει το βλεννογόνο. Το δωδεκαδάκτυλο χρειάζεται μεγαλύτερη προστασία, γιατί είναι εκτεθειμένο στο όξινο υλικό που έρχεται από το στομάχι.
Ειδικά επιθηλιακά κύτταρα παράγουν το εντερικό υγρό, που έχει ουδέτερο pH και δεν περιέχει ένζυμα. Η ημερήσια παραγωγή του είναι περίπου 2 λίτρα, με αποτέλεσμα να δια- τηρείται ρευστό το περιεχόμενο του εντέρου.
Γνωρίζετε ότι:
Οι πτυχές, οι λάχνες και οι μικρολάχνες αυξάνουν την απορροφητική επιφάνεια του εντέρου η οποία φτάνει τα 250m2.
Ο βλεννογόνος του λεπτού εντέρου παρουσιάζει πολυάριθμες πτυχώσεις οι οποίες εμφανίζουν προεκβολές, τις λάχνες. Στην επιφάνεια κάθε λάχνης υπάρχουν επιθηλιακά κύτταρα των οποίων η κυτταρική μεμβράνη εμφανίζει μικροσκοπικές προεκβολές, τις μικρολάχνες. Στην επιφάνειά τους εντοπίζονται τα ένζυμα που ολοκληρώνουν τη διάσπαση των συστατικών του χυμού σε μικρά μόρια, τα οποία απορροφώνται. Η απορροφητική ικανότητα του εντέρου διευκολύνεται και από τις κινήσεις ανάμειξης και προώθησης του χυλού αλλά και από τις κινήσεις των λαχνών.
Στο λεπτό έντερο ολοκληρώνεται η πέψη των πρωτεϊνών, των υδατανθράκων και των λιπών και γίνεται η απορρόφηση των θρεπτικών συστατικών της τροφής.
μλ03.παxύ_έντερο (large_intestine#cptHBody273#):
Στο παχύ έντερο αποθηκεύεται προσωρινά το υλικό που δεν έχει υποστεί πέψη μέχρι να αποβληθεί. Στο διάστημα αυτό γίνεται απορρόφηση νερού, αλάτων και ορισμένων βιταμινών. Η απορρόφηση νερού συμβάλλει στη δημιουργία κοπράνων, τα οποία περιέχουν άπεπτα υπολείμματα των τροφών, χρωστικές της χολής (σ' αυτές οφείλεται το χαρακτηριστικό χρώμα) και βακτήρια. Τα βακτήρια μεταβολίζουν τις άπεπτες ουσίες και παράγουν οξέα και άλλες ενώσεις που προσδίνουν τη χαρακτηριστική οσμή στα κόπρανα.
Το παχύ έντερο εκκρίνει βλέννα που το προστατεύει από τα οξέα αυτά. Ορισμένα από τα βακτήρια που υπάρχουν στο παχύ έντερο, παράγουν και βιταμίνες χρήσιμες στον άνθρωπο. Ιδιαίτερη σημασία έχει η δημιουργία της βιταμίνης Κ, η οποία συμμετέχει στη διαδικασία πήξης του αίματος
μλ03.πρωκτός (anus#cptHBody106.1#):
μλ03.σιελογόνος_αδένας (salivary_gland#cptHBody107#):
μλ03.πάγκρεας (pancreas#cptHBody044#):
Το πάγκρεας είναι ένα επίμηκες όργανο, που βρίσκεται πίσω από το στομάχι (εικ.2.9). Είναι μεικτός αδένας, δηλαδή ενδοκρινής και εξωκρινής. Ως εξωκρινής αδένας παράγει το παγκρεατικό υγρό. Αυτό περιέχει αφ' ενός ένζυμα για τη διάσπαση υδατανθράκων, πρωτεϊνών, λιπών και νουκλεϊνικών οξέων. Το παγκρεατικό υγρό εκβάλλει στο δωδεκαδάκτυλο δια μέσου του παγκρεατικού πόρου. Η έκκρισή του ελέγχεται κυρίως από ορμόνες που παράγονται στο λεπτό έντερο.
μλ03.ήπαρ (liver#cptHBody072#):
Το ήπαρ (εικ.2.9), που είναι ο μεγαλύτερος αδένας του σώματος, βρίσκεται στο πάνω τμήμα της κοιλιακής κοιλότητας, κάτω από το διάφραγμα και έχει πολλές και σημαντικές λειτουργίες (πίνακας 2.1). Όλα τα ηπατικά κύτταρα παράγουν συνεχώς μικρές ποσότητες χολής, η οποία ρέει προς το δωδεκαδάκτυλο ή προς τη χοληδόχο κύστη όπου αποθηκεύεται. Η χολή περιέχει νερό, ανόργανα και χολικά άλατα, χοληστερόλη, λεκιθίνη και χολοχρωστικές, όπως χολερυθρίνη. Με τη σύσπαση της χοληδόχου κύστης, απελευθερώνεται η χολή και προωθείται στο δωδεκαδάκτυλο, όπου, με τη βοήθεια των χολικών αλάτων που περιέχει, γίνεται η γαλακτωματοποίηση των λιπών.
Παραγωγή και έκκριση χολής
Αποθήκευση γλυκόζης με τη μορφή γλυκογόνου
Μεταβολισμός αμινοξέων και λιπαρών οξέων
Σύνθεση λιπαρών οξέων, λιποπρωτεϊνών,
φωσφολιπιδίων, χοληστερόλης,
χολοχρωστικών και ουρίας
Αποθήκευση λιπών
Διάσπαση ουρικού οξέος
Σύνθεση πρωτεϊνών του πλάσματος
Σύνθεση παραγόντων πήξης του αίματος.
Αποθήκευση βιταμινών A, D, Β12, και Κ
Αποθήκευση Fe, Cu, Zn.
Αδρανοποίηση ορμονών
Αποτοξίνωση του οργανισμού,
με την αδρανοποίηση τοξικών ουσιών.
Γνωρίζετε ότι:
Μπορεί να αφαιρεθεί το 80% του ηπατικού ιστού χωρίς να προκληθούν σοβαρές διαταραχές στην υγεία του ατόμου. Το απομένον 20% όχι μόνο είναι επαρκές, αλλά αναγεννά και το υπόλοιπο, ώστε τελικά το ήπαρ να αποκτήσει το αρχικό βάρος του.
μλ03.ίκτερος (jaundice#cptHBody486#):
Η χολερυθρίνη είναι προϊόν διάσπασης της αιμοσφαιρίνης κατεστραμμένων ερυθρών αιμοσφαιρίων. Απορροφάται από τα ηπατικά κύτταρα και στη συνέχεια, ως συστατικό της χολής, συσσωρεύεται στη χοληδόχο κύστη. Σε περιπτώσεις αυξημένης καταστροφής ερυθρών αιμοσφαιρίων (αιμόλυση), απόφραξης των χοληφόρων πόρων ή βλάβης των ηπατικών κυττάρων, η συγκέντρωση της χολερυθρίνης αυξάνεται σημαντικά στο πλάσμα του αίματος. Τότε οι ιστοί του σώματος (δέρμα και εσωτερικά όργανα) αποκτούν χαρακτηριστική κιτρινωπή χροιά και η κατάσταση χαρακτηρίζεται ως ίκτερος. Ανάλογα δε με τα αίτια που τον προκάλεσαν, ονομάζεται, αντίστοιχα, αιμολυτικός, αποφρακτικός ή ηπατοκυτταρικός.
μλ03.υδατάνθρακας (* carbohydrate#cptCore841#):
Κύρια πηγή υδατανθράκων για τον άνθρωπο είναι οι πολυσακχαρίτες άμυλο και γλυκογόνο, οι δισακχαρίτες καλαμοσάκχαρο, μαλτόζη και λακτόζη και οι μονοσακχαρίτες γλυκόζη και φρουκτόζη.
Η διάσπαση του αμύλου αρχίζει στο στόμα με την επίδραση του ενζύμου πτυαλίνη που περιέχεται στο σάλιο, και συνεχίζεται στο ανώτερο τμήμα του λεπτού εντέρου με την επίδραση της παγκρεατικής αμυλάσης. Τελικό προϊόν της διάσπασης των υδατανθράκων είναι οι μονοσακχαρίτες, οι οποίοι απορροφώνται από τα επιθηλιακά κύτταρα του λεπτού εντέρου και από εκεί διοχετεύονται στο αίμα.
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Το 99% των υδατανθράκων που χρησιμοποιούνται από τον οργανισμό παρέχουν ενέργεια για τη σύνθεση του ATP.
Όταν η γλυκόζη μέσω της κυκλοφορίας του αίματος φτάσει σε όλους τους ιστούς του σώματος, εισέρχεται στα κύτταρα δια μέσου της κυτταροπλασματικής μεμβράνης. Εκεί η γλυκόζη διασπάται για την παραγωγή ενέργειας με τη μορφή ATP. Τα μυϊκά κύτταρα, που έχουν αυξημένες ανάγκες σε ενέργεια, αποθηκεύουν γλυκόζη με τη μορφή γλυκογόνου.
Όταν τα αποθέματα των υδατανθράκων του οργανισμού ελαττωθούν και φτάσουν σε επίπεδα κάτω από τα φυσιολογικά, γίνεται σύνθεση γλυκόζης κυρίως από γλυκερόλη, η οποία εξασφαλίζεται από τη διάσπαση των λιπών. Σε περίπτωση δηλαδή έλλειψης υδατανθράκων, τα αποθηκευμένα λίπη, στο λιπώδη ιστό και στο ήπαρ, καλύπτουν τις ενεργειακές ανάγκες του οργανισμού.
μλ03.πρωτεΐνη (protein#cptCore921#):
Οι πρωτεΐνες βρίσκονται κυρίως σε τροφές ζωικής προέλευσης αλλά και σε φυτικές τροφές (όσπρια) και πέπτονται στο στομάχι και στο ανώτερο τμήμα του λεπτού εντέρου. Η πεψίνη στο στομάχι διασπά τις πρωτεΐνες σε μικρότερα πολυπεπτίδια.
Με την επίδραση των παγκρεατικών ενζύμων, (θρυψίνης, χυμοθρυψίνης καρβοξυπεπτιδασών και αμινοπεπτιδασών) συνεχίζεται η πέψη των πρωτεϊνών στο ανώτερο τμήμα του λεπτού εντέρου, οπότε τελικά προκύπτουν διπεπτίδια και λίγα αμινοξέα.
Το τελευταίο στάδιο της πέψης των πρωτεϊνών, δηλαδή η διάσπασή τους σε αμινοξέα, πραγματοποιείται, με τη βοήθεια των πεπτιδασών, στα επιθηλιακά κύτταρα του βλεννογόνου του λεπτού εντέρου. Τα αμινοξέα απορροφώνται από τα επιθηλιακά κύτταρα του λεπτού εντέρου και από εκεί διοχετεύονται στην κυκλοφορία του αίματος.
===
Οι πρωτεΐνες αποτελούν είτε δομικά (π.χ. κολλαγόνο) είτε λειτουργικά συστατικά του κυττάρου (ένζυμα, αντισώματα κ.ά.).
Τα τελικά προϊόντα της πέψης των πρωτεϊνών στο γαστρεντερικό σωλήνα είναι τα αμινοξέα, τα οποία απορροφώνται γρήγορα (μέσα σε 5 έως 10 λεπτά), και μέσω της κυκλοφορίας κατανέμονται σε ολόκληρο τον οργανισμό. Όταν αυτά εισέλθουν στα κύτταρα των διάφορων ιστών, χρησιμοποιούνται στην πρωτεϊνοσύνθεση για το σχηματισμό συγκεκριμένων πρωτεϊνών του κυττάρου. Τα αμινοξέα μπορούν να χρησιμοποιηθούν και για παραγωγή ενέργειας, σε περίπτωση έλλειψης υδατανθράκων και λιπών.
μλ03.λίπος (fat#cptCore580.1#):
Τα λίπη βρίσκονται τόσο σε ζωικές όσο και σε φυτικές τροφές, και μπορεί να είναι ουδέτερα λίπη (τριγλυκερίδια), φωσφολιπίδια και χοληστερόλη.
Η πέψη των λιπών συντελείται κυρίως στο λεπτό έντερο με την επίδραση της παγκρεατικής λιπάσης, αφού έχει προηγηθεί η γαλακωματοποίησή τους από τα χολικά άλατα. Κατά τη γαλακτωματοποίηση προκύπτουν μικρότερου μεγέθους σωματίδια, στην επιφάνεια των οποίων μπορούν να δράσουν τα πεπτικά ένζυμα, τα οποία δεν είναι λιποδιαλυτά. Με τη δράση της λιπάσης τα ουδέτερα λίπη διασπώνται σε μονογλυκερίδια, λιπαρά οξέα και γλυκερόλη.
Κατά την επαφή τους με την επιφάνεια των επιθηλιακών κυττάρων τα λιπαρά οξέα και τα μονογλυκερίδια διαχέονται παθητικά δια μέσου της κυτταρικής μεμβράνης. Μέσα στα επιθηλιακά κύτταρα τα τριγλυκερίδια επανασυντίθενται από μονογλυκερίδια και λιπαρά οξέα και συγκεντρώνονται στο ενδοπλασματικό δίκτυο, όπου μετατρέπονται σε σφαιρίδια που ονομάζονται χυλομικρά. Αυτά απομακρύνονται με τη λέμφο και καταλήγουν σε διάφορους ιστούς, κυρίως στο μυϊκό ή στο λιπώδη ιστό.
μλ03.βιταμίνη (vitamin#cptHBody279#):
Οι βιταμίνες είναι οργανικές ενώσεις που βρίσκονται σε μικρές ποσότητες στις τροφές και δεν μπορούν να παραχθούν από τα κύτταρα του οργανισμού. Δρουν κυρίως ως συνένζυμα συμμετέχοντας σε πολλές μεταβολικές λειτουργίες. Για το λόγο αυτό, η έλλειψή τους προκαλεί μεταβολικές διαταραχές στον οργανισμό (Πίνακας 2.2). Για παράδειγμα, η έλλειψη βιταμίνης Β, μειώνει τη δυνατότητα πρόσληψης γλυκόζης από τα νευρικά κύτταρα και έτσι διαταράσσει τη λειτουργία τους. Η βιταμίνη Κ είναι απαραίτητη για τη σύνθεση παραγόντων πήξης του αίματος. Η βιταμίνη D αυξάνει την απορρόφηση ασβεστίου από το γαστρεντερικό σωλήνα και ελέγχει την εναπόθεσή του στα οστά.
Οι υδατοδιαλυτές βιταμίνες μπορούν να απορροφηθούν με απλή διάχυση, αν η συγκέντρωσή τους είναι υψηλή, αλλά υπάρχουν και ειδικοί μηχανισμοί μεταφοράς τους. Οι λιποδιαλυτές βιταμίνες εισέρχονται στα κύτταρα του επιθηλίου με διάχυση μέσω της κυτταρικής μεμβράνης, ενώνονται με τα χυλομικρά και ακολουθούν την πορεία τους. Οι λιποδιαλυτές βιταμίνες είναι τέσσερις, οι D, Ε, Κ και Α.
Υδατοδιαλυτές βιταμίνες
Βιταμίνες Πηγές Διαταραχές από την έλλειψη τους
Β1
(θειαμίνη)
Γάλα - Κρέας - Ψωμί ολικής αλέσεως
Διαταραχές στη λειτουργία του νευρικού και του κυκλοφορικού συστήματος
Νιασίνη
(νικοτινικό οξύ)
Γάλα - Ψωμί - Πατάτες -
Κρέας - Πράσινα λαχανικά -
Συκώτι
Διαταραχές στο ΚΝΣ, ραγάδες στο δέρμα φλεγμονή του βλεννογόνου του στόματος (πελάγρα)
Β2
(ριβοφλαβίνη)
Γάλα - Κρέας - Πράσινα
λαχανικά - Ψωμί ολικής
αλέσεως
Φλεγμονή του στόματος
Β6
(πυριδοξίνη)
Κρέας
Διαταραχές στο νευρικό σύστημα, αναιμία
Παντοθενικό οξύ
Γάλα - Κρέας
Διαταραχές στο ΚΝΣ, μειωμένη ανάπτυξη
Β12
(κυανοβαλαμίνη)
Συκώτι - Νεφροί - Ψάρια
Αναιμία
Φυλλικό οξύ
Λαχανικά - Δημητριακά -
Ψωμί - Κρέας
Μειωμένη ανάπτυξη, αναιμία
C
(ασκορβικό οξύ)
Εσπεριδοειδή - Πράσινα
λαχανικά - Τομάτες
Αδυναμία επούλωσης τραυμάτων, αναστολή αύξησης οστών, ευθραστότητα των οστών, αιμορραγία στα ούλα (Σκορβούτο)
D (Καλσιφερόλη) Ιχθυέλαια, γάλα, αβγά. Συντίθεται και στο δέρμα με την έκθεση στην ηλιακή ακτινοβολία. Ραχίτιδα
Ε
(Τοκοφερόλη) Κρέας ? Γάλα ? Λαχανικά Αναιμία
Κ Λαχανικά. Συντίθεται επίσης από βακτήρια του παχέος εντέρου Επιβράδυνση της πήξης του αίματος
Α (ρετινόλη)
Πράσινα ? Κίτρινα λαχανικά, Αβγά, ιχθυέλαια Ξηροδερμία, προβλήματα στην όραση.
μλ03.θρεπτικές_ανόργανες_ουσίες
Οι ανόργανες ουσίες παρά το ότι δεν παρέχουν ενέργεια, παίζουν σημαντικό ρόλο σε πολλές από τις λειτουργίες του κυττάρου. Αποτελούν συστατικά του πλάσματος του αίματος, της αιμοσφαιρίνης, των οστών κ.ά. Ανόργανες ουσίες όπως ιόντα ασβεστίου, καλίου, νατρίου, χλωρίου υπάρχουν σε μεγάλες ποσότητες στον οργανισμό. Άλλα στοιχεία όπως ο χαλκός, το κοβάλτιο, το φθόριο και ο ψευδάργυρος βρίσκονται στον οργανισμό σε ελάχιστες ποσότητες και γι' αυτό χαρακτηρίζονται ως ιχνοστοιχεία.
μλ03.πρόσθετα_τροφίμων (food_additive#cptHBody055.3#):
Πρόσθετα τροφίμων
Είναι γνωστή η ύπαρξη των πρόσθετων στα τρόφιμα και κυρίως στα συσκευασμένα. Στις χώρες της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης οι ουσίες που επιτρέπεται να χρησιμοποιούνται ως πρόσθετα χαρακτηρίζονται με το γράμμα Ε και με έναν αριθμό, που είναι συγκεκριμένος για κάθε πρόσθετο. Τα τελευταία χρόνια έχει αυξηθεί το ενδιαφέρον, σχετικά με το πόσο οι ουσίες αυτές αποτελούν κίνδυνο για την υγεία των καταναλωτών. Φυσικά, όλα τα πρόσθετα δεν είναι επικίνδυνα, και χωρίς αυτά πολλά τρόφιμα θα αλλοιώνονταν, με σοβαρές συνέπειες για την υγεία των καταναλωτών. Χωρίς τα πρόσθετα τα τρόφιμα θα έπρεπε να καταναλώνονται πολύ γρήγορα, δε θα μπορούσαν να μεταφερθούν σε μακρινές αποστάσεις.
Δεν θα πρέπει να παραλείψουμε και τη σημασία των συντηρητικών, τα οποία αναστέλλουν την ανάπτυξη των μικροοργανισμών, που σε διαφορετική περίπτωση θα έθεταν σε κίνδυνο την υγεία των καταναλωτών. Οι κυριότερες κατηγορίες πρόσθετων είναι:
οι χρωστικές (Ε100-Ε180), οι οποίες προσδίδουν χρώμα στα τρόφιμα
τα συντηρητικά (Ε200-Ε297), τα οποία αναστέλλουν την ανάπτυξη των μικροοργανισμών,
τα αντιοξειδωτικά (Ε300-Ε321), τα οποία καθυστερούν την οξείδωση των τροφών,
τα βελτιωτικά (Ε322-Ε495), τα οποία συμπεριλαμβάνουν τους ομογενοποιητές και τους σταθεροποιητές, οι οποίοι βελτιώνουν την εμφάνιση των τροφών.
οι αρωματικές και γλυκαντικές ύλες (Ε620-Ε637), οι οποίες προσθέτουν άρωμα και βελτιώνουν τη γεύση.
Γνωρίζετε ότι:
Καταναλώνουμε κατά μέσο όρο 5 kg περίπου πρόσθετα των τροφίμων το χρόνο.
μλ03.μεταβολισμός, μεταβολισμός_μλ03 (metabolism):
Μεταβολισμός είναι το σύνολο των βιοχημικών αντιδράσεων που γίνονται στον οργανισμό. Περιλαμβάνει τον καταβολισμό και τον αναβολισμό.
* μλ03.καταβολισμός, καταβολισμός_μλ03 ():
Με τον καταβολισμό διασπώνται οργανικά μόρια και απελευθερώνεται ενέργεια, η οποία χρησιμοποιείται για τη σύνθεση ΑΤΡ.
* μλ03.αναβολισμός, αναβολισμός_μλ03 ():
Με τον αναβολισμό έχουμε σύνθεση οργανικών μορίων από άλλα απλούστερα, με κατανάλωση ενέργειας, που παρέχεται από τη διάσπαση του ΑΤΡ.
Για να διεξαχθούν οι αντιδράσεις του μεταβολισμού, χρειάζονται θρεπτικές ουσίες όπως οι υδατάνθρακες, τα λίπη, το νερό, οι βιταμίνες και ιόντα. Το οξυγόνο το οποίο είναι απαραίτητο για τις αντιδράσεις του μεταβολισμού (οξειδώσεις), προσλαμβάνεται από τον ατμοσφαιρικό αέρα που φτάνει στους πνεύμονες. Οι θρεπτικές ουσίες και το οξυγόνο μεταφέρονται με την κυκλοφορία του αίματος σε όλους τους ιστούς.
Το κύτταρο είναι το βιοχημικό εργαστήριο όπου γίνονται όλες οι μεταβολικές διεργασίες. Οι ενεργειακές ανάγκες των κυττάρων ποικίλλουν ανάλογα με τις λειτουργίες που αυτά επιτελούν και εξασφαλίζονται με τον καταβολισμό. Η σύνθεση νέων πολύπλοκων οργανικών μορίων όπως τα ένζυμα, και οι δομικές πρωτεΐνες εξασφαλίζεται με τον αναβολισμό.
μλ03.γλυκόζη (glucose):
Γνωρίζετε ότι:
Η γλυκόζη είναι η μόνη ουσία από την οποία ο εγκέφαλος αντλεί την απαιτούμενη γι' αυτόν ενέργεια. Γι' αυτό σε περιπτώσεις υπογλυκαιμίας (συγκέντρωση γλυκόζης στο αίμα μικρότερη από 70 mg/100 ml) ελαττώνεται η δραστηριότητα του εγκεφάλου με αποτέλεσμα λιποθυμικές καταστάσεις ή ακόμα και θάνατο.
μλ03.παxυσαρκία (obesity#cptHBody199#):
Όταν ένα άτομο προσλαμβάνει μέσω της τροφής του μεγαλύτερη ποσότητα ενέργειας απ' όση καταναλώνει, το βάρος του αυξάνεται. Αυτό οφείλεται στην αποθήκευση λίπους στα λιποκύτταρα. Επειδή η μυϊκή δραστηριότητα είναι ο κυριότερος τρόπος για την κατανάλωση ενέργειας, σε πολλές περιπτώσεις η παχυσαρκία μπορεί να είναι αποτέλεσμα της δυσανάλογης σχέσης μεταξύ της προσλαμβανόμενης τροφής και της καθημερινής σωματικής δραστηριότητας.
Η παχυσαρκία μπορεί να οφείλεται και σε ψυχογενείς ή άλλους παράγοντες που επηρεάζουν την πρόσληψη της τροφής και το μεταβολισμό. Γενετικοί παράγοντες επίσης μπορεί να επηρεάσουν την εμφάνιση παχυσαρκίας με διάφορους τρόπους. Σημαντικό ρόλο φαίνεται να παίζει και ο υπερσιτισμός κατά την παιδική ηλικία.
Σήμερα η παχυσαρκία αντιμετωπίζεται ως μια σοβαρή κατάσταση, διότι οι επιπτώσεις της δεν αφορούν μόνο την υγεία αλλά και άλλους τομείς όπως την εμφάνιση, και την ατομική και κοινωνική ευεξία.
μλ03.λιποκύτταρο (adipocyte#cptHBody063.1#):
Λιποκύτταρα
Από δεδομένα ερευνών υπάρχουν ενδείξεις ότι το βάρος κάθε ανθρώπου είναι γενετικά καθορισμένο, και εξαρτάται από τον αριθμό των λιποκυττάρων του, καθώς και από την ποσότητα του λίπους που είναι αποθηκευμένη μέσα σ' αυτά. Από τη στιγμή που τα λιποκύτταρα ενός ατόμου σχηματιστούν, ο αριθμός τους δε μειώνεται και το μόνο που μπορεί προσωρινά να αλλάξει είναι το μέγεθος τους. Τα λιποκύτταρα φαίνεται σαν να «επιδιώκουν» να διατηρούν το μέγεθος τους και να επανέρχονται σ' αυτό πολύ γρήγορα μετά από κάθε δίαιτα.
Έρευνες έχουν δείξει ότι οι επαναλαμβανόμενες δίαιτες κάνουν όλο και πιο δύσκολη την απώλεια βάρους. Παράγοντες που βελτιώνουν την κατάσταση αυτή είναι η μείωση του συνολικού αριθμού θερμίδων (ειδικά από λιπαρές τροφές και υδατάνθρακες) σε συνδυασμό με την αύξηση της σωματικής άσκησης. Η τελευταία φαίνεται να επηρεάζει σημαντικά το μεταβολικό ρυθμό, με αποτέλεσμα ο οργανισμός να καταναλώνει περισσότερες θερμίδες όχι μόνο κατά τη διάρκεια της άσκησης αλλά και τις υπόλοιπες ώρες. Τελικά, η καθημερινή άσκηση μπορεί να συμβάλλει στον έλεγχο της όρεξης και στη διατήρηση του βάρους σε κανονικά επίπεδα.
name::
* McsElln.μλ03.κ3.ΚΥΚΛΟΦΟΡΙΚΟ-ΣΥΣΤΗΜΑ μλ03.σ49,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL-A105/321/2155,7806//
μλ03.κυκλοφορικό_σύστημα (circulatory_system#cptHBody005#):
Η μεταφορά των θρεπτικών ουσιών στα κύτταρα των ιστών και η απομάκρυνση από αυτά των αχρήστων γίνεται από το κυκλοφορικό σύστημα, το οποίο αποτελείται από την καρδιά, τα αιμοφόρα αγγεία και το αίμα που κυκλοφορεί μέσα σ' αυτά.
Στενά συνδεδεμένο με το κυκλοφορικό σύστημα είναι και το λεμφικό σύστημα, στο οποίο κυκλοφορεί η λέμφος.
name::
* McsElln.μλ03.κ4.ΛΕΜΦΙΚΟ-ΣΥΣΤΗΜΑ μλ3.σ77,
name::
* McsElln.μλ03.κ5.ΑΝΑΠΝΟΗ,
name::
* McsElln.μλ03.κ6.ΑΠΕΚΚΡΙΣΗ-ΚΑΙ-ΩΣΜΟΡΡΥΘΜΙΣΗ,
name::
* McsElln.μλ03.κ7.ΕΡΕΙΣΤΙΚΟ-ΣΥΣΤΗΜΑ,
name::
* McsElln.μλ03.κ8.ΜΥΪΚΟ-ΣΥΣΤΗΜΑ,
name::
* McsElln.μλ03.κ9.ΝΕΥΡΙΚΟ-ΣΥΣΤΗΜΑ,
name::
* McsElln.μλ03.κ10.ΑΙΣΘΗΤΗΡΙΑ-ΟΡΓΑΝΑ-ΑΙΣΘΗΣΕΙΣ,
name::
* McsElln.μλ03.κ11.ΕΝΔΟΚΡΙΝΕΙΣ-ΑΔΕΝΕΣ,
name::
* McsElln.μλ03.κ12.ΑΝΑΠΑΡΑΓΩΓΗ-ΑΝΑΠΤΥΞΗ μλ03.σ221,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL-A105/321/2155,7815//
μλ03.αναπαραγωγή, αναπαραγωγή:
Η αναπαραγωγή είναι μία χαρακτηριστική λειτουργία, η μόνη που δεν είναι απαραίτητη για την επιβίωση του ίδιου του οργανισμού αλλά για τη διαιώνιση του είδους. Η αναπαραγωγή στον άνθρωπο προϋποθέτει την ύπαρξη δύο φύλων. Το αναπαραγωγικό σύστημα κάθε φύλου έχει ιδιαίτερα ανατομικά και λειτουργικά χαρακτηριστικά.
[μλ03.σ221]
Παραθέματα
Λεξιλόγιο
Πηγές φωτογραφιών
Βιβλιογραφία
Ευρετήριο
name::
* McsElln.μλ03.ΛΕΞΙΛΟΓΙΟ,
μλ03.Αγγειώδες_σπείραμα, Αγγειώδες_σπείραμα_μλ03: Άθροισμα τριχοειδών σε ένα νεφρώνα, το οποίο περιβάλλεται από το έλυτρο του Bowman, όπου διεξάγεται η διήθηση του αίματος υπό πίεση.
μλ03.Αδαμαντίνη, Αδαμαντίνη_μλ03: Συστατικό, που καλύπτει τη μύλη των δοντιών. Η σκληρότερη ουσία τουανθρώπινου σώματος.
μλ03.Αδένας, Αδένας_μλ03: Ομάδα επιθηλιακών κυττάρων, που είναι εξειδικευμένα στην έκκριση μίαςουσίας.
μλ03.Αθροιστικό_σωληνάριο, Αθροιστικό_σωληνάριο_μλ03: Σωλήνας, που συλλέγει τα ούρα πολλών νεφρώνων για απέκκριση.
μλ03.Αιδοίο, Αιδοίο_μλ03: Το εξωτερικό γεννητικό όργανο της γυναίκας.
μλ03.Αιμοπετάλια, Αιμοπετάλια_μλ03: Κύτταρα του αίματος, απαραίτητα για τη διαδικασίας της πήξης του.
μλ03.Αιμοσφαιρίνη, Αιμοσφαιρίνη_μλ03: Πρωτεΐνη των ερυθροκυττάρων, που περιέχει σίδηρο και είναι εξειδικευμένηστη μεταφορά των αναπνευστικών αερίων.
μλ03.Αισθητήρια_όργανα, Αισθητήρια_όργανα_μλ03: Όργανα εξειδικευμένα για την υποδοχή συγκεκριμένων ερεθισμάτων.
μλ03.Αισθητική_οδός, Αισθητική_οδός_μλ03: Η διαδρομή που ακολουθούν οι νευρικές ώσεις από τους αισθητικούςυποδοχείς της περιφέρειας προς το ΚΝΣ.
μλ03.Αισθητικοί_υποδοxείς, Αισθητικοί_υποδοxείς_μλ03: Νευρικά κύτταρα, τα οποία απαντούν στις μεταβολές του περιβάλλοντοςμε αλλαγές στο δυναμικό της μεμβράνης τους.
μλ03.Ακτίνη, Ακτίνη_μλ03: Πρωτεΐνη, που έχει τη μορφή λεπτών νηματίων και συναντάται κυρίωςστα μυϊκά κύτταρα.
μλ03.Αλλαντοϊκή_μεμβράνη, Αλλαντοϊκή_μεμβράνη_μλ03: Εξωεμβρυϊκή μεμβράνη, από την οποία σχηματίζονται τα αγγεία τουομφάλιου λώρου.
μλ03.Αμνιακός_σάκος, Αμνιακός_σάκος_μλ03: Εξωεμβρυϊκή μεμβράνη, η οποία περιβάλλει και προστατεύει το έμβρυο. Μεταξύ της μεμβράνης αυτής και του εμβρύου υπάρχει το αμνιακό υγρό.
μλ03.Αμνιοπαρακέντηση, Αμνιοπαρακέντηση_μλ03: Η λήψη μικρής ποσότητας αμνιακού υγρού για χρωμοσωμικό και βιοχημικόέλεγχο του εμβρύου.
μλ03.Αμυλάση, Αμυλάση_μλ03: Ένζυμο του σάλιου, που διασπά το άμυλο και το γλυκογόνο σε δισακχαρίτες
μλ03.Αμφιβληστροειδής_xιτώνας, Αμφιβληστροειδής_xιτώνας_μλ03: Φωτοευαίσθητος χιτώνας, που επενδύει το εσωτερικό του οφθαλμικούβολβού. Περιέχει νευρικά κύτταρα με απολήξεις, ραβδία και κωνία, πουπεριέχουν φωτοευαίσθητες χρωστικές.
μλ03.Ανερέθιστη_περίοδος, Ανερέθιστη_περίοδος_μλ03: Το χρονικό διάστημα μετά τη διέγερση, κατά το οποίο ένας νευρώναςδεν απαντά σε νέο ερέθισμα.
μλ03.Ανταγωνιστής_μυς, Ανταγωνιστής_μυς_μλ03: Ο μυς που συνεργάζεται με τον κύριο μυ προκειμένου να γίνει μια συγκεκριμένη κίνηση.
μλ03.Αντανακλαστικό, Αντανακλαστικό_μλ03: Στερεότυπη, άμεση απάντηση του οργανισμού σε συγκεκριμένα ερεθίσματα.
μλ03.Αντανακλαστικό_τόξο, Αντανακλαστικό_τόξο_μλ03: Νευρική οδός, που περιλαμβάνει αισθητικό, ενδιάμεσο και κινητικό νευρώνα. Αποτελεί τη δομική και λειτουργική μονάδα του αντανακλαστικού.
μλ03.Αντιδιουριτική_ορμόνη, Αντιδιουριτική_ορμόνη_μλ03: Ορμόνη, που εκκρίνεται από την υπόφυση και ρυθμίζει την ποσότητα του νερού που επαναρροφάται από τους νεφρούς.
μλ03.Αντλία_NaK, ΑντλίαNaK_μλ03 Na+_/K+: Μηχανισμός ενεργητικής μεταφοράς στη μεμβράνη του νευρώνα, μέσωτου οποίου μεταφέρεται Na+ στο εξωτερικό και Κ+ στο εσωτερικό τουκυττάρου, σε αναλογία 3 ιόντα νατρίου για κάθε 2 ιόντα καλίου.
μλ03.Αορτή, Αορτή_μλ03: Η μεγαλύτερη αρτηρία της μεγάλης κυκλοφορίας του αίματος
μλ03.Απέκκριση, Απέκκριση_μλ03: Η αποβολή των παραπροϊόντων του μεταβολισμού από τον οργανισμό.
μλ03.Απλή, Απλή_μλ03 μυϊκή_συστολή: Η συστολή της μυϊκής ίνας με την επίδραση ενός απλού ερεθίσματος.
μλ03.Άρθρωση, Άρθρωση_μλ03: Σύνδεση δύο ή περισσότερων οστών με τη συμμετοχή ενός μαλακότερου ιστού
μλ03.Αρτηρίδια, Αρτηρίδια_μλ03: Αγγεία, που μεταφέρουν το αίμα από τις αρτηρίες στα τριχοειδή.
μλ03.Αρτηρίες, Αρτηρίες_μλ03: Αγγεία, που μεταφέρουν το αίμα από την καρδιά στα αρτηρίδια και χαρακτηρίζονται από παχιά και ελαστικά τοιχώματα, πλούσια σε μυϊκό ιστό.
μλ03.Αυλάκωση, Αυλάκωση_μλ03: Οι κυτταρικές διαιρέσεις του γονιμοποιημένου ωαρίου. Οι διαιρέσεις αυτές δεν ακολουθούνται από αύξηση του κυπαροπλάσματος και γι' αυτότο άθροισμα των κυττάρων που προκύπτει (μορίδιο) έχει το ίδιο σχεδόνμέγεθος με το γονιμοποιημένο ωάριο.
μλ03.Αυτόνομο, Αυτόνομο_μλ03 Νευρικό_Σύστημα: Το τμήμα του ΝΣ που ελέγχει τους λείους μυς, την καρδιά και τους αδένες. Αποτελείται από το παρασυμπαθητικό και το συμπαθητικό νευρικό σύστημα
μλ03.Βαλβίδες, Βαλβίδες_μλ03: Μεμβρανώδεις σχηματισμοί των τοιχωμάτων των φλεβών ή της καρδιάς,που επιτρέπουν τη μονόδρομη ροή του αίματος.
μλ03.Βιταμίνες, Βιταμίνες_μλ03: Απαραίτητες οργανικές ενώσεις, που συνήθως είναι τμήματα συνενζύμων. Ο οργανισμός τις προμηθεύεται κυρίως από την τροφή του.
μλ03.Βλαστίδιο, Βλαστίδιο_μλ03: Πρώιμο στάδιο εμβρυϊκής ανάπτυξης. Συνίσταται από μία κοίλη σφαίρακυττάρων.
μλ03.Βλέννα, Βλέννα_μλ03: Παχύρρευστο έκκριμα γλυκοπρωτεϊνικής φύσης, που εκκρίνεται από ειδικά κύτταρα.
μλ03.Βλεννογόνος, Βλεννογόνος_μλ03: Χιτώνας, που επενδύει εσωτερικές κοιλότητες του οργανισμού. Αποτελείται κυρίως από επιθηλιακά κύτταρα, που εκκρίνουν βλέννα.
μλ03.Βολβουρηθραίοι_αδένες, Βολβουρηθραίοι_αδένες_μλ03: Μικροί αδένες σχήματος μπιζελιού, που βρίσκονται κάτω από τονπροστάτη.
μλ03.Βρόγxος, Βρόγxος_μλ03: Ένας από τους δύο κλάδους της τραχείας, που οδηγεί στους πνεύμονες. Διαιρείται συνεχώς σε μικρότερες διακλαδώσεις σχηματίζοντας τοβρογχιακό δέντρο.
μλ03.Γάγγλια, Γάγγλια_μλ03: Μικρές μάζες νευρικού ιστού, που αποτελούνται κυρίως από σώματανευρικών κυττάρων. Βρίσκονται στο ΠΝΣ.
μλ03.Γαλακτωματοποίηση, Γαλακτωματοποίηση_μλ03: Επεξεργασία, που γίνεται στα λίπη με την επίδραση της χολής και επιτρέπει στην υδατοδιαλυτή παγκρεατική λιπάση να τα διασπάσει.
μλ03.Γαστέρα, Γαστέρα_μλ03: Το κεντρικό τμήμα ενός μακρού σκελετικού μυός.
μλ03.Γαστρικό_υγρό, Γαστρικό_υγρό_μλ03: Υγρό, που εκκρίνεται από τους γαστρικούς αδένες του στομάχου και περιέχει ένζυμα, υδροχλωρικό οξύ και τον ενδογενή παράγοντα.
μλ03.Γήρανση, Γήρανση_μλ03: Προοδευτικές αλλαγές, που οδηγούν σε μείωση των φυσιολογικώνλειτουργιών του οργανισμού και τελικά στο θάνατο.
μλ03.Γλωττίδα, Γλωττίδα_μλ03: Το άνοιγμα του λάρυγγα κάτω από την επιγλωττίδα.
μλ03.Διάρθρωση, Διάρθρωση_μλ03: Σύνδεση οστών, που επιτρέπει σχετικά μεγάλη κινητικότητα.
μλ03.Διαφοροποίηση, Διαφοροποίηση_μλ03: Η πορεία κατά την οποία ένα κύτταρο γίνεται εξειδικευμένο, ώστε να επιτελεί μία συγκεκριμένη λειτουργία.
μλ03.Διάφραγμα, Διάφραγμα_μλ03: Πλατύς μυς σε σχήμα θόλου, ο οποίος διαχωρίζει τη θωρακική από τηνκοιλιακή κοιλότητα. Συμμετέχει στην αναπνοή.
μλ03.Δυναμικό_ενεργείας, Δυναμικό_ενεργείας_μλ03: Οι αλλαγές (αναστροφή και επαναφορά του δυναμικού ηρεμίας) που παρατηρούνται στο δυναμικό ηρεμίας του νευρικού κυττάρου μετά την επίδραση ερεθίσματος που έχει τιμή μεγαλύτερη από μία οριακή.
μλ03.Δυναμικό_ηρεμίας, Δυναμικό_ηρεμίας_μλ03: Το δυναμικό της μεμβράνης του νευρικού κυττάρου όταν αυτό δε μεταφέρει νευρικές ώσεις. Οφείλεται στην ανισοκατανομή των φορτίων στις δύο πλευρές της μεμβράνης, και είναι περίπου -70 mV
μλ03.Εγκεφαλικά_νεύρα, Εγκεφαλικά_νεύρα_μλ03: Τα δώδεκα ζεύγη νεύρων που εκφύονται από τον εγκέφαλο.
μλ03.Εγκεφαλονωτιαίο_υγρό, Εγκεφαλονωτιαίο_υγρό_μλ03: Υγρό, που βρίσκεται στις κοιλίες του εγκεφάλου, στον υπαραχνοειδήχώρο και στο σπονδυλικό σωλήνα. Παράγεται συνεχώς από κύτταρα στιςκοιλίες του εγκεφάλου.
μλ03.Εκτελεστικά_όργανα, Εκτελεστικά_όργανα_μλ03: Οι αδένες και οι μύες στους οποίους φτάνουν οι εντολές από το ΚΝΣ, καιμέσω των οποίων ο οργανισμός απαντά στις αλλαγές του περιβάλλοντος
μλ03.Έκφυση, Έκφυση_μλ03: Το άκρο του μυός που προσφύεται στο οστό που δεν κινείται.
μλ03.Έλυτρο, Έλυτρο_μλ03 του_Bowman: Μία κοιλότητα με διπλό τοίχωμα, στην αρχή του νεφρώνα, γύρω από τοαγγειώδες σπείραμα.
μλ03.Έμμορφα_συστατικά, Έμμορφα_συστατικά_μλ03: Τα κύτταρα του αίματος (ερυθροκύτταρα, λευκοκύτταρα και αιμοπετάλια).
μλ03.Εμφύτευση, Εμφύτευση_μλ03: Η προσκόλληση του εμβρύου στο ενδομήτριο με τη βοήθεια προεκβολώντου τροφοβλάστη.
μλ03.Ενδομήτριο, Ενδομήτριο_μλ03: Ο βλεννογόνος χιτώνας που περιβάλλει εσωτερικά τη μήτρα και που υφίσταται τις διάφορες μεταβολές κατά τον ενδομήτριο κύκλο.
μλ03.Ενδομήτριος_κύκλος, Ενδομήτριος_κύκλος_μλ03: Οι περιοδικές αλλαγές που συμβαίνουν στο ενδομήτριο.
μλ03.Ενδομύιο, Ενδομύιο_μλ03: Ινίδια κολλαγόνου, που περιβάλλουν τις σκελετικές μυϊκές ίνες.
μλ03.Εξοικείωση_υποδοxέα, Εξοικείωση_υποδοxέα_μλ03: Η εξασθένιση και τελικά η εξάλειψη του δημιουργούμενου αισθήματος,όταν στον υποδοχέα επιδρά συνεχώς το ίδιο ερέθισμα.
μλ03.Εξωεμβρυϊκές_μεμβράνες, Εξωεμβρυϊκές_μεμβράνες_μλ03: Μεμβράνες, που δεν είναι μέρος του εμβρύου, αλλά είναι απαραίτητεςγια την ανάπτυξη του.
μλ03.Επιδιδυμίδα, Επιδιδυμίδα_μλ03: Σφιχτά περιελιγμένος σωλήνας στο πίσω μέρος κάθε όρχεως, μέσα στονοποίο ωριμάζουν και αποθηκεύονται προσωρινά τα σπερματοζωάρια.
μλ03.Επιθηλιακός_ιστός, Επιθηλιακός_ιστός_μλ03: Είδος ιστού, ο οποίος επενδύει εσωτερικά κοιλότητες και καλύπτει την εξωτερική επιφάνεια του σώματος.
μλ03.Επιμύιο, Επιμύιο_μλ03: Συνδετικός ιστός, που περιβάλλει ολόκληρο το μυ.
μλ03.Ερέθισμα, Ερέθισμα_μλ03: Αλλαγή στο εξωτερικό ή εσωτερικό περιβάλλον του οργανισμού, πουπροκαλεί την αντίδρασή του.
μλ03.Ερειστικός_ιστός, Ερειστικός_ιστός_μλ03: Τύπος ιστού, του οποίου τα κύτταρα βρίσκονται μέσα σε μεσοκυττάρια ουσία
μλ03.Ερυθρός, Ερυθρός_μλ03 μυελός των_οστών: Ιστός, που παράγει τα κύτταρα του αίματος και, στους ενήλικες, βρίσκεται στις μυελοκυψέλες της σπογγώδους ουσίας των οστών.
μλ03.Εφηβεία, Εφηβεία_μλ03: Στάδιο ανάπτυξης, κατά το οποίο το αναπαραγωγικό σύστημα γίνεταιλειτουργικό.
μλ03.Ζυγωτό, Ζυγωτό_μλ03: Το διπλοειδές κύτταρο, το οποίο προέρχεται από τη σύντηξη των δύο γαμετικών κυττάρων.
μλ03.Ήπαρ, Ήπαρ_μλ03: Ο μεγαλύτερος αδένας του σώματος που είναι προσαρτημένος στο γαστρεντερικό σωλήνα. Παράγει χολή, συνθέτει τις περισσότερες από τιςπρωτεΐνες του πλάσματος, συμβάλλει στην αποτοξίνωση του οργανισμού, παίρνει μέρος στο μεταβολισμό και αποθηκεύει γλυκογόνο.
μλ03.Θάλαμος, Θάλαμος_μλ03: Μάζες φαιάς ουσίας στο διάμεσο εγκέφαλο του στελέχους, από όπουπερνάνε οι αισθητικές νευρικές οδοί.
μλ03.Θρομβίνη, Θρομβίνη_μλ03: Ένζυμο, που μετατρέπει το ινωδογόνο σε ινώδες κατά τη διαδικασία τηςπήξης του αίματος.
μλ03.Ινωδογόνο, Ινωδογόνο_μλ03: Πρωτεΐνη του πλάσματος, που μετατρέπεται σε ινώδες κατά τη διαδικασία πήξης του αίματος.
μλ03.Ίριδα, Ίριδα_μλ03: Έγχρωμος δίσκος μπροστά από τον κρυσταλλοειδή φακό. Περιέχει λείεςμυϊκές ίνες, που ρυθμίζουν αντανακλαστικά τη διάμετρο της κόρης τουοφθαλμού.
μλ03.Ισομετρική_συστολή, Ισομετρική_συστολή_μλ03: Είδος μυϊκής συστολής, κατά την οποία ο μυς δε βραχύνεται
μλ03.Ισοτονική_συστολή, Ισοτονική_συστολή_μλ03: Είδος μυϊκής συστολής, κατά την οποία ο μυς βραχύνεται και παράγειέργο.
μλ03.Καρδιακός, Καρδιακός_μλ03 μυϊκός_ιστός: Είδος μυϊκού ιστού, του οποίου οι ίνες εμφανίζουν γραμμώσεις. Η συστολή των ινών του γίνεται χωρίς τη θέληση μας.
μλ03.Κατάποση, Κατάποση_μλ03: Η μεταφορά του βλωμού (μπουκιάς) και των υγρών από το στόμα στοστομάχι
μλ03.Κατάφυση, Κατάφυση_μλ03: Το άκρο του μυός που προσφύεται στο οστό που κινείται.
μλ03.Κέντρο_Broca, Κέντρο_Broca_μλ03: Το κέντρο λόγου, το οποίο βρίσκεται στο πρόσθιο τμήμα του μετωπιαίουλοβού.
μλ03.Κερατοειδής, Κερατοειδής_μλ03: Το πρόσθιο διαφανές τμήμα του σκληρού χιτώνα του οφθαλμικούβολβού. Αποτελείται από στρώματα κολλαγόνου και στερείται αιμοφόρων αγγείων. Παίζει σημαντικό ρόλο στη διάθλαση των ακτίνων του φωτός.
μλ03.Κινητική_μονάδα, Κινητική_μονάδα_μλ03: Ο κινητικός νευρώνας και το σύνολο των μυϊκών ινών τις οποίες αυτόςνευρώνει.
μλ03.Κινητική_οδός, Κινητική_οδός_μλ03: Η διαδρομή που ακολουθούν οι νευρικές ώσεις από το ΚΝΣ προς τα εκτελεστικά όργανα
μλ03.Κοίλη_φλέβα, Κοίλη_φλέβα_μλ03: Φλέβα της μεγάλης κυκλοφορίας, που επαναφέρει το αίμα στο δεξιό κόλπο της καρδιάς. Υπάρχει η άνω και η κάτω κοίλη φλέβα.
μλ03.Κοιλίες, Κοιλίες_μλ03 της_καρδιάς: Κοιλότητες στο κατώτερο τμήμα της καρδιάς, δεξιά και αριστερή.
μλ03.Κοιλίες, Κοιλίες_μλ03 του_εγκεφάλου: Τέσσερις κοιλότητες στα ημισφαίρια και στο στέλεχος του εγκεφάλου (δύο πλευρικές στα ημισφαίρια, μία εγκάρσια κάτω από το μεσολόβιο καιμία στο στέλεχος), που επικοινωνούν μεταξύ τους και με τον κεντρικόσωλήνα του νωτιαίου μυελού. Είναι γεμάτες με εγκεφαλονωτιαίο υγρό.
μλ03.Κοκκιώδη_λευκοκύτταρα, Κοκκιώδη_λευκοκύτταρα_μλ03: Λευκοκύτταρα, που περιέχουν κοκκία στο κυτταρόπλασμά τους.
μλ03.Κόλποι, Κόλποι_μλ03: Κοιλότητες στο ανώτερο τμήμα της καρδιάς, πάνω από τη δεξιά και τηναριστερή κοιλία.
μλ03.Κοxλίας, Κοxλίας_μλ03: Τμήμα του εσωτερικού αυτιού, στο οποίο βρίσκεται το υποδεκτικό όργανο της ακοής (όργανο του Corti).
μλ03.Κρυσταλλοειδής_φακός, Κρυσταλλοειδής_φακός_μλ03: Αμφίκυρτος ελαστικός φακός, που χρησιμεύει στη δημιουργία του ειδώλου πάνω στον αμφιβληστροειδή.
μλ03.Κύριος_μυς, Κύριος_μυς_μλ03: Ο μυς ο οποίος συστέλλεται, για να γίνει μία συγκεκριμένη κίνηση.
μλ03.Κυψελίδα, Κυψελίδα_μλ03: Κηρώδης ουσία, που παράγεται από κύτταρα του τοιχώματος του ακουστικού πόρου.
μλ03.Κωνία, Κωνία_μλ03: Φωτοϋποδοχείς του αμφιβληστροειδούς, που παρέχουν τη δυνατότηταέγχρωμης όρασης σε συνθήκες επαρκούς φωτισμού.
μλ03.Λάρυγγας, Λάρυγγας_μλ03: Όργανο από χόνδρο, που βρίσκεται μεταξύ του φάρυγγα και της τραχείας. Περιέχει τις φωνητικές χορδές.
μλ03.Λάxνες, Λάxνες_μλ03: Προεκβολές του βλεννογόνου του λεπτού εντέρου, που αυξάνουν τηναπορροφητική επιφάνεια του.
μλ03.Λείος, Λείος_μλ03 μυϊκός_ιστός: Μυϊκός ιστός, του οποίου οι ίνες δεν εμφανίζουν γραμμώσεις. Η συστολήτων ινών του γίνεται χωρίς τη θέληση μας.
μλ03.Λεκιθικός_σάκος, Λεκιθικός_σάκος_μλ03: Εξωεμβρυϊκή μεμβράνη, η οποία χρησιμεύει για την παραγωγή κυττάρωντου αίματος κατά τα πρώτα στάδια της εμβρυογένεσης.
μλ03.Λεμφικό_σύστημα, Λεμφικό_σύστημα_μλ03: Μονόδρομο σύστημα αγγείων, που παραλαμβάνει το υγρό των ιστών, (μεσοκυττάριο υγρό), το φιλτράρει και το μεταφέρει στις φλέβες.
μλ03.Λέμφος, Λέμφος_μλ03: Υγρό, που έχει την ίδια σύσταση με το υγρό των ιστών (μεσοκυττάριο υγρό), και μεταφέρεται με τα λεμφαγγεία.
μλ03.Λευκή_ουσία, Λευκή_ουσία_μλ03: Περιοχές στον εγκέφαλο και στο νωτιαίο μυελό, που αποτελούνται κυρίως από νευράξονες με έλυτρο μυελίνης.
μλ03.Λιπάση, Λιπάση_μλ03: Παγκρεατικό ένζυμο, που διασπά τα τριγλυκερίδια (λίπη) στο λεπτό έντερο.
μλ03.Μεγάλη_κυκλοφορία, Μεγάλη_κυκλοφορία_μλ03: Το τμήμα του κυκλοφορικού συστήματος που τροφοδοτεί όλα τα σημείατου σώματος με οξυγονωμένο αίμα.
μλ03.Μεταβολισμός, Μεταβολισμός_μλ03: Το σύνολο των βιοχημικών αντιδράσεων που γίνονται στον οργανισμό. Περιλαμβάνει τον αναβολισμό και τον καταβολισμό.
μλ03.Μήνιγγες, Μήνιγγες_μλ03: Τρεις μεμβράνες, που περιβάλλουν τον εγκέφαλο και το νωτιαίο μυελό: ηχοριοειδής (εσωτερικά), η αραχνοειδής και η σκληρή (εξωτερικά). Ανάμεσα στη χοριοειδή και στην αραχνοειδή δημιουργείται ο υπαραχνοειδήςχώρος, στον οποίο κυκλοφορεί το εγκεφαλονωτιαίο υγρό.
μλ03.Μήτρα, Μήτρα_μλ03: Το εσωτερικό γεννητικό όργανο στις γυναίκες, μέσα στο οποίο αναπτύσσεται το έμβρυο.
μλ03.Μικρολάxνες, Μικρολάxνες_μλ03: Μικροσκοπικές προεκβολές της κυτταρικής μεμβράνης των επιθηλιακώνκυττάρων, τα οποία βρίσκονται στις λάχνες.
μλ03.Μνήμη, Μνήμη_μλ03: Η ικανότητα αποθήκευσης και ανάκλησης πληροφοριών και αισθήσεων. Διακρίνεται σε βραχυπρόθεσμη και μακροπρόθεσμη.
μλ03.Μορίδιο, Μορίδιο_μλ03: Ένα σφαιρικό συσσωμάτωμα κυττάρων, που προέρχεται από το ζυγωτόμε μιτωτικές διαιρέσεις.
μλ03.Μυϊκή_δέσμη, Μυϊκή_δέσμη_μλ03: Σύνολο μυϊκών ινών σε παράλληλη διάταξη.
μλ03.Μυϊκή_ίνα, Μυϊκή_ίνα_μλ03: Κύτταρο του μυϊκού ιστού, που χαρακτηρίζεται από την ικανότητα για συστολή.
μλ03.Μυϊκό_σύστημα, Μυϊκό_σύστημα_μλ03: Το σύνολο των μυών του σώματος
μλ03.Μυϊκός_κάματος, Μυϊκός_κάματος_μλ03: Μερική ή ολική ανικανότητα του μυός για συστολή.
μλ03.Μυϊκός_τόνος, Μυϊκός_τόνος_μλ03: Συνεχής, μικρής έντασης, τετανική ισομετρική συστολή των μυών.
μλ03.Μυογράφημα, Μυογράφημα_μλ03: Η γραφική παράσταση της μυϊκής συστολής.
μλ03.Μυοσίνη, Μυοσίνη_μλ03: Πρωτεΐνη των μυϊκών κυττάρων, που έχει τη μορφή παχέων νηματίων.
μλ03.Μυοσφαιρίνη, Μυοσφαιρίνη_μλ03: Πρωτεΐνη των μυών, ανάλογη της αιμοσφαιρίνης, που δεσμεύει το οξυγόνο.
μλ03.Μυς, Μυς_μλ03: Συσταλτό όργανο, που αποτελείται από μυϊκές ίνες, από συνδετικό ιστόκαι από νεύρα.
μλ03.Νευράξονας, Νευράξονας_μλ03: Νευρική αποφυάδα, που μεταφέρει νευρικές ώσεις μακριά από το κυτταρικό σώμα σε άλλους νευρώνες ή σε εκτελεστικά όργανα.
μλ03.Νεύρα, Νεύρα_μλ03: Δέσμες απολήξεων νευρώνων, οι οποίες περιβάλλονται από συνδετικό ιστό (περινεύριο).
μλ03.Νευρογλοιακό_κύτταρο, Νευρογλοιακό_κύτταρο_μλ03: Κύτταρο του νευρικού ιστού εξειδικευμένο στην προστασία, στήριξη καιθρέψη των νευρώνων.
μλ03.Νευροδιαβιβαστές, Νευροδιαβιβαστές_μλ03: Χημικές ενώσεις μικρού μοριακού βάρους, οι οποίες συντίθενται στο νευρώνα και απελευθερώνονται στις συνάψεις, συμβάλλοντας στη μετάδοσητης νευρικής ώσης
μλ03.Νευρώνας, Νευρώνας_μλ03: Κύτταρο του νευρικού ιστού, εξειδικευμένο στη μεταφορά μηνυμάτων μετη μορφή νευρικών ώσεων.
μλ03.Νεφρική_πύελος, Νεφρική_πύελος_μλ03: Μία κοίλη περιοχή του νεφρού, που βρίσκεται στο εσωτερικό του μυελούκαι παραλαμβάνει τα ούρα από τα αθροιστικά σωληνάρια.
μλ03.Νεφρός, Νεφρός_μλ03: Όργανο του ουροποιητικού συστήματος, που παράγει και εκκρίνει τα ούρα.
μλ03.Νεφρώνας, Νεφρώνας_μλ03: Το νεφρικό σωληνάριο. Η ανατομική και λειτουργική μονάδα των νεφρών.
μλ03.Νωτιαία_νεύρα, Νωτιαία_νεύρα_μλ03: Τα 31 ζεύγη νεύρων που εκφύονται από το νωτιαίο μυελό.
μλ03.Οδοντίνη, Οδοντίνη_μλ03: Συστατικό των δοντιών, παρόμοιας σύστασης με τον οστίτη ιστό.
μλ03.Οιστρογόνα, Οιστρογόνα_μλ03: Ορμόνες που εκκρίνονται από τις ωοθήκες.
μλ03.Ομοιόσταση, Ομοιόσταση_μλ03: Η διατήρηση σταθερού εσωτερικού περιβάλλοντος στον οργανισμό μας (θερμοκρασία, αρτηριακή πίεση κτλ.).
μλ03.Ομφάλιος_λώρος, Ομφάλιος_λώρος_μλ03: Η δομή που συνδέει το έμβρυο με τον πλακούντα και περιέχει αγγεία.
μλ03.Ορμόνες, Ορμόνες_μλ03: Χημικές ουσίες-μηνύματα, που παράγονται σε μικρές ποσότητες σε ορισμένες περιοχές του σώματος, και μεταφέρονται σε άλλες με την κυκλοφορία του αίματος.
μλ03.Οστέινη_ουσία, Οστέινη_ουσία_μλ03: Το οργανικό μέρος του οστίτη ιστού. Αποτελείται από άμορφη θεμέλιαουσία και από ίνες κολλαγόνου.
μλ03.Οστεοβλάστες, Οστεοβλάστες_μλ03: Κύτταρα του οστίτη ιστού, που έχουν ως έργο τη σύνθεση των οργανικών ουσιών.
μλ03.Οστεοκλάστες, Οστεοκλάστες_μλ03: Πολυπύρηνα γιγαντοκύτταρα, που αποδομούν τον οστίτη ιστό.
μλ03.Οστεοκύτταρα, Οστεοκύτταρα_μλ03: Κύτταρα του οστίτη ιστού, που προήλθαν από τους οστεοβλάστες. Περιβάλλονται από μεσοκυττάρια ουσία.
μλ03.Οστέωση, Οστέωση_μλ03: Η διαδικασία αντικατάστασης του υμενώδους σκελετού από οστίτη ιστό.
μλ03.Οστίτης_ιστός, Οστίτης_ιστός_μλ03: Ένας από τους σκληρότερους ιστούς του σώματος, από τον οποίοαποτελούνται τα οστά.
μλ03.Ουδετερόφιλα, Ουδετερόφιλα_μλ03: Κοκκιώδη λευκοκύτταρα, που αποτελούν το μεγαλύτερο ποσοστό τωνλευκοκυττάρων. Τα πρώτα που εμφανίζονται κατά τη διάρκεια τωνμολύνσεων.
μλ03.Ουρήθρα, Ουρήθρα_μλ03: Σωλήνας, που απομακρύνει τα ούρα από την ουροδόχο κύστη στο περιβάλλον.
μλ03.Ουρητήρας, Ουρητήρας_μλ03: Ένας από τους δύο σωλήνες που μεταφέρουν τα ούρα από τους νεφρούς στην ουροδόχο κύστη.
μλ03.Ουρία, Ουρία_μλ03: Συστατικό των ούρων, προϊόν του μεταβολισμού των αμινοξέων.
μλ03.Ουρικό_οξύ, Ουρικό_οξύ_μλ03: Συστατικό των ούρων, προϊόν του μεταβολισμού των νουκλεϊνικών οξέων.
μλ03.Ουροδόxος_κύστη, Ουροδόxος_κύστη_μλ03: Όργανο αποθήκευσης των ούρων, πριν αυτά αποβληθούν μέσω της ουρήθρας.
μλ03.Πάγκρεας, Πάγκρεας_μλ03: Μεικτός αδένας προσαρτημένος στο γαστρεντερικό σωλήνα, του οποίουη εξωκρινής μοίρα παράγει το παγκρεατικό υγρό, ενώ η ενδοκρινής τιςορμόνες, που ρυθμίζουν τη συγκέντρωση της γλυκόζης στο αίμα..
μλ03.Παγκρεατική_αμυλάση, Παγκρεατική_αμυλάση_μλ03: Ένζυμο του παγκρεατικού υγρού, το οποίο ολοκληρώνει την πέψη του αμύλου στο λεπτό έντερο.
μλ03.Παγκρεατική_λιπάση, Παγκρεατική_λιπάση_μλ03: Ένζυμο του παγκρεατικού υγρού, που διασπά τα λίπη στο λεπτό έντερο.
μλ03.Παγκρεατικό_υγρό, Παγκρεατικό_υγρό_μλ03: Υγρό που εκκρίνεται από την εξωκρινή μοίρα του παγκρέατος. Περιέχειπροένζυμα για τη διάσπαση των θρεπτικών ουσιών της τροφής.
μλ03.Παρεγκεφαλίδα, Παρεγκεφαλίδα_μλ03: Τμήμα του εγκεφάλου, που συντονίζει τις κινήσεις των σκελετικών μυώνκαι παίζει ρόλο στην ισορροπία.
μλ03.Πέος, Πέος_μλ03: Το εξωτερικό γεννητικό όργανο του άντρα, μέσα από το οποίο περνάει ηουρήθρα.
μλ03.Πεπτικά_ένζυμα, Πεπτικά_ένζυμα_μλ03: Ειδικά ένζυμα, που, στις περισσότερες περιπτώσεις, εκκρίνονται σταδιάφορα τμήματα του γαστρεντερικού σωλήνα και συμβάλλουν στη διάσπαση των συστατικών της τροφής
μλ03.Πεπτικά_υγρά, Πεπτικά_υγρά_μλ03: Εκκρίσεις των αδένων του πεπτικού συστήματος, που συμβάλλουν στηδιεργασία της πέψης. Πεπτικά υγρά είναι το σάλιο, το γαστρικό υγρό, τοπαγκρεατικό υγρό και το εντερικό υγρό.
μλ03.Περιμύιο, Περιμύιο_μλ03: Συνδετικός ιστός, που περιβάλλει μια μυϊκή δέσμη.
μλ03.Περιόστεο, Περιόστεο_μλ03: Συνδετικός ιστός, που περιβάλλει το οστό.
μλ03.Περισταλτική_κίνηση, Περισταλτική_κίνηση_μλ03: Βασική προωθητική κίνηση της τροφής κατά μήκος του γαστρεντερικούσωλήνα, που επιτυγχάνεται με ρυθμικές συσπάσεις των μυών των τοιχωμάτων του.
μλ03.Πέψη, Πέψη_μλ03: Το σύνολο των μηχανικών και χημικών διεργασιών στο γαστρεντερικόσωλήνα, που έχει ως αποτέλεσμα τη διάσπαση των θρεπτικών ουσιών σεαπλά μόρια, τα οποία μπορούν να απορροφηθούν.
μλ03.Πεψίνη, Πεψίνη_μλ03: Το σημαντικότερο ένζυμο του γαστρικού υγρού, που διασπά τις πρωτεΐνες σε ολιγοπεπτίδια.
μλ03.Πήξη, Πήξη_μλ03 του_αίματος: Η διαδικασία κατά την οποία, μετά από ένα μικρό τραυματισμό κάποιουαγγείου, σχηματίζεται ένα ινώδες δίκτυο στο αίμα, το οποίο σταματά τηνπεραιτέρω απώλεια αίματος.
μλ03.Πλακούντας, Πλακούντας_μλ03: Το όργανο που σχηματίζεται από το χόριο του εμβρύου και από τους ιστούς του ενδομήτριου. Διά μέσου αυτού του οργάνου το έμβρυο εξασφαλίζει τις θρεπτικές ουσίες και απομακρύνει τις άχρηστες. Ο πλακούντας εκκρίνει προγεστερόνη και οιστρογόνα, που εμποδίζουν την ωρίμανση νέων ωοθυλακίων.
μλ03.Πλάσμα, Πλάσμα_μλ03: Το υγρό μέρος του αίματος, που περιέχει όλα τα συστατικά εκτός από ταέμμορφα.
μλ03.Πνευμονική_κυκλοφορία, Πνευμονική_κυκλοφορία_μλ03: Το τμήμα του κυκλοφορικού συστήματος που μεταφέρει το αίμα από τηνκαρδιά στους πνεύμονες και το οξυγονωμένο αίμα από τους πνεύμονεςστην καρδιά.
μλ03.Προγεστερόνη, Προγεστερόνη_μλ03: Ορμόνη, που εκκρίνεται από το ωχρό σωμάτιο και από τον πλακούντα.
μλ03.Προθρομβίνη, Προθρομβίνη_μλ03: Πρωτεΐνη του πλάσματος, που μετατρέπεται σε θρομβίνη κατά τη διαδικασία πήξης του αίματος.
μλ03.Προλακτίνη, Προλακτίνη_μλ03: Ορμόνη, που εκκρίνεται από τον υποθάλαμο και ενεργοποιεί την παραγωγή του γάλακτος από τους μαστικούς αδένες.
μλ03.Προμήκης, Προμήκης_μλ03: Τμήμα του στελέχους του εγκεφάλου, που εντοπίζεται ανάμεσα στη γέφυρα και στην παρεγκεφαλίδα.
μλ03.Προστάτης, Προστάτης_μλ03: Αδένας, που βρίσκεται κάτω από την ουροδόχο κύστη των ανδρών καισυμβάλλει στην παραγωγή του σπέρματος.
μλ03.Ραβδία, Ραβδία_μλ03: Φωτοϋποδοχείς στον αμφιβληστροειδή του οφθαλμού. Περιέχουν τηφωτοευαίσθητη ουσία ροδοψίνη και παρέχουν τη δυνατότητα ασπρόμαυρης όρασης ακόμα και σε αμυδρό φωτισμό.
μλ03.Σαρκείλημα, Σαρκείλημα_μλ03: Η κυτταρική μεμβράνη της σκελετικής μυϊκής ίνας.
μλ03.Σαρκομέριο, Σαρκομέριο_μλ03: Επαναλαμβανόμενες όμοιες μονάδες, που αποτελούντο μυϊκό ινίδιο.
μλ03.Σαρκόπλασμα, Σαρκόπλασμα_μλ03: Το κυτταρόπλασμα της σκελετικής μυϊκής ίνας.
μλ03.Σκελετικός, Σκελετικός_μλ03 μυϊκός_ιστός: Μυϊκός ιστός, του οποίου οι ίνες εμφανίζουν γραμμώσεις. Η συστολή τωνινών του γίνεται με την βούλησή μας.
μλ03.Σπερματογένεση, Σπερματογένεση_μλ03: Η διαδικασία παραγωγής σπερματοζωαρίων στον άντρα.
μλ03.Σπερματοζωάριο, Σπερματοζωάριο_μλ03: Το ώριμο γαμετικό κύτταρο των αντρών. Αποτελείται από τρία μέρη: τηνκεφαλή, το ενδιάμεσο σώμα και την ουρά.
μλ03.Σπογγώδης, Σπογγώδης_μλ03 οστέινη_ουσία: Οστέινη ουσία με αραιή διάταξη και χωρίς οστεώνες. Μέσα στις κοιλότητες της, τις μυελοκυψέλες, βρίσκεται ερυθρός μυελός των οστών.
μλ03.Στεφανιαία_αρτηρία, Στεφανιαία_αρτηρία_μλ03: Αρτηρία, που τροφοδοτεί με αίμα την καρδιά.
μλ03.Συμπαγής, Συμπαγής_μλ03 οστέινη_ουσία: Οστέινη ουσία με πυκνή διάταξη, στην οποία σχηματίζονται οστεώνες.
μλ03.Συναπτικά_κοκκία, Συναπτικά_κοκκία_μλ03: Κοκκία, που παράγονται από το σύστημα Golgi του νευρώνα, στα οποίαείναι αποθηκευμένοι οι νευροδιαβιβαστές πριν από την απελευθέρωσήτους από το προσυναπτικό άκρο
μλ03.Συνοπτική_σxισμή, Συνοπτική_σxισμή_μλ03: Ο χώρος ανάμεσα στις κυτταρικές μεμβράνες του προσυναπτικού καιτου μετασυναπτικού άκρου σε μία σύναψη.
μλ03.Σύναψη, Σύναψη_μλ03: Περιοχή λειτουργικής σύνδεσης ενός νευρώνα με άλλο νευρώνα ή με εκτελεστικό όργανο.
μλ03.Σύνδεσμοι, Σύνδεσμοι_μλ03: Ταινίες από παχύ συνδετικό ιστό, που προσφύονται σε αρθρούμεναοστά.
μλ03.Τελική, Τελική_μλ03 κινητική_πλάκα: Το ειδικό σωμάτιο που σχηματίζεται στη μυϊκή ίνα κατά τη νευρομυϊκήσύναψη.
μλ03.Τελικό_κομβίο, Τελικό_κομβίο_μλ03: Μικρή διόγκωση στις απολήξεις του νευράξονα, από την οποία εκκρίνονται οι νευροδιαβιβαστικές ουσίες
μλ03.Τένοντες, Τένοντες_μλ03: Ίνες συνδετικού ιστού, που συνδέουν τα άκρα του μυός με τα οστά.
μλ03.Τεστοστερόνη, Τεστοστερόνη_μλ03: Η κύρια ανδρική φυλετική ορμόνη, η οποία είναι υπεύθυνη για τη φυσιολογική ανάπτυξη των γεννητικών οργάνων και για την εμφάνιση τωνδευτερευόντων χαρακτηριστικών του αντρικού φύλου.
μλ03.Τετανική_συστολή, Τετανική_συστολή_μλ03: Παρατεταμένη μυϊκή συστολή υπό την επίδραση πολλαπλών ερεθισμάτων, με συγκεκριμένη συχνότητα.
μλ03.Τοκετός, Τοκετός_μλ03: Η γέννηση του νεογνού και η απομάκρυνση του πλακούντα.
μλ03.Τραxεία, Τραxεία_μλ03: Κυλινδρικός σωλήνας, μέρος της αναπνευστικής οδού, που βρίσκεται μεταξύ του λάρυγγα και των βρόγχων.
μλ03.Τράxηλος, Τράxηλος_μλ03: Το κάτω στενό πέρασμα της μήτρας, που οδηγεί στον κόλπο.
μλ03.Τριxοειδή, Τριxοειδή_μλ03: Μικροσκοπικά αγγεία, που συνδέουν τα αρτηρίδια με τα φλεβίδια. Από ταλεπτά τοιχώματά τους εισέρχονται και εξέρχονται διάφορες ουσίες στοαίμα.
μλ03.Τυμπανική_μεμβράνη, Τυμπανική_μεμβράνη_μλ03: Λεπτή μεμβράνη στο τέλος του ακουστικού πόρου. Μεταδίδει τουςήχους στα ακουστικά οστάρια.
μλ03.Υποδοxείς, Υποδοxείς_μλ03: Ειδικά μόρια στη μεμβράνη του κυττάρου, που συνδέονται, λόγω ειδικήςστερεοδιαμόρφωσης, με ορμόνες, νευροδιαβιβαστές κ.ά.
μλ03.Φαιά_ουσία, Φαιά_ουσία_μλ03: Περιοχές στον εγκέφαλο και στο νωτιαίο μυελό, που αποτελούνται κυρίως από σώματα νευρώνων.
μλ03.Φλέβες, Φλέβες_μλ03: Αγγεία, που μεταφέρουν το αίμα από τα φλεβίδια στην καρδιά. Χαρακτηριστικό τους είναι τα μη ελαστικά τοιχώματα.
μλ03.Φλεβίδια, Φλεβίδια_μλ03: Αγγεία, που μεταφέρουν το αίμα από τα τριχοειδή στις φλέβες.
μλ03.Φωνητικές_xορδές, Φωνητικές_xορδές_μλ03: Αναδιπλώσεις ιστών του λάρυγγα, οι οποίες παράγουν ήχους, όταν πάλλονται.
μλ03.Xοληδόxος_κύστη, Xοληδόxος_κύστη_μλ03: Κύστη στο κάτω μέρος του ήπατος, στην οποία αποθηκεύεται η χολή,που εκκρίνεται από τα ηπατικά κύτταρα.
μλ03.Xολή, Xολή_μλ03: Υγρό, το οποίο εκκρίνεται από τα ηπατικά κύτταρα και συμβάλλει στηνγαλακτωματοποίηση των λιπών.
μλ03.Xόνδρινος_ιστός, Xόνδρινος_ιστός_μλ03: Ειδική μορφή ερειστικού ιστού.
μλ03.Xόριο, Xόριο_μλ03: Εξωεμβρυϊκή μεμβράνη, η οποία σχηματίζει ένα εξωτερικό περίβλημα γύρω από το έμβρυο και συμβάλλει στο σχηματισμό του πλακούντα.
μλ03.Xυλομικρά, Xυλομικρά_μλ03: Σφαιρίδια από λίπη, χοληστερόλη και μία λιποπρωτεΐνη, που σχηματίζονται στο ενδοπλασματικό δίκτυο των επιθηλιακών κυττάρων του εντέρου, και περνούν στο λεμφικό σύστημα.
μλ03.Xυλός, Xυλός_μλ03: Παχύρρευστη μάζα, που δημιουργείται μετά την επεξεργασία τηςτροφής στο στομάχι.
μλ03.Ωάριο, Ωάριο_μλ03: Το γαμετικό κύτταρο των γυναικών. Στην πραγματικότητα πρόκειται γιατο ωοκύτταρο, που προήλθε μετά την πρώτη μειωτική διαίρεση.
μλ03.Ωογένεση, Ωογένεση_μλ03: Η διαδικασία σχηματισμού ενός ώριμου ωαρίου από άωρα γαμετικά κύτταρα.
μλ03.Ωοθήκη, Ωοθήκη_μλ03: Το όργανο (στις γυναίκες) που παράγει τα ωάρια και τις ορμόνες οιστρογόνα και προγεστερόνη.
μλ03.Ωοθυλακικός_κύκλος, Ωοθυλακικός_κύκλος_μλ03: Οι περιοδικές μεταβολές που γίνονται στις ωοθήκες (κάθε 28 ημέρες περίπου), με σκοπό την ωρίμανση και την απελευθέρωση ενός ωαρίου.
μλ03.Ωοθυλακιορρηξία, Ωοθυλακιορρηξία_μλ03: Η ρήξη του ωοθυλακίου και η απελευθέρωση ενός ώριμου ωαρίου.
μλ03.Ωοθυλάκιο, Ωοθυλάκιο_μλ03: Συσσωμάτωμα κυττάρων, μέσα στο οποίο ωριμάζει το ωάριο. Μετά τηνωοθυλακιορρηξία μετατρέπεται σε ωχρό σωμάτιο. Τα ωοθυλάκια βρίσκονται στις ωοθήκες και παράγουν επίσης τις γυναικείες ορμόνες.
μλ03.Ωxρή_κηλίδα, Ωxρή_κηλίδα_μλ03: Περιοχή του αμφιβληστροειδούς, αντιδιαμετρικά του κρυσταλλοειδούςφακού, που περιέχει πολυάριθμα κωνία.
μλ03.Ωxρό_σωμάτιο, Ωxρό_σωμάτιο_μλ03: Η κίτρινη δομή που προέρχεται από ένα ωοθυλάκιο μετά την ωοθυλακιορρηξία. Παράγει την ορμόνη προγεστερόνη.
name::
* McsElln.ΜθμΛ1.ΕΚΦΡΑΣΗ-ΕΚΘΕΣΗ ΓΕΝ. ΛΥΚ. ΤΕΥΧΟΣ Α' (μλ08),
* McsEngl.conceptCore532.8,
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.ΜαθημαΛ1.ΕΚΦΡΑΣΗ-ΕΚΘΕΣΗ@cptIt532.8, {2012-09-11}
* McsElln.μλα.έκφραση,
* McsElln.μλ08@cptIt532.8, {2012-09-11}
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/courses/DSGL-A110//
* http://users.sch.gr//papangel/sch/language.htm,
ΠΕΡΙΕΧΟΜΕΝΑ:
ΠΡΟΛΟΓΙΚΑ
ΤΑ ΟΡΙΑ ΤΗΣ ΛΕΞΗΣ
ΓΛΩΣΣΑ ΚΑΙ ΓΛΩΣΣΙΚΕΣ ΠΟΙΚΙΛΙΕΣ
I. ΤΑ ΟΡΙΑ ΤΗΣ ΓΛΩΣΣΑΣ
IΙ. ΠΟΙΚΙΛΙΕΣ ΤΗΣ ΓΛΩΣΣΑΣ
IΙΙ. ΟΠΤΙΚΕΣ ΤΗΣ ΓΛΩΣΣΑΣ
IV. ΔΗΜΙΟΥΡΓΙΚΟΤΗΤΑ ΤΗΣ ΓΛΩΣΣΑΣ
V. ΠΑΡΑΓΩΓΗ ΚΕΙΜΕΝΩΝ
VΙ. ΕΙΔΙΚΕΣ ΓΛΩΣΣΕΣ
VIΙ. ΟΡΓΑΝΩΣΗ ΤΟΥ ΛΟΓΟΥ
VIII. ΘΕΜΑΤΑ ΓΙΑ ΣΥΖΗΤΗΣΗ ΚΑΙ ΕΚΦΡΑΣΗ - ΕΚΘΕΣΗ
Ο ΛΟΓΟΣ
I. ΠΡΟΦΟΡΙΚΟΣ ΚΑΙ ΓΡΑΠΤΟΣ ΛΟΓΟΣ
IΙ. ΔΙΑΛΟΓΟΣ
ΠΕΡΙΓΡΑΦΗ
I. ΓΕΝΙΚΕΣ ΠΑΡΑΤΗΡΗΣΕΙΣ
IΙ. ΔΙΑΦΟΡΑ ΘΕΜΑΤΑ / ΑΝΤΙΚΕΙΜΕΝΑ ΤΗΣ ΠΕΡΙΓΡΑΦΗΣ
IΙΙ. ΕΚΦΡΑΣΗ - ΕΚΘΕΣΗ
VI. ΟΡΓΑΝΩΣΗ ΤΟΥ ΛΟΓΟΥ
ΑΦΗΓΗΣΗ
I. ΑΦΗΓΗΣΗ
IΙ. ΠΕΡΙΓΡΑΦΗ ΚΑΙ ΑΦΗΓΗΣΗ
ΙIΙ. ΟΡΓΑΝΩΣΗ ΤΟΥ ΛΟΓΟΥ. ΣΥΝΟΧΗ ΚΕΙΜΕΝΟΥ
ΤΟ ΧΡΟΝΟΓΡΑΦΗΜΑ
name::
* McsEngl.I. ΤΑ ΟΡΙΑ ΤΗΣ ΓΛΩΣΣΑΣ,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL-A110/246/1822,5867//
_ΠΕΡΙΕΧΟΜΕΝΑ:
1. Η απεραντοσύνη της
2. Η πολυμορφία της
3. Η παντοδυναμία της
_ΠΕΡΙΕΧΟΜΕΝΑ:
1. Γεωγραφικές γλωσσικές ποικιλίες
2. Κοινωνικές γλωσσικές ποικιλίες
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL-A110/246/1822,5870//
name::
* McsEngl.IV. ΔΗΜΙΟΥΡΓΙΚΟΤΗΤΑ ΤΗΣ ΓΛΩΣΣΑΣ,
1. Οι λειτουργίες της γλώσσας: αναφορική και ποιητική λειτουργία
name::
* McsEngl.V. ΠΑΡΑΓΩΓΗ ΚΕΙΜΕΝΩΝ,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL-A110/246/1822,5872//
_ΠΕΡΙΕΧΟΜΕΝΑ:
α) Οργάνωση του λόγου και οι ειδικές γλώσσες
β) Οργάνωση του λόγου και η πειθώ
γ) Οργάνωση του λόγου και το επιχείρημα
δ) Οργάνωση του λόγου και η αιτιολόγηση
ε) Οργάνωση ευρύτερου κειμένου (έκθεσης) με αιτιολόγηση
name::
* McsEngl.VIII. ΘΕΜΑΤΑ ΓΙΑ ΣΥΖΗΤΗΣΗ ΚΑΙ ΕΚΦΡΑΣΗ - ΕΚΘΕΣΗ,
name::
* McsElln.ΜθμΛ12.ΕΥΚΛΕΙΔΕΙΑ-ΓΕΩΜΕΤΡΙΑ Α' και Β' Γενικού Λυκείου (μλ02),
* McsEngl.conceptIt532.2,
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.γεωμετρία-μλ02,
* McsElln.ΜαθημαΛ12.ΕΥΚΛΕΙΔΙΑ-ΓΕΩΜΕΤΡΙΑ@cptIt532.2, {2012-06-16}
* McsElln.μλα.γεωμετρία,
* McsElln.μλ02, {2012-06-16}
* McsElln.μλ02.γεωμετρία,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/courses/DSGL-A101//
_Προγραμμα_σπουδων:
* http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/document/file.php/DSGL-A100/%CE%94%CE%95%CE%A0%CE%A0%CE%A3-%CE%91%CE%A0%CE%A3/%CE%91%CE%A0%CE%A3%20%CE%9C%CE%91%CE%98%CE%97%CE%9C%CE%91%CE%A4%CE%99%CE%9A%CE%A9%CE%9D%20%CE%91%CE%84%CE%9B%CE%A5%CE%9A%CE%95%CE%99%CE%9F%CE%A5.pdf,
Η ενότητα «Γεωμετρία» αποτελεί την εισαγωγή των μαθητών στη Θεωρητική Γεωμετρία, η
οποία είναι το κατεξοχήν πεδίο που μπορεί να μεταφέρει στους μαθητές την ενιαία δομή και
τη συνοχή των Μαθηματικών. Μέσα από την αξιωματική της θεμελίωση, τις προτάσεις και
τα θεωρήματα που αποδεικνύονται με χρήση προηγούμενων αποτελεσμάτων, η Θεωρητική
Γεωμετρία μπορεί να βοηθήσει τους μαθητές να αποκτήσουν μια αίσθηση της οικοδόμησης
μιας μαθηματικής θεωρίας καθώς και της έννοιας της απόδειξης στα Μαθηματικά.
Παράλληλα, μπορεί να τους βοηθήσει να αναπτύξουν ικανότητες εύρεσης αποδεικτικών
διαδικασιών στην επίλυση προβλημάτων. Στο πλαίσιο της Θεωρητικής Γεωμετρίας οι
μαθητές αναγνωρίζουν το ρόλο του σχήματος στη Γεωμετρία ως στοιχείο άρρηκτα
συνδεδεμένο με τη γεωμετρική σκέψη.
Στη διδασκαλία της Γεωμετρίας ουσιαστικό ρόλο μπορεί να παίξει η αξιοποίηση της
ψηφιακής τεχνολογίας και ιδιαίτερα τα παρεχόμενα λογισμικά Δυναμικής Γεωμετρίας.
Έρευνες έχουν δείξει ότι η χρήση τέτοιων λογισμικών μπορεί να συμβάλει ουσιαστικά στην
ανάπτυξη της ικανότητας των μαθητών να διερευνούν, να δημιουργούν εικασίες και
γενικότερα στην κατανόηση της Γεωμετρίας και στην ικανότητα ανάπτυξης μαθηματικών
συλλογισμών. ?στόσο, η επιλογή από τον καθηγητή του τρόπου εφαρμογής των δυναμικών
εργαλείων στην τάξη, καθώς και η επιλογή των κατάλληλων μαθηματικών δραστηριοτήτων,
καθορίζει την αποτελεσματικότητα αυτών των εργαλείων στη μάθηση. Ειδικότερα, η
ενότητα της Γεωμετρίας περιλαμβάνει τα παρακάτω κεφάλαια:
α) Εισαγωγή στην Ευκλείδεια Γεωμετρία. Οι μαθητές εισάγονται στην έννοια του
αξιωματικού συστήματος και στη διαφορά της Θεωρητικής από την Πρακτική Γεωμετρία.
β) Βασικά Γεωμετρικά σχήματα. Οι μαθητές αντιμετωπίζουν τις πρωταρχικές γεωμετρικές
έννοιες και τα θεμελιώδη γεωμετρικά σχήματα τα οποία έχουν συναντήσει σε προηγούμενες
τάξεις, εστιάζοντας κυρίως στην απόδειξη των βασικών τους ιδιοτήτων.
γ) Τρίγωνα. Οι μαθητές γνωρίζουν την έννοια του τριγώνου και σχετικές ιδιότητες από
προηγούμενες τάξεις. Στο κεφάλαιο αυτό αποδεικνύουν θεωρητικά αυτές και άλλες ιδιότητες
που αφορούν στα τρίγωνα.
δ) Παράλληλες ευθείες. Οι μαθητές έχουν διαπραγματευθεί την έννοια της παραλληλίας
ευθειών σε προηγούμενες τάξεις. Στο κεφάλαιο αυτό συνδέεται η παραλληλία με το 5ο
αίτημα και με βάση αυτό και τα άλλα αιτήματα οι μαθητές αποδεικνύουν τις βασικές σχέσεις
παραλλήλων ευθειών.
ε) Παραλληλόγραμμα-Τραπέζια. Στο κεφάλαιο αυτό οι μαθητές διαπραγμαγματεύονται τα
διάφορα είδη παραλληλογράμμων και τραπεζίων και μελετούν τις χαρακτηριστικές τους
ιδιότητες.
στ) Εγγεγραμμένα σχήματα. Στο κεφάλαιο αυτό οι μαθητές μελετούν τις ιδιότητες των
τετραπλεύρων που είναι εγγεγραμμένα σε κύκλο και διερευνούν τις ικανές ιδιότητες που
επιτρέπουν ένα τετράπλευρο να εγγραφεί σε κύκλο
Κεφάλαιο 1o Εισαγωγή στην Ευκλείδεια Γεωμετρία (2 ωρες)
1.1 Το αντικείμενο της Ευκλείδειας Γεωμετρίας
1.2 Ιστορική αναδρομή στη γένεση και ανάπτυξη της Γεωμετρίας
Κεφάλαιο 2o Τα βασικά γεωμετρικά σχήματα (5 ωρες)
Σημεία, γραμμές και επιφάνειες
Το επίπεδο
Η ευθεία
Η ημιευθεία
Το ευθύγραμμο τμήμα
Μετατοπίσεις στο επίπεδο
Σύγκριση ευθυγράμμων τμημάτων
Πράξεις μεταξύ ευθυγράμμων τμημάτων
Μήκος ευθύγραμμου τμήματος - Απόσταση δυο σημείων
Σημεία συμμετρικά ως προς κέντρο
Ημιεπίπεδα
Η γωνία
Σύγκριση γωνιών
Ευθεία κάθετη από σημείο σε ευθεία
Πράξεις μεταξύ γωνιών
Είδη και απλές σχέσεις γωνιών
Έννοια και στοιχεία του κύκλου
Επίκεντρη γωνία - Σχέση επίκεντρης γωνίας και τόξου
Μέτρο τόξου και γωνίας
Τεθλασμένη γραμμή-Πολύγωνο- στοιχεία πολυγώνων
Κεφάλαιο 3o Τρίγωνα (19 ωρες)
Είδη και στοιχεία τριγώνων
1ο Κριτήριο ισότητας τριγώνων
2ο Κριτήριο ισότητας τριγώνων
3ο Κριτήριο ισότητας τριγώνων
Ύπαρξη και μοναδικότητα καθέτου Κριτήρια ισότητας ορθογώνιων τριγώνων
Κύκλος - Μεσοκάθετος - Διχοτόμος
Κεντρική συμμετρία
Αξονική συμμετρία
Σχέση εξωτερικής και απέναντι γώνιας
Ανισοτικές σχέσεις πλευρών και γωνιών
Τριγωνική ανισότητα
Κάθετες και πλάγιες
Σχετικές θέσεις ευθείας και κύκλου
Εφαπτόμενα τμήματα
Σχετικές θέσεις δύο κύκλων
Απλές γεωμετρικές κατασκευές
Βασικές κατασκευές τριγώνων
Κεφάλαιο 4o Παράλληλες ευθείες (10 ωρες)
Εισαγωγή
Τέμνουσα δύο ευθειών - Ευκλείδειο αίτημα
Κατασκευή παράλληλης
Γωνίες με πλευρές παράλληλες
Αξιοσημείωτοι κύκλοι τριγώνου
Άθροισμα γωνιών τριγώνου
Γωνίες με πλευρές κάθετες
Άθροισμα γωνιών κυρτού
Κεφάλαιο 5o Παραλληλόγραμμα – Τραπέζια (17 ωρες)
Εισαγωγή
Παραλληλόγραμμα
Ορθογώνιο
Ρόμβος
Τετράγωνο
Εφαρμογές στα τρίγωνα
Βαρύκεντρο τριγώνου
Το ορθόκεντρο τριγώνου
Μια ιδιότητα του ορθογωνίου τριγώνου
Τραπέζιο
Ισοσκελές τραπέζιο
Αξιοσημείωτες ευθείες και κύκλοι τριγώνου
Κεφάλαιο 6o Εγγεγραμμένα σχήματα (6 ωρες)
Εισαγωγικά - Ορισμοί
Σχέση εγγεγραμμένης και αντίστοιχης επίκεντρης
Γωνία χορδής και εφαπτομένης
Βασικοί γεωμετρικοί τόποι στον κύκλο
Το εγγεγραμμένο τετράπλευρο
Το εγγράψιμο τετράπλευρο
Γεωμετρικοί τόποι και γεωμετρικές κατασκευές με τη Βοήθεια των γεωμετρικών τόπων
====================================================================
Κεφάλαιο 7o Αναλογίες
Εισαγωγή
Διαίρεση ευθυγράμμου τμήματος σε ν ίσα μέρη
Γινόμενο ευθυγράμμου τμήματος με αριθμό - Λόγος ευθυγράμμων τμημάτων
Ανάλογα ευθύγραμμα τμήματα- Αναλογίες
Μήκος ευθυγράμμου τμήματος
Διαίρεση τμημάτων εσωτερικά και εξωτερικά ως προς δοσμένο λόγο
Θεώρημα του Θαλή
Θεωρήματα των διχοτόμων τριγώνου
Απολλώνιος Κύκλος
Κεφάλαιο 8o Ομοιότητα
Όμοια ευθύγραμμα σχήματα
Κριτήρια ομοιότητας
Κεφάλαιο 9o Μετρικές σχέσεις
Ορθές προβολές
Το Πυθαγόρειο θεώρημα
Γεωμετρικές κατασκευές
Γενίκευση του Πυθαγόρειου θεωρήματος
Θεωρήματα Διαμέσων
Βασικοί γεωμετρικοί τόποι
Τέμνουσες κύκλου
Κεφάλαιο 10o Εμβαδά
Πολυγωνικά χωρία
Εμβαδόν ευθύγραμμου σχήματος - Ισοδύναμα ευθύγραμμα σχήματα
Εμβαδόν βασικών ευθύγραμμων σχημάτων
Άλλοι τύποι για το εμβαδόν
τριγώνου
Λόγος εμβαδών ομοίων τριγώνων - πολυγώνων
Μετασχηματισμός πολυγώνου σε ισοδύναμο του
Κεφάλαιο 11o Μέτρηση Κύκλου
Ορισμός κανονικού πολυγώνου
Ιδιότητες και στοιχεία κανονικών πολυγώνων
Εγγραφή βασικών κανονικών πολυγώνων σε κύκλο και στοιχεία τους
Προσέγγιση του μήκους του κύκλου με κανονικά πολύγωνα
Μήκος τόξου
Προσέγγιση του εμβαδού κύκλου με
κανονικά πολύγωνα
Εμβαδόν κυκλικού τομέα και κυκλικού τμήματος
Τετραγωνισμός κύκλου
Κεφάλαιο 12o Ευθείες και επίπεδα στο χώρο
Εισαγωγή
Η έννοια του επιπέδου και ο καθορισμός του
Σχετικές θέσεις ευθειών
και επιπέδων
Ευθείες και επίπεδα παράλληλα-
Θεώρημα του Θαλή
Γωνία δύο ευθειών - ορθογώνιες ευθείες
Απόσταση σημείου από επίπεδο - απόσταση δύο παράλληλων επιπέδων
Δίεδρη γωνία - αντίστοιχη επίπεδη μιας δίεδρης - κάθετα επίπεδα
Προβολή σημείου και ευθείας σε επίπεδο - Γωνία ευθείας και επιπέδου
Κεφάλαιο 13o Στερεά σχήματα
Περί πολυέδρων
Ορισμός και στοιχεία του πρίσματος
Παραλληλεπίπεδο, κύβος
Μέτρηση πρίσματος
Ορισμός και στοιχεία πυραμίδας
Κανονική πυραμίδα - τετράεδρο
Μέτρηση πυραμίδας
Ορισμός και στοιχεία κόλουρης πυραμίδας
Μέτρηση κόλουρης ισοσκελούς πυραμίδαςτριγώνου
Στερεά εκ περιστροφής
Ορισμός και στοιχεία κυλίνδρου Μέτρηση κυλίνδρου
Ορισμός και στοιχεία κώνου
Μέτρηση του κώνου
Κόλουρος κώνος
Ορισμός και στοιχεία σφαίρας
Θέσεις ευθείας και επιπέδου ως προς σφαίρα
Μέτρηση σφαίρας
Κανονικά πολύεδρα
name::
* McsElln.μλ02.Κ1.Εισαγωγή στην Ευκλείδεια Γεωμετρία (2 ωρες),
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL-A101/216/1551,4989//
_ΠΕΡΙΕΧΟΜΕΝΑ:
1.1 Το αντικείμενο της Ευκλείδειας Γεωμετρίας
1.2 Ιστορική αναδρομή στη γένεση και ανάπτυξη της Γεωμετρίας
name::
* McsElln.μλ02.Κ1.1 Το αντικείμενο της Ευκλείδειας Γεωμετρίας,
μλ02.αντικείμενο_γεωμετρίας:
Το αντικείμενο της Ευκλείδειας Γεωμετρίας είναι η μελέτη του χώρου και των σχημάτων, επίπεδων και στερεών, που μπορούν να υπάρξουν μέσα σε αυτόν.
...
Η Γεωμετρία ήταν ο πρώτος κλάδος της ανθρώπινης γνώσης που διαμορφώθηκε ως επιστήμη και επί αιώνες ο μόνος.
[http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL-A101/216/1551,4989/]
μλ02.απόδειξη:
Κάθε καινούργιο αποτέλεσμα προκύπτει από τα προηγούμενα, χρησιμοποιώντας τη διαδικασία που λέγεται απόδειξη και που στηρίζεται στους κανόνες της Λογικής.
μλ02.αξίωμα (axiom, postulate):
Ισχυρισμούς όπως οι παραπάνω, που τους δεχόμαστε ως αληθείς χωρίς απόδειξη, τους ονομάζουμε αξιώματα. Επομένως, τα αξιώματα δεν αποδεικνύονται, επιλέγονται.
===
An “axiom”, in classical terminology, referred to a self-evident assumption common to many branches of science. A good example would be the assertion that
When an equal amount is taken from equals, an equal amount results.
At the foundation of the various sciences lay certain additional hypotheses which were accepted without proof. Such a hypothesis was termed a postulate. While the axioms were common to many sciences, the postulates of each particular science were different.
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Postulate]
μλ02.θεώρημα (theorem):
Κάθε νέο αποτέλεσμα που προκύπτει από μία σειρά συλλογισμών θεμελιωμένη στα αξιώματα λέγεται θεώρημα, ενώ οι άμεσες συνέπειες ενός θεωρήματος λέγονται πορίσματα.
μλ02.πόρισμα:
Κάθε νέο αποτέλεσμα που προκύπτει από μία σειρά συλλογισμών θεμελιωμένη στα αξιώματα λέγεται θεώρημα, ενώ οι άμεσες συνέπειες ενός θεωρήματος λέγονται πορίσματα.
name::
* McsElln.μλ02.Κ1.2 Ιστορική αναδρομή στη γένεση και ανάπτυξη της Γεωμετρίας,
μλ02.γεωμετρική_έννοια:
Στη διαμόρφωση των γεωμετρικών εννοιών, αποφασιστικής σημασίας πρέπει να ήταν η προσπάθεια απεικόνισης των γεωμετρικών αντικειμένων και σχέσεων με ζωγραφικές παραστάσεις, που λειτουργούσαν ως ΜΟΝΤΕΛΑ των πραγματικών αντικειμένων.
[http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL-A101/216/1551,4989/]
1) ΟΝΟΜΑ:
2) ΣΗΜΑΣΙΑ:
3) ΣΥΜΒΟΛΟ:
4) ΠΑΡΑΣΤΑΣΗ:
name::
* McsElln.μλ02.Κ2.Τα-βασικά-γεωμετρικά-σχήματα (5 ωρες),
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL-A101/216/1551,4990//
_ΠΕΡΙΕΧΟΜΕΝΑ:
Σημεία, γραμμές και επιφάνειες
Το επίπεδο
Η ευθεία
Η ημιευθεία
Το ευθύγραμμο τμήμα
Μετατοπίσεις στο επίπεδο
Σύγκριση ευθυγράμμων τμημάτων
Πράξεις μεταξύ ευθυγράμμων τμημάτων
Μήκος ευθύγραμμου τμήματος - Απόσταση δυο σημείων
Σημεία συμμετρικά ως προς κέντρο
Ημιεπίπεδα
Η γωνία
Σύγκριση γωνιών
Ευθεία κάθετη από σημείο σε ευθεία
Πράξεις μεταξύ γωνιών
Είδη και απλές σχέσεις γωνιών
Έννοια και στοιχεία του κύκλου
Επίκεντρη γωνία - Σχέση επίκεντρης γωνίας και τόξου
Μέτρο τόξου και γωνίας
Τεθλασμένη γραμμή-Πολύγωνο- στοιχεία πολυγώνων
name::
* McsElln.μλ02.Κ2.1.Σημεία-γραμμές-επιφάνειες,
μλ02.σημειο:
οι πρωταρχικές έννοιες σημείο, ευθεία, επίπεδο δίνονται χωρίς ορισμό
Οι έννοιες αυτές υπόκεινται στις παρακάτω παραδοχές:
• Από δύο σημεία διέρχεται μοναδική ευθεία.
• Για κάθε ευθεία υπάρχει τουλάχιστον ένα σημείο του επιπέδου που δεν ανήκει σε αυτή.
• Κάθε ευθεία έχει άπειρα σημεία και εκτείνεται απεριόριστα και προς τις δύο κατευθύνσεις, χωρίς διακοπές και κενά.
[http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL-A101/216/1551,4990//]
===
Ένα σημείο δεν έχει διαστάσεις. Το παριστάνουμε με μια τελεία και το ονομάζουμε με ένα κεφαλαίο γράμμα (π.χ. Σημείο Α, Σημείο Β (σχ.1)).
μλ02.ευθεια, μλ02.γραμμη:
οι πρωταρχικές έννοιες σημείο, ευθεία, επίπεδο δίνονται χωρίς ορισμό
[http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL-A101/216/1551,4990//]
Αν μετακινήσουμε χωρίς διακοπή τη μύτη του μολυβιού πάνω σε ένα χαρτί, τότε το ίχνος της γράφει μία γραμμή (σχ.2). Σε κάθε θέση του μολυβιού το ίχνος της μύτης του παριστάνει ένα σημείο.
Επομένως, η γραμμή μπορεί να θεωρηθεί ως μια συνεχής σειρά θέσεων που παίρνει ένα κινητό σημείο.
μλ02.επιφανεια:
Τη μορφή (σχήμα) κάθε στερεού σώματος την αντιλαμβανόμαστε από την επιφάνειά του. Το σύνολο των σημείων τα οποία το χωρίζουν από το περιβάλλον του ονομάζεται επιφάνεια του σώματος.
name::
* McsElln.μλ02.Κ2.2.Eπίπεδο,
μλ02.επιπεδο:
οι πρωταρχικές έννοιες σημείο, ευθεία, επίπεδο δίνονται χωρίς ορισμό
[http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL-A101/216/1551,4990//]
μλ02.επιπεδο_σxημα:
Η απλούστερη από όλες τις επιφάνειες είναι η επίπεδη επιφάνεια ή απλά το επίπεδο. Η επιφάνεια του πίνακα, η επιφάνεια ενός λείου δαπέδου, η επιφάνεια μιας ήρεμης λίμνης κτλ. Μας δίνουν την εικόνα ενός επιπέδου.
Στο πρώτο μέρος της Γεωμετρίας, που λέγεται επιπεδομετρία δε θα ορίσουμε το επίπεδο ούτε τα αξιώματα που το χαρακτηρίζουν, αλλά θα το μελετήσουμε εξετάζοντας τις ιδιότητες των σχημάτων, των οποίων όλα τα στοιχεία περιέχονται στο ίδιο επίπεδο. Τα σχήματα αυτά ονομάζονται επίπεδα σχήματα.
[http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL-A101/216/1551,4990//]
name::
* McsElln.μλ02.Κ2.3.Ευθεία,
μλ02.ευθεια:
οι πρωταρχικές έννοιες σημείο, ευθεία, επίπεδο δίνονται χωρίς ορισμό
...
Γνωρίζουμε ότι από δύο διαφορετικά σημεία Α,Β διέρχεται μοναδική ευθεία. Την ευθεία αυτή ονομάζουμε ευθεία ΑΒ ή ΒΑ (σχ.3). Επίσης μία ευθεία συμβολίζεται είτε με ένα μικρό γράμμα (ε,ζ,...) του ελληνικού αλφαβήτου είτε ως x'x. Προφανώς δύο διαφορετικές ευθείες δεν μπορεί να έχουν δύο κοινά σημεία. Άρα θα έχουν ένα μόνο κοινό σημείο ή κανένα. Δύο ευθείες που έχουν ένα μόνο κοινό σημείο λέγονται τεμνόμενες ευθείες και το κοινό σημείο τους λέγεται τομή των δύο ευθειών, ενώ δύο ευθείες που δεν έχουν κοινό σημείο λέγονται παράλληλες.
[http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL-A101/216/1551,4990//]
name::
* McsElln.μλ02.Κ2.4.Ημιευθεία,
μλ02.ημιευθεια:
Κάθε ευθεία έχει άπειρα σημεία και εκτείνεται απεριόριστα χωρίς διακοπές και κενά. Έστω μία ευθεία x'x και σημείο της Α (σχ.4). Τότε το σημείο χωρίζει την ευθεία σε δύο μέρη τα οποία συμβολίζουμε Ax και Ax' και τα ονομάζουμε ημιευθείες με αρχή το σημείο Α.
Η ευθεία x'x λέγεται φορέας της ημιευθείας Ax (σχ.5).
Δύο ημιευθείες Ax, Αy με μόνο κοινό σημείο την αρχή τους Α, όταν έχουν τον ίδιο φορέα λέγονται αντικείμενες (σχ.6).
[http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL-A101/216/1551,4990//]
name::
* McsElln.μλ02.Κ2.5.Ευθύγραμμο-τμήμα,
μλ02.ευθυγραμμο_τμημα:
Σε ευθεία ε θεωρούμε δύο διαφορετικά σημεία Α,Β. ευθύγραμμο τμήμα ΑΒ ή ΒΑ (σχ.7) λέγεται το σχήμα που αποτελείται από τα δύο σημεία Α, Β και τα σημεία της ευθείας ε που βρίσκονται μεταξύ τους. Τα σημεία Α και Β λέγονται άκρα του ευθύγραμμου τμήματος, ενώ η ευθεία ε λέγεται φορέας του τμήματος.
Τα σημεία ενός ευθύγραμμου τμήματος, εκτός των άκρων του, λέγονται εσωτερικά σημεία του τμήματος. Αν π.χ. το Γ είναι εσωτερικό σημείο του τμήματος ΑΒ (σχ.7), λέμε ότι τα Α,Β βρίσκονται εκατέρωθεν του Γ, ενώ τα Β,Γ είναι προς το ίδιο μέρος του Α. Δύο τμήματα, που έχουν κοινό ένα άκρο και δεν έχουν κοινά εσωτερικά σημεία, λέγονται διαδοχικά.
[http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL-A101/216/1551,4990//]
name::
* McsElln.μλ02.Κ2.6.Μετατοπίσεις-στο-επίπεδο,
μλ02.ομολογο_σxημα:
Για κάθε επίπεδο σχήμα δεχόμαστε ότι μπορεί να μετατοπισθεί μέσα στο επίπεδο πηγαίνοντας από την αρχική του θέση σε μια οποιαδήποτε άλλη θέση και να παραμένει αναλλοίωτο ως προς τη μορφή και το μέγεθος.
Το τελικό σχήμα που προκύπτει (δηλαδή το αρχικό σχήμα στην τελική θέση) λέγεται ομόλογο (ή εικόνα) του αρχικού.
[http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL-A101/216/1551,4990//]
name::
* McsElln.μλ02.Κ2.7.Σύγκριση-ευθυγράμμων-τμημάτων,
μλ02.ισα_ευθυγραμμα_τμηματα:
Δύο ευθύγραμμα τμήματα λέγονται ίσα, όταν με κατάλληλη μετατόπιση συμπίπτουν.
Για την ισότητα ευθύγραμμων τμημάτων δεχόμαστε το παρακάτω αξίωμα:
Έστω ένα ευθύγραμμο τμήμα ΑΒ. Τότε για κάθε ημιευθεία Γx υπάρχει μοναδικό σημείο της Δ, ώστε ΑΒ = ΓΔ (σχ.8).
[http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL-A101/216/1551,4990//]
μλ02.γεωμετρικη_κατασκευη:
Η παραπάνω διαδικασία λέγεται γεωμετρική κατασκευή. Θα λέμε ότι ένα σχήμα κατασκευάζεται γεωμετρικά, όταν μπορούμε να το σχεδιάσουμε χρησιμοποιώντας αποκλειστικά τα γεωμετρικά όργανα, δηλαδή τον κανόνα (χωρίς υποδιαιρέσεις) και το διαβήτη.
[http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL-A101/216/1551,4990//]
μλ02.γεωμετρικο_οργανο:
Η παραπάνω διαδικασία λέγεται γεωμετρική κατασκευή. Θα λέμε ότι ένα σχήμα κατασκευάζεται γεωμετρικά, όταν μπορούμε να το σχεδιάσουμε χρησιμοποιώντας αποκλειστικά τα γεωμετρικά όργανα, δηλαδή τον κανόνα (χωρίς υποδιαιρέσεις) και το διαβήτη.
* μλ02.κανονας:
* μλ02.διαβητης:
[http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL-A101/216/1551,4990//]
μλ02.μεσο_ευθυγραμμου_τμηματος:
Μέσο ενός ευθύγραμμου τμήματος ΑΒ ονομάζεται ένα εσωτερικό του σημείο Μ τέτοιο, ώστε ΑΜ=ΜΒ (σχ.9). Δεχόμαστε ότι κάθε τμήμα έχει μοναδικό μέσο.
name::
* McsElln.μλ02.Κ2.8.Πράξεις-μεταξύ-ευθυγράμμων-τμημάτων,
name::
* McsElln.μλ02.Κ2.9.Μήκος-ευθύγραμμου-τμήματος-Απόσταση-δυο-σημείων,
name::
* McsElln.μλ02.Κ2.10.Σημεία-συμμετρικά-ως-προς-κέντρο,
name::
* McsElln.μλ02.Κ2.14.Ευθεία-κάθετη-από-σημείο-σε-ευθεία,
name::
* McsElln.μλ02.Κ2.18.Επίκεντρη-γωνία - Σχέση επίκεντρης γωνίας και τόξου,
name::
* McsElln.μλ02.Κ2.20.Τεθλασμένη-γραμμή-Πολύγωνο - στοιχεία πολυγώνων,
name::
* McsElln.μλ02.Κ3.Τρίγωνα (19 ωρες),
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL-A101/574/3720,16299//
_ΠΕΡΙΕΧΟΜΕΝΑ:
Είδη και στοιχεία τριγώνων
1ο Κριτήριο ισότητας τριγώνων
2ο Κριτήριο ισότητας τριγώνων
3ο Κριτήριο ισότητας τριγώνων
Ύπαρξη και μοναδικότητα καθέτου Κριτήρια ισότητας ορθογώνιων τριγώνων
Κύκλος - Μεσοκάθετος - Διχοτόμος
Κεντρική συμμετρία
Αξονική συμμετρία
Σχέση εξωτερικής και απέναντι γώνιας
Ανισοτικές σχέσεις πλευρών και γωνιών
Τριγωνική ανισότητα
Κάθετες και πλάγιες
Σχετικές θέσεις ευθείας και κύκλου
Εφαπτόμενα τμήματα
Σχετικές θέσεις δύο κύκλων
Απλές γεωμετρικές κατασκευές
Βασικές κατασκευές τριγώνων
name::
* McsElln.μλ02.Κ4.Παράλληλες-ευθείες (10 ωρες),
_ΠΕΡΙΕΧΟΜΕΝΑ:
Εισαγωγή
Τέμνουσα δύο ευθειών - Ευκλείδειο αίτημα
Κατασκευή παράλληλης
Γωνίες με πλευρές παράλληλες
Αξιοσημείωτοι κύκλοι τριγώνου
Άθροισμα γωνιών τριγώνου
Γωνίες με πλευρές κάθετες
Άθροισμα γωνιών κυρτού
name::
* McsElln.μλ02.Κ5.Παραλληλόγραμμα-Τραπέζια (17 ωρες),
_ΠΕΡΙΕΧΟΜΕΝΑ:
Εισαγωγή
Παραλληλόγραμμα
Ορθογώνιο
Ρόμβος
Τετράγωνο
Εφαρμογές στα τρίγωνα
Βαρύκεντρο τριγώνου
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Μια ιδιότητα του ορθογωνίου τριγώνου
Τραπέζιο
Ισοσκελές τραπέζιο
Αξιοσημείωτες ευθείες και κύκλοι τριγώνου
name::
* McsElln.μλ02.Κ6.Εγγεγραμμένα-σχήματα (6 ωρες),
_ΠΕΡΙΕΧΟΜΕΝΑ:
Εισαγωγικά - Ορισμοί
Σχέση εγγεγραμμένης και αντίστοιχης επίκεντρης
Γωνία χορδής και εφαπτομένης
Βασικοί γεωμετρικοί τόποι στον κύκλο
Το εγγεγραμμένο τετράπλευρο
Το εγγράψιμο τετράπλευρο
Γεωμετρικοί τόποι και γεωμετρικές κατασκευές με τη Βοήθεια των γεωμετρικών τόπων
name::
* McsElln.ΜθμΛ1.ΕΦΑΡΜΟΓΕΣ-ΠΛΗΡΟΦΟΡΙΚΗΣ (Α' Ενιαίου Λυκείου),
ΟΡΙΣΜΟΣ:
Είναι μάθημα επιλογήςστη Α' τάξη του Ενιαίου Λυκείου.
ΠΡΩΤΗ ΕΦΑΡΜΟΓΗ: 1999-2000
Παρατήρηση: Το σχολικό έτος 1998-1999 διδάχτηκε το ίδιο μάθημα και στη α' και στη β'.
ΝΟΜΟΘΕΣΙΑ:
** Γ2/4243/22-9-1999 (Διευκρινίσεις)
** Γ2/2768/19-5-1999 (ΠΣ ΕΛ, ΦΕΚ 1540 τβ 29ιουλ1999, ήρθε με Γ2/2768/19-8-99)
** Γ2/1097/5-3-1999 (ΠΣ μαθήματος, ΦΕΚ 392 τβ 15απρ1999, ήρθε με Γ2/2713/18-5-99)
ΔΙΔΑΚΤΙΚΕΣ ΩΡΕΣ (50):
1. Ο κόσμος της πληροφορικής (20 ώρες)
Γενική επισκόπηση εφαρμογών
κατηγορίες υπολογιστών
το υλικό
το λογισμικό συστήματος
το λογισμικό εφαρμογών
προγραμματιστικά περιβάλλοντα
πληροφοριακά συστήματα
2. Διερευνώ - δημιουργώ - ανακαλύπτω (27 ώρες)
συνθετικές εργασίες με
λογισμικό εφαρμογών γενικής χρήσης(13ώρες)
εκπαιδευτικό λογισμικό
προγραμματιστικά περιβάλλοντα (13ώρες)
3. Πληροφορική και σύγχρονος κόσμος (3 ώρες)
όλα αλλάζουν...
νέες επαγγελματικές προοπτικές.
ΔΙΔΑΚΤΕΑ ΥΛΗ:
Επειδή το υπάρχον βιβλίο καλύπτει την ύλη και των δύο μαθημάτων (Εφαρμογές Πληροφορικής και Εφαρμογές Υπολογιστών), προτείνεται (ενδεικτικά) να διδαχθούν τα ακόλουθα κεφάλαια για κάθε τάξη.
1. Εφαρμογές Πληροφορικής, Α΄ Τάξη Κεφάλαια: 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, 9, 10, 16
2. Εφαρμογές Υπολογιστών, Β΄/Γ΄ Τάξη Κεφάλαια: 6, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 17, 18
ΓΙΑΤΙ ΝΑ ΤΟ ΜΑΘΟΥΜΕ:
Η γνώση των δυνατοτήτων των υπολογιστών επιβάλλεται λόγω της μεγάλης επίπτωσης των στη ζωή μας.
ΣΤΟ ΣΠΙΤΙ/ΓΡΑΦΕΙΟ:
1) παίζουμε (παιγνίδια)
2) γράφουμε κείμενα (επεξεργαστές κειμένου)
3) ζωγραφίζουμε (γραφικά)
4) υπολογίζουμε (λογιστικά φύλλα)
5) καταχωρούμε πληροφορίες απο πίνακες/καρτέλες (Βάσεις Δεδομένων)
6) επικοινωνούμε (προγράματα επικοινωνίας)
7) μαθαίνουμε και εκπαιδευόμαστε (εκπαιδευτικά προγράμματα)
ΘΕΤΙΚΕΣ ΕΠΙΠΤΩΣΕΙΣ:
- Νέα επαγγέλματα
- ποιοτική απόδοση (επιτημόνων, μηχανικών, τεχνικοί, διοικητικοί υπάλληλοι)
- βελτίωση παρεχομένων υπηρεσιών (απο ιδιωτικούς και κρατικούς οργανισμούς)
- βελτίωση προϊόντων
- εργασία, εκπαίδευση, διασκέδαση.
ΑΡΝΗΤΙΚΕΣ ΕΠΙΠΤΩΣΕΙΣ:
- κίνδυνος ανεργίας
- αιφνίδια διείσδηση
- εύκολη πρόσβαση σε ιδιωτικές πληροφορίες. Ελλειψη νομικού πλαισίου.
- συστήματα ασφαλείας ευάλωτα
- περιορισμός κοινωνικότητας με τηλεεργασία, τηλεκπαίδευση..
ΣΤΟ ΕΜΠΟΡΙΟ ΚΑΙ ΤΗ ΒΙΟΜΗΧΑΝΙΑ:
- ηλεκτρονικό εμπόριο.
- ρομποτική
- Computer Integrated Manufacturing
- η χρήση τώρα είναι αναγκαία για επιβίωση εταιριών.
ΣΤΗ ΔΗΜΟΣΙΑ ΔΙΟΙΚΗΣΗ:
- LAIOS: πληροφόριση του πολίτη και έκδοση πιστοποιητικών από την τοπ. αυτοδιοίκηση
- μισθοδοσία δημοσίων υπαλλήλων
- ασφαλιστικά ταμεία
- φορολογία
- στατιστική υπηρεσία
ΣΤΗΝ ΥΓΕΙΑ:
- ειδικοί τύποι εξειδικεύονται σε πληθώρα περιπτώσεων.
ΣΤΙΣ ΜΕΤΑΦΟΡΕΣ:
- οι μικροεπεξεργαστές θα μπουν στο αυτοκίνητο
- φανάρια
- αεροπλάνα διαθέτουν συστήματα αυτόματου ελέγχου
ΣΤΙΣ ΕΠΙΣΤΗΜΕΣ:
- πρώτες χρήσεις
- βάσεις δεδομένων
- ηλεκτρονικές βιβλιοθήκες
- δίκτυα επικοινωνιών.
ΣΤΗΝ ΕΚΠΑΙΔΕΥΣΗ:
- μέσο διδασκαλίας και μάθησης
- υπολογιστής εικονικό εργαστήριο
ΥΠΕΡΥΠΟΛΟΓΙΣΤΕΣ (supercomputers):
δισ εντολές το δευτ.
ΜΕΓΑΛΟΙ ΥΠΟΛΟΓΙΣΤΕΣ (mainframes):
εκατ. εντολές το δευτ.
Διαγώνισμα σόλο το κεφ3. (υλικό)
ΕΝΝΟΙΕΣ:
1. Δομή υπολογιστή.
2. ΚΜΕ
3. ΚΕΝΤΡΙΚΗ ΜΝΗΜΗ
4. ΑΡΧΙΤΕΚΤΟΝΙΚΗ (Μικροϋπολογιστές)
ΔΟΜΗ ΥΠΟΛΟΓΙΣΤΗ:
1) μονάδα εισόδου, 2) Κύρια Μνήμη, 3) ΚΜΕ, 4) μονάδα εξόδου, 5) βοηθητική μνήμη.
ΚΜΕ (επεξεργαστής):
Αποτελείται από
1) μονάδα ελέγχου: ελέγχει την όλη διαδικασία εκτέλεσης των εντολών.
2) Αριθμ & Λογική μονάδα: εδώ γίνονται οι στοιχειώδεις αριθμ και λογικές πράξεις.
3) καταχωρητές: ταχύτατες μνήμες για προσωρινή αποθήκευση. Δεδομένων, Διευθύνσεων μνήμης.
ΚΕΝΤΡΙΚΗ ΜΝΗΜΗ (RAM):
Χρησιμοποιείται για αποθήκευση προγραμμάτων και δεδομένων όσο χρόνο εκτελούνται τα προγράμματα. Αποτελείται από θέσεις με διευθύνσεις καθορισμένων bit.
ΑΡΧΙΤΕΚΤΟΝΙΚΗ ονομάζουν τη φυσική οργάνωση των διαφόρων μερών του υπολογιστή.
Η σύνδεση γίνεται με διαδρόμους, παράλληλες γραμμές.
ΕΝΝΟΙΕΣ:
1. περιφερειακές μονάδες.
2. μονάδες εισόδου.
3. μονάδες εξόδου.
4. βοηθητική μνήμη.
ΠΕΡΙΦΕΡΕΙΑΚΕΣ ΜΟΝΑΔΕΣ ονομάζονται οι μονάδες εισόδου, εξόδου και βοηθητικής-μνήμης.
ΜΟΝΑΔΕΣ ΕΙΣΟΔΟΥ:
* πληκρολόγιο
* ποντίκι
* Μονάδες αναγνώρισης χαρακτήρων μαγνητικής μελάνης
* Μονάδες οπτικής αναγνώρισης
* Οθόνες Αφής
* Σαρωτής
ΜΟΝΑΔΕΣ ΕΞΟΔΟΥ:
* οθόνη
* εκτυπωτής με ακίδες
* εκτυπωτής Λέιζερ
* εκτυπωτης με ψεκασμό μελάνης
* τερματική μονάδα
ΜΟΝΑΔΕΣ ΒΟΗΘΗΤΙΚΗΣ ΜΝΗΜΗΣ:
* μονάδα μαγνητικού δίσκου
* μονάδα μαγνητικής δισκέτας
* οπτικοί δίσκοι (CDROM, WORM, DVD, REWRITABLE)
name::
* McsElln.ΤΕΣΤ Α' ΤΕΤΡΑΜΗΝΟΥ (εφαρμογές-πληροφορικής α' λυκείου 2002-2003),
1)[4 μονάδες] Γράψτε ονομαστικά τις 3 ΒΑΣΙΚΕΣ-ΣΥΣΚΕΥΕΣ ενός υπολογιστή.
2)[5 μονάδες] Απαντήστε με σωστό/λάθος στις παρακάτω ερωτήσεις:
α) Η ΚΜΕ περιλαμβάνει τη μονάδα ελέγχου, την αριθμητική και λογική μονάδα και τους καταχωρητές.
______σωστό ________λάθος
β) Η μνήμη RAM (κεντρική-μνήμη) είναι μια μακρόχρονη αποθήκη προγραμμάτων.
______σωστό ________λάθος
γ) Οι συσκευές ενός υπολογιστή λέγονται Software.
______σωστό ________λάθος
δ) Το ΚΕΝΤΡΙΚΟ-ΜΕΡΟΣ αποτελείται από την Κεντρική-Μονάδα-Επεξεργασίας, την Κεντρική-Μνήμη, τη Μονάδα Εισόδου/Εξόδου και την Οθόνη.
______σωστό ________λάθος
ε) Το ΠΕΡΙΦΕΡΕΙΑΚΟ-ΜΕΡΟΣ περιλαμβάνει μεταξύ άλλων την οθόνη, το πληκτρολόγιο, το ποντίκι, τον εκτυπωτή, τις αποθήκες.
______σωστό ________λάθος
3)[2 μονάδες] Τι πλεονέκτημα και τί μειονέκτημα έχει η μνήμη RAM;
4)[2 μονάδες] Ποιές είναι οι δύο βασικές τεχνολογίες οθονών;
5)[4 μονάδες] Γράψτε τα είδη ΑΠΟΘΗΚΩΝ (περιφερειακές μνήμες) που χρησιμοποιεί ένας υπολογιστής.
6)[3 μονάδες] Γράψτε τις 3 βασικές τεχνολογίες εκτυπωτών.
ΑΠΑΝΤΗΣΕΙΣ (να γραφούν όλες απο δώ και κάτω)
1. Επεξεργαστής, Μνήμη ΡΑΜ, Αποθήκες.
3. εισ: ποντίκι, σαρωτής, πληκτρολόγιο
4. Καθοδικού σωλίνα, υγρών κρυστάλων.
name::
* McsElln.ΤΕΣΤ Α' ΤΕΤΡΑΜΗΝΟΥ (εφαρμογές-πληροφορικής α' λυκείου),
(Σε παρένθεση οι μονάδες κάθε θέματος)
1)(4) Γράψτε ονομαστικά τις 5 βασικές μονάδες ενός υπολογιστή.
2)(5) Απαντήστε με σωστό/λάθος στις παρακάτω ερωτήσεις:
α) Η ΚΜΕ περιλαμβάνει τη μονάδα ελέγχου, την αριθμητική και λογική μονάδα και τους καταχωρητές
______σωστό ________λάθος
β) Η μνήμη RAM είναι μια μακρόχρονη αποθήκη προγραμμάτων.
______σωστό ________λάθος
γ) Η μνήμη Cache είναι πολύ πιο γρήγορη από τη RAM και βρίσκεται μεταξύ επεξεργαστή και RAM
______σωστό ________λάθος
δ) Μικροεπεξεργαστής είναι μια ειδική μορφή ΚΜΕ της οποίας όλα τα βασικά ηλεκτρονικά κυκλώματα βρίσκονται σε ένα ολοκληρωμένο κύκλωμα (chip).
______σωστό ________λάθος
ε) Περιφερειακές μονάδες λέγονται οι μονάδες εισόδου και εξόδου
______σωστό ________λάθος
3)(2) Χαρακτήρισε ποιές μονάδες είναι εισόδου και ποιές εξόδου:
ΕΙΣΟΔΟΥ ΕΞΟΔΟΥ
α) ποντίκι____________________________
β) σαρωτής__________________________
γ) εκτυπωτής_________________________
δ) πληκτρολόγιο_______________________
4)(2) Τι γνωρίζετε για την κατακόρυφη συχνότητα (refresh rate) μιάς οθόνης;
5)(4) Γράψτε τα είδη των αποθηκών που χρησιμοποιεί ένας υπολογιστής.
6)(3) Γράψτε τις 3 βασικές τεχνολογίες εκτυπωτών.
1. ΚΜΕ, Κύρια-Μνήμη, Βοηθητική-Μνήμη, Εισόδου, Εξόδου.
3. εισ: ποντίκι, σαρωτής, πληκτρολόγιο
4. Απο αυτή εξαρτάται η σταθερότητα της εικόνας, άρα άν κουράζει τα μάτια ή όχι. Πρέπει να είναι πάνω από 72Hz.
name::
* McsElln.ΤΕΣΤ2 Α' ΤΕΤΡΑΜΗΝΟΥ (εφαρμογές-πληροφορικής α' λυκείου),
(Σε παρένθεση οι μονάδες κάθε θέματος)
1)(5) Απαντήστε με σωστό/λάθος στις παρακάτω ερωτήσεις:
α) Η ΚΜΕ περιλαμβάνει την αριθμητική και λογική μονάδα και τους καταχωρητές.
______σωστό ________λάθος
β) Η RAM αποτελείται από θέσεις και διευθύνσεις με bit.
______σωστό ________λάθος
γ) Η βοηθητική-μνήμη είναι μια μακρόχρονη αποθήκη πληροφοριών.
______σωστό ________λάθος
δ) Ο Μικροεπεξεργαστής είναι ειδική μορφή ΚΜ (κύριας μνήμης) της οποίας όλα τα κυκλώματα βρίσκονται σε ένα ολοκληρωμένο κύκλωμα.
______σωστό ________λάθος
ε) Η βασικότερη μονάδα του υπολογιστή είναι η Κεντρική Μονάδα.
______σωστό ________λάθος
2)(2) Γράψτε δύο μονάδες εισόδου και δύο εξόδου.
3)(3) Ποιές είναι οι περιφερειακές μονάδες ενός υπολογιστή;
4)(4) Γράψτε ονομαστικά τις κατηγορίες υπολογιστών.
5)(3) Ποιός τύπος εκτυπωτή είναι ο πιο κατάλληλος για το σπίτι και γιατί.
6)(3) Ποιά είναι η βασικότερη αποθήκη ενός υπολογιστή και γιατί.
2. ΕΙΣΟΔΟΥ: πληκτρολόγιο, ποντίκι. ΕΞΟΔΟΥ: οθόνη, εκτυπωτής.
3. εισόδου, εξόδου, βοηθητική-μνήμη.
4. Υπερυγολογιστές, Μεγάλοι, Μίνι, Σταθμοί-Εργασίας, Μικροϋπολογιστές, Φορητοί, Χειρός.
4.2.1 ΒΑΣΙΚΕΣ ΕΡΓΑΣΙΕΣ ΤΟΥ ΛΕΙΤΟΥΡΓΙΚΟΥ ΣΥΣΤΗΜΑΤΟΣ
* ΛΣ είναι το σύνολο των προγραμμάτων ενός υπολογιστή που ελέγχουν και συντονίζουν τη λειτουργία του.
* Εργασίες ΛΣ:
- εκτελεί τις εντολές εισόδου-εξόδου των προγραμμάτων
- διαχειρίζεται τη RAM
- αξιοποιεί τον επεξεργαστεί
- διαχειρίζεται τις αποθήκες, αρχεία
- εποπτεύει τη σύγχρονη εκτέλεση των προγραμμάτων
- τηρεί ημερολόγιο
ΠΛΗΡΟΦΟΡΙΑΚΟ ΣΥΣΤΗΜΑ είναι ένα ΣΥΣΤΗΜΑ που διαχειρίζεται πληροφορίες και έχει ως συστατικά ανθρώπους, υλικό, λογισμικό και διαδικασίες.
ΣΤΑΔΙΑ ΑΝΑΠΤΥΞΗΣ ΠΣ:
α) ΠΡΟΚΑΤΑΡΚΤΙΚΗ ΕΡΕΥΝΑ: Απόφαση της διοίκησης αν υπάρχει ΑΝΑΓΚΗ δημιουργίας ενός νέου συστήματος.
β) ΜΕΛΕΤΗ ΣΚΟΠΙΜΟΤΗΤΑΣ: (εφικτότητας μελέτη)
- είναι δυνατή η δημιουργία
- τι οφέλη θα υπάρξουν
- ποιο το κόστος του
- ποιες οι επιπτώσεις του
γ) ΑΝΑΛΥΣΗ ΠΑΡΟΝΤΟΣ ΣΥΣΤΗΜΑΤΟΣ
δ) ΣΧΕΔΙΑΣΜΟΣ ΝΕΟΥ ΣΥΣΤΗΜΑΤΟΣ:
- καταγραφή διαδικασιών και σύνταξη διαγραμμάτων ροής συστήματος
- σχεδιασμός οθονών εισόδου
- προσδιορισμός απαιτήσεων υλικού-λογισμικού
- σχεδιασμός μετάβασης
ε) ΥΛΟΠΟΙΗΣΗ:
- αγορά υλικού
- γραφή προγραμμάτων
- έλεγχος συστήματος
- μετάπτωση στο καινούργιο (άμεσα, παράλληλα, κλιμακωτά)
ΠΛΗΡΟΦΟΡΙΑΚΑ ΣΥΣΤΗΜΑΤΑ ΔΙΟΙΚΗΣΗΣ (MIS) είναι ΠΣ για την οργάνωση και έλεγχο της διοίκησης λειτουργίας μιας μονάδας (οργανισμού)
πχ συμβουλεύει τη βέλτιστη πορεία αυτοκινήτου για διανομή προϊόντων.
Βαθμολόγιση:
Εμφάνιση 10
Γραφικά 4
Περιεχόμενο/Δομή 4
Βιβλιογραφία 2
1) ΠΑΡΟΥΣΙΑΣΗ ΤΗΣ ΒΙΒΛΙΟΓΡΑΦΙΑΣ:
Κάθε εργασία πρέπει να έχει βιβλιογραφία που να δείχνει από πού άντλησε τις πληροφορίες ο συγγραφέας και ποιές θέσεις είναι δικές του και ποιές άλλων.
Η Βιβλιογραφία βρίσκεται στο τέλος της εργασίας, αλφαβητικά ως προς το επίθετο του συγγραφέα.
Ο τρόπος που παρουσιάζουμε τη βιβλιογραφία ακολουθεί ορισμένους κανόνες, δηλαδή:
α) ΒΙΒΛΙΟ:
Συγγραφέας. Τίτλος. Πόλη-που-εκδόθηκε: Εκδότης, έτος.
πχ
Βαρουχάκης, Ν., Λ. Αδαμόπουλος. ΜΑΘΗΜΑΤΙΚΑ α' λυκείου άλγεβρα. Αθήνα: ΟΕΔΒ, 1982.
β) ΑΡΘΡΟ ΠΕΡΙΟΔΙΚΟΥ:
Συγγραφέας. "Τίτλος" Περιοδικό Αριθμός (ημερομηνία): σελίδες.
πχ
Assimakopoulos, Nikitas, "The Influence of New Technology in Organization and Management" Information & Management 14 (1988): 195-202.
γ) ΑΡΘΡΟ ΒΙΒΛΙΟΥ:
Συγγραφέας. "Τίτλος" Στο Τίτλος Βιβλίου. Από Εκδότης. σελίδες. Πόλη: Εκδότης, έτος.
πχ
Katz, Boris. "Using English for Indexing and Retrieving." In Artificial Intelligence At MIT. Edited by P. H. Winston. pp135-165. Cambridge, Mass: The MIT Press, 1990.
δ) ΙΝΤΕΡΝΕΤ:
Με τη ραγδαία εξέλιξη του ιντερνέτ, έχουμε πολλές αναφορές σε πληροφορίες από αυτό.
πχ
http://www.ypepth.gr/news.html
2) ΑΝΑΦΟΡΑ ΣΤΗ ΒΙΒΛΙΟΓΡΑΦΙΑ:
Μέσα στο κείμενο όταν αναφέρουμε μία θέση/πληροφορία αναφέρουμε από που την έχουμε πάρει, σε πια από τις βιβλιογραφίες που αναφέρουμε στο τέλος της εργασίας ανήκει η πληροφορία ως εξής:
(Katz 1990, 19)
όπου
- Katz είναι το επίθετο του συγγραφέα,
- 1990 είναι το έτος έκδοσης και
- 19 είναι η σελίδα που βρίσκεται η πληροφορία.
Ενας δεύτερος τρόπος να κάνουμε αναφορά στη βιβλιογραφία μας μέσα από το κείμενο είναι να αριθμήσουμε τη βιβλιογραφία και μετά η αναφορά μας είναι:
[23, 19]
όπου
- 23 είναι ο αριθμός της βιβλιογραφίας
- 19 η σελίδα που περιέχει τη πληροφορία που λέμε.
name::
* McsElln.ΜθμΛ1.ΙΣΤΟΡΙΑ-ΤΟΥ-ΑΡXΑΙΟΥ-ΚΟΣΜΟΥ (μλ06),
* McsEngl.conceptIt532.6,
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.ιστορία-μλ06,
* McsElln.ΜαθημαΛ12.ΙΣΤΟΡΙΑ@cptIt532.6, {2012-06-24}
* McsElln.μλα.ιστορία,
* McsElln.μλ06@cptIt532.6, {2012-06-16}
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/courses/DSGL-A102//
ΠΡΟΛΟΓΟΣ
Ι. ΠΟΛΙΤΙΣΜΟΙ ΤΗΣ ΕΓΓΥΣ ΑΝΑΤΟΛΗΣ
1. Οι λαοί της Μεσοποταμίας
1.1 Η χώρα
1.2 Οικονομική, κοινωνική και πολιτική οργάνωση
1.3 Η ιστορία
1.4 O πολιτισμός
Ασκήσεις - Δραστηριότητες
2. Η Αίγυπτος
2.1 Η χώρα
2.2 Οικονομική, κοινωνική και πολιτική οργάνωση
2.3 Η ιστορία
2.4 O πολιτισμός
Ασκήσεις - Δραστηριότητες
3. Οι Φοίνικες
3.1 Η χώρα
3.2 Οικονομική, κοινωνική και πολιτική οργάνωση
3.3 Η ιστορία
3.4 O πολιτισμός
Ασκήσεις - Δραστηριότητες
4. Οι Εβραίοι
4.1 Η χώρα
4.2 Οικονομική, κοινωνική και πολιτική οργάνωση
4.3 Η ιστορία
4.4 O πολιτισμός
Ασκήσεις - Δραστηριότητες
5. Οι Χετταίοι ή Χεττίτες
5.1 Η χώρα
5.2 Οικονομική, κοινωνική και πολιτική οργάνωση
5.3 Η ιστορία
5.4 O πολιτισμός
Ασκήσεις - Δραστηριότητες
6. Οι Μήδοι και οι Πέρσες
6.1 Η χώρα
6.2 Οικονομική, κοινωνική και πολιτική οργάνωση
6.3 Η ιστορία
6.4 O πολιτισμός
Ασκήσεις - Δραστηριότητες
7. Οι Ανατολικοί λαοί και οι Έλληνες
II. ΟΙ ΑΡΧΑΙΟΙ ΕΛΛΗΝΕΣ
Από τους προϊστορικούς χρόνους έως και το Μ. Αλέξανδρο
1. Ελληνική προϊστορία
1.1 Οι Αιγαιακοί πολιτισμοί
1.2 Ο Μυκηναϊκός πολιτισμός
Ασκήσεις - Δραστηριότητες
2. Η αρχαία Ελλάδα (Από το 1100 ως το 323 π.χ.)
2.1 Ομηρική εποχή
2.2 Αρχαϊκή εποχή
2.3 Κλασική εποχή
Ασκήσεις - Δραστηριότητες
III. ΕΛΛΗΝΙΣΤΙΚΟΙ ΧΡΟΝΟΙ
1. Ο ελληνιστικός κόσμος
1.1 Η διάσπαση του κράτους του Μ. Αλεξάνδρου
1.2 Τα χαρακτηριστικά του ελληνιστικού κόσμου
Ασκήσεις - Δραστηριότητες
2. Ο ελληνιστικός πολιτισμός
2.1 Τα ελληνιστικά κέντρα
2.2 Η γλώσσα
2.3 Η θρησκεία
2.4 Τα γράμματα
2.5 Οι επιστήμες
2.6 Οι τέχνες
Ασκήσεις - Δραστηριότητες
IV. Ο ΕΛΛΗΝΙΣΜΟΣ ΤΗΣ ΔΥΣΗΣ. ΠΟΛΙΤΙΣΜΟΙ Δ. ΜΕΣΟΓΕΙΟΥ ΚΑΙ ΡΩΜΗ
1. Ο Ελληνισμός της Δύσης
1.1 Οικονομική, κοινωνική και πολιτική οργάνωση των αποίκων
1.2 Οι Συρακούσες
1.3 Οι Έλληνες και οι λαοί της Δυτικής Μεσογείου
1.4 Ο πολιτισμός των Ελλήνων της Δύσης
Ασκήσεις - Δραστηριότητες
2. Η Καρχηδόνα
2.1 Οικονομική, κοινωνική και πολιτική οργάνωση
2.2 Η εξάπλωση των Καρχηδονίων
Ασκήσεις - Δραστηριότητες
3. Οι λαοί της ιταλικής χερσονήσου και ο σχηματισμός του ρωμαϊκού κράτους
3.1 Η χώρα
3.2 Οι Ετρούσκοι
3.3 Η ίδρυση της Ρώμης και η οργάνωσή της
3.4 Η συγκρότηση της ρωμαϊκής πολιτείας - Res publica
3.5 Η ρωμαϊκή εξάπλωση
3.6 Ο ρωμαϊκός πολιτισμός
Ασκήσεις - Δραστηριότητες
V. ΟΙ ΜΕΓΑΛΕΣ ΚΑΤΑΚΤΗΣΕΙΣ
1. Η ολοκλήρωση της ρωμαϊκής επέκτασης (200-31 π. Χ.)
1.1 Η επέκταση στην Ανατολή
1.2 Οι κατακτήσεις στη Δύση
1.3 Η διοίκηση των κατακτημένων περιοχών
Ασκήσεις - Δραστηριότητες
2. Οι συνέπειες των κατακτήσεων
2.1 Οικονομικές, κοινωνικές και πολιτιστικές αλλαγές
2.2 Οι μεταρρυθμιστικές προσπάθειες
2.3 Η ενοποίηση της Ιταλίας
2.4 Οι εμφύλιοι πόλεμοι
Ασκήσεις - Δραστηριότητες
VI. Η ΡΩΜΑΪΚΗ ΑΥΤΟΚΡΑΤΟΡΙΑ (1ος αι. π.Χ.-3ος αι. μ.Χ.)
1. Η περίοδος της ακμής (27 π.Χ.-193 μ.Χ.)
1.1 Η εποχή του Αυγούστου (30 π.Χ.-14 μ.Χ.)
1.2 Οι διάδοχοι του Αυγούστου (14-193 μ.Χ.)
1.3 Ο Ελληνισμός και η Ρώμη
1.4 Η ρωμαϊκή τέχνη
Ασκήσεις - Δραστηριότητες
2. Η κρίση της αυτοκρατορίας τον 3ο αι. μ.Χ.
2.1 Η κρίση του αυτοκρατορικού θεσμού
2.2 Η οικονομική κρίση
2.3 Η κοινωνική κρίση
2.4 Οι βαρβαρικές επιδρομές
2.5 Η παρακμή του αρχαίου κόσμου
Ασκήσεις - Δραστηριότητες
VII. Η ΥΣΤΕΡΗ ΑΡΧΑΙΟΤΗΤΑ (4ος-6ος αι. μ.Χ.)
1. Η μετεξέλιξη του Ρωμαϊκού κράτους(4ος-5ος αι. μ.Χ.)
1.1 Ο Διοκλητιανός και η αναδιοργάνωση της αυτοκρατορίας
1.2 Μ. Κωνσταντίνος: Εκχριστιανισμός και ισχυροποίηση της ρωμαϊκής Ανατολής
1.3 Οι θρησκευτικές εξελίξεις
1.4 Ο εξελληνισμός του Ανατολικού Ρωμαϊκού κράτους
1.5 Η μεγάλη μετανάστευση των λαών. Το τέλος του Δυτικού Ρωμαϊκού κράτους
Ασκήσεις - Δραστηριότητες
2. Η εποχή του Ιουστινιανού
2.1 Ανασύσταση της ρωμαϊκής οικουμένης
2.2 Η ελληνοχριστιανική οικουμένη
Ασκήσεις - Δραστηριότητες
3. Τα γράμματα και οι τέχνες
3.1 Η πνευματική ανάπτυξη
3.2 Η καλλιτεχνική ανάπτυξη
Ασκήσεις - Δραστηριότητες
VIII. ΠΟΛΙΤΙΣΜΟΙ ΤΗΣ ΝΟΤΙΑΣ ΑΣΙΑΣ ΚΑΙ ΤΗΣ ΑΠΩ ΑΝΑΤΟΛΗΣ
1. Η Ινδία
1.1 Η χώρα
1.2 Η οικονομία και η κοινωνία
1.3 Η ιστορία και ο πολιτισμός
Ασκήσεις - Δραστηριότητες
2. Η Κίνα
2.1 Η χώρα και οι κάτοικοι
2.2 Η ιστορία και ο πολιτισμός
Ασκήσεις - Δραστηριότητες
ΧΡΟΝΟΛΟΓΙΚΟΣ ΠΙΝΑΚΑΣ
ΒΙΒΛΙΟΓΡΑΦΙΑ
ΕΥΡΕΤΗΡΙΟ ΟΡΩΝ
name::
* McsElln.μλ06.Κ1.ΠΟΛΙΤΙΣΜΟΙ-ΤΗΣ-ΕΓΓΥΣ-ΑΝΑΤΟΛΗΣ (Ι),
* http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL-A102/45/305,1279//
1. Οι λαοί της Μεσοποταμίας
1.1 Η χώρα
1.2 Οικονομική, κοινωνική και πολιτική οργάνωση
1.3 Η ιστορία
1.4 O πολιτισμός
Ασκήσεις - Δραστηριότητες
2. Η Αίγυπτος
2.1 Η χώρα
2.2 Οικονομική, κοινωνική και πολιτική οργάνωση
2.3 Η ιστορία
2.4 O πολιτισμός
Ασκήσεις - Δραστηριότητες
3. Οι Φοίνικες
3.1 Η χώρα
3.2 Οικονομική, κοινωνική και πολιτική οργάνωση
3.3 Η ιστορία
3.4 O πολιτισμός
Ασκήσεις - Δραστηριότητες
4. Οι Εβραίοι
4.1 Η χώρα
4.2 Οικονομική, κοινωνική και πολιτική οργάνωση
4.3 Η ιστορία
4.4 O πολιτισμός
Ασκήσεις - Δραστηριότητες
5. Οι Χετταίοι ή Χεττίτες
5.1 Η χώρα
5.2 Οικονομική, κοινωνική και πολιτική οργάνωση
5.3 Η ιστορία
5.4 O πολιτισμός
Ασκήσεις - Δραστηριότητες
6. Οι Μήδοι και οι Πέρσες
6.1 Η χώρα
6.2 Οικονομική, κοινωνική και πολιτική οργάνωση
6.3 Η ιστορία
6.4 O πολιτισμός
Ασκήσεις - Δραστηριότητες
7. Οι Ανατολικοί λαοί και οι Έλληνες
name::
* McsElln.μλ06.κ1.1. Οι λαοί της Μεσοποταμίας,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL-A102/45/305,1279//
* μλ06.Μεσοποταμία, Μεσοποταμία_μλ06:
Μεσοποταμία ονομάστηκε για πρώτη φορά από τους αρχαίους Έλληνες η χώρα την οποία διαρρέουν δύο μεγάλοι ποταμοί ο Τίγρης - ανατολικά - και ο Ευφράτης - δυτικά. Με το όνομα αυτό οριοθετείται μια μεγάλη περιοχή που περιλαμβάνει τις κοιλάδες των δύο ποταμών και των παραποτάμων τους. Το μεγαλύτερο και σπουδαιότερο σε ό,τι αφορά την ιστορία τμήμα της χώρας αυτής βρίσκεται στο σημερινό κράτος του Ιράκ. Ο Τίγρης και ο Ευφράτης στην πορεία τους διακλαδίζονται σε παραποτάμους, ενώνονται όμως πριν από την έξοδό τους στον Περσικό κόλπο και σχηματίζουν μια ελώδη περιοχή μεγάλης έκτασης. Η βόρεια περιοχή της Μεσοποταμίας είναι ορεινή. Στη μέση και νότια Μεσοποταμία, το έδαφος, από το οποίο λείπει παντελώς η πέτρα, είναι αργιλώδες και άγονο. Η αυτοφυής βλάστηση περιοριζόταν, όπως και σήμερα, σε φοινικόδεντρα και καλαμοειδή που φύονται στις ελώδεις περιοχές. Ωστόσο, η άρδευση τη γης από τα νερά των ποταμών μετέβαλε τις άγονες εκτάσεις σε εύφορες για την παραγωγή σιτηρών1.
Την 7η χιλιετία π.Χ. στις βόρειες περιοχές της Μεσοποταμίας φαίνεται ότι δημιουργούνται οι προϋποθέσεις μετασχηματισμού στον τρόπο ζωής του ανθρώπου: από το κυνήγι και τη συλλογή των καρπών - θηρευτικό* ή συλλεκτικό στάδιο οικονομίας - ο άνθρωπος περνά τη συλλογική ζωή, τη μόνιμη κατοίκηση και την καλλιέργεια της γης - παραγωγικό στάδιο.
[http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL-A102/45/305,1281/]
* μλ06.Ασσυρία, Ασσυρία_μλ06:
Το βόρειο τμήμα της Μεσοποταμίας οι Έλληνες το ονόμαζαν Ασσυρία,
[μλ06.σ10]
* μλ06.Βαβυλωνία, Βαβυλωνία_μλ06:
το κεντρικό και νότιο Βαβυλωνία.
* μλ06.Xαλδαία, Xαλδαία_μλ06:
Χρησιμοποιούσαν επίσης το όνομα Χαλδαία για να διακρίνουν το νότιο μέρος της χώρας.
[μλ06.σ10]
* μλ06.Σουμέριοι, Σουμέριοι.μλ06:
Από την 4η χιλιετία π.Χ. οι Σουμέριοι, οι αρχαιότεροι κάτοικοι της περιοχής, υπό την επίβλεψη του κράτους είχαν ως κύρια ασχολία την άρδευση και την καλλιέργεια των χωραφιών. Η συστηματική ανάπτυξη της γεωργίας στη Μεσοποταμία επιτεύχθηκε μόνο μέσα από την ομαδική εργασία, καθώς η καλλιέργεια των άγονων εκτάσεων δεν ήταν εφικτή στο πλαίσιο της οικογενειακής γεωργικής οικονομίας.
[http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL-A102/45/305,1279//]
[μλ06.σ11]
===
Οι Σουμέριοι. Την 4η χιλιετία π.Χ. στην περιοχή της Χαλδαίας η ζωή οργανώνεται συστηματικά με την άφιξη ενός δημιουργικού λαού, των Σουμερίων. Σχετικά με την προέλευσή τους η επιστημονική έρευνα δεν έχει δώσει ακόμα πειστική απάντηση. Στα μέσα περίπου της χιλιετίας οι Σουμέριοι οργανώνονται σε πόλεις οι οποίες διακοσμούνται με μεγάλα ανάκτορα, με πρωτότυπους ναούς, τα ζιγκουράτ2, και οχυρώνονται με ισχυρά τείχη. Η καθεμιά λειτουργεί ως κέντρο της γύρω περιοχής, η οποία περιλαμβάνει σημαντικό αριθμό οικισμών. Η πολιτική τους οργάνωση σε ανεξάρτητες πόλεις παρουσιάζει αναλογίες με την πολιτική συγκρότηση που δημιουργήθηκε αργότερα στην αρχαία Ελλάδα. Οι Σουμέριοι, παρά τις αντίξοες συνθήκες, κατόρθωσαν να βελτιώσουν τους όρους ζωής τους και να συμβάλουν στην εξέλιξη του πολιτισμού. Ανακάλυψαν τον τροχό και τον χρησιμοποίησαν για την άρδευση της γης, την κατασκευή του άρματος και σε άλλες δραστηριότητες της καθημερινής ζωής. Προχώρησαν στον υπολογισμό των καλλιεργήσιμων εκτάσεων. Βελτίωσαν τον τρόπο καλλιέργειας με τη χρήση μεταλλικών εργαλείων και την τελειοποίηση του αρότρου. Παράλληλα, επιδόθηκαν και στον τομέα της κτηνοτροφίας πρώτοι αυτοί κατόρθωσαν να επιτύχουν την αποβουτύρωση του γάλακτος. Στην κατασκευή των κτηρίων, εξαιτίας της έλλειψης ξυλείας και πέτρας, χρησιμοποίησαν τον άργιλο που διέθετε σε αφθονία η χώρα. Έτσι επινόησαν τη χρήση της ψημένης στον ήλιο πλίνθου ως οικοδομικού υλικού. Από το ίδιο αυτό υλικό κατασκεύασαν πήλινες πινακίδες που τις χρησιμοποιούσαν ως γραφική ύλη. Οι ανασκαφές στις σουμερικές πόλεις έχουν φέρει στο φως χιλιάδες πινακίδες, γραμμένες με σφηνοειδείς χαρακτήρες. Η έλλειψη πρώτων υλών και ιδιαίτερα μετάλλων οδήγησε τους Σουμέριους έξω από τα όρια της χώρας τους. Ανέπτυξαν εμπορικές σχέσεις με άλλους λαούς – στον Καύκασο, τη Μ. Ασία, τις Ινδίες - και για να διευκολύνουν τις συναλλαγές τους επινόησαν ορισμένα μέτρα και τα πρώτα νομίσματα, ράβδους χρυσού και ασημιού ή δαχτυλίδια. Οι μεταλλικές ράβδοι και τα δαχτυλίδια σφραγίζονταν, πράγμα που αποτελούσε εγγύηση για την ποιότητα και την ποσότητα του μετάλλου τους.
[http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL-A102/45/305,1281/]
[μλ06.σ14-15]
* μλ06.Ακκάδιοι, Ακκάδιοι.μλ06:
* μλ06.Σημίτες, Σημίτες.μλ06:
Οι Ακκάδιοι. Την 3η χιλιετία π.Χ. τα πρώτα φύλα σημιτικής* καταγωγής ήρθαν στη Μεσοποταμία πιθανότατα από τις ερήμους της Αραβίας. εγκαταστάθηκαν στις βόρειες περιοχές της Χαλδαίας, όπου ίδρυσαν δικές τους πόλεις. Δεν άργησαν όμως να συγκρουστούν με τους Σουμέριους. Οι εισβολείς, με αρχηγό τον Σαργκόν Α', κατόρθωσαν να κυριαρχήσουν και να ιδρύσουν το πρώτο μεγάλο βασίλειο στη Μεσοποταμία με πρωτεύουσα την πόλη Ακκάδ (περίπου το 2350 π.Χ.). Έτσι οι Ακκάδιοι, όπως ονομάστηκαν από τους ιστορικούς τα πρώτα σημιτικά φύλα, γίνονται οι άμεσοι διάδοχοι και συνεχιστές του πολιτισμού των Σουμερίων. Τους επόμενους αιώνες ήρθαν στην περιοχή και άλλα σημιτικά φύλα.
[http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL-A102/45/305,1279//][μλ06.σ15]
name::
* McsElln.μλ06.κ1.2. Η Αίγυπτος,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL-A102/45/308,1283//
name::
* McsElln.μλ06.κ1.3. Οι Φοίνικες,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL-A102/45/309,1287//
* μλ06.Φοίνικες, Φοίνικες_μλ06 (Phoenicians):
Οι Φοίνικες ήταν ένας λαός σημιτικής καταγωγής. Από τις αρχές της 3ης χιλιετίας π.Χ. ήταν οργανωμένοι σε πόλεις-βασίλεια σε μια λωρίδα γης στο βόρειο παράκτιο τμήμα της ανατολικής Μεσογείου. Η φύση της χώρας τους, η οποία δε διευκόλυνε την ανάπτυξη γεωργικής παραγωγής, οδήγησε τους κατοίκους στην ενασχόληση με τη βιοτεχνία και κυρίως με το εμπόριο. Οι Φοίνικες, κατεξοχήν ναυτικός λαός, ίδρυσαν πολλές εμπορικές αποικίες στη Μεσόγειο. Η σπουδαιότερη ήταν η Καρχηδόνα, η οποία έπαιξε πρωταγωνιστικό ρόλο στη δυτική Μεσόγειο μέχρι το 2ο αι. π.Χ. Το σημαντικότερο επίτευγμά τους και συγχρόνως η προσφορά τους στον ανθρώπινο πολιτισμό είναι η εφεύρεση ενός συστήματος γραφής του οποίου κάθε σύμβολο αντιστοιχεί σε ένα φθόγγο.
[μλ06.σ31]
===
Οι Φοίνικες, εγκαταστάθηκαν στην περιοχή που πήρε το όνομά τους, πιθανότατα στις αρχές της 3ης χιλιετίας π.Χ.[1]
[1]. Η ελληνική γλώσσα σχετικά με την προέλευση του ονόματος τους μας δίνει τις ακόλουθες εκδοχές: Φοίνικες ήταν αυτοί που είχαν κόκκινο δέρμα (φοινός: κόκκινος σαν το αίμα) ή αυτοί που σχετίζονταν με την πορφύρα την κόκκινη ουσία από τα κοχύλια που εμπορεύονταν.
[μλ06.σ33]
* μλ06.Φοινίκη, Φοινίκη_μλ06:
Φοινίκη ονόμαζαν κατά την αρχαιότητα τμήμα της δυτικής παράκτιας περιοχής της Ασίας που βρέχεται από τη Μεσόγειο. Συγκεκριμένα, πρόκειται για στενή λωρίδα ανάμεσα στη θάλασσα και την οροσειρά του Λιβάνου, που αντιστοιχεί στα εδάφη του σύγχρονου κράτους του Λιβάνου και σε μικρά τμήματα της Συρίας και του βόρειου Ισραήλ. Μαζί με τη νοτιότερη περιοχή που κατοικήθηκε από τους Εβραίους, η Φοινίκη ήταν ένας χώρος με μεγάλη στρατιωτική και εμπορική σημασία. Αποτελούσε το μοναδικό πέρασμα που συνέδεε τη Μεσοποταμία και την Αίγυπτο. Εκεί κατέληγαν οι χερσαίοι εμπορικοί δρόμοι των λαών της Ασίας και άρχιζαν οι θαλάσσιοι δρόμοι της ανατολικής λεκάνης της Μεσογείου. Η γεωγραφική θέση της χώρας και η φυσική διαμόρφωση της περιοχής προσδιόρισαν, χωρίς αμφιβολία, την ιστορική τύχη των κατοίκων της. Περιορισμένες σε έκταση εύφορες κοιλάδες ανοίγονταν προς τη θάλασσα, όπου υπήρχαν ασφαλή φυσικά λιμάνια. Με εξαίρεση τον ορεινό όγκο του Αιβάνου, τον κατάφυτο από κέδρους, η υπόλοιπη χώρα ήταν άγονη και αμμώδης.
[μλ06.σ31]
* μλ06.Βύβλος, Βύβλος_μλ06:
Η Βύβλος. Η αρχαιότερη πόλη, που ιδρύθηκε τους πρώτους αιώνες της 3ης χιλιετίας π.Χ., ήταν η Βύβλος, η οποία γρήγορα εξελίχθηκε λόγω των εμπορικών σχέσεων που ανέπτυξε με την Αίγυπτο στη διάρκεια του Αρχαίου και Μέσου Βασιλείου. Οι κάτοικοι της προμήθευαν ξυλεία στους Αιγύπτιους με αντάλλαγμα τον πάπυρο, που ήταν η κύρια γραφική ύλη της εποχής. Στο εμπόριο του παπύρου (βύβλος > βιβλίο) οφείλεται η ελληνική ονομασία της πόλης.
[μλ06.σ33]
* μλ06.Ουγκαρίτ, Ουγκαρίτ_μλ06:
Η Ουγκαρίτ. Τη 2η χιλιετία π.Χ. στη διάρκεια του Νέου Βασιλείου οι Αιγύπτιοι κατέκτησαν την Παλαιστίνη και μεγάλο μέρος της Συρίας. Οι ηγεμόνες των φοινικικών πόλεων τότε έγιναν υποτελείς. Αυτή την περίοδο αναπτύχθηκε ιδιαίτερα η Ουγκαρίτ, η οποία φαίνεται ότι ήταν μακριά από την επιρροή της αιγυπτιακής κατάκτησης. Με την Ουγκαρίτ είχαν στενές εμπορικές σχέσεις οι Μυκηναίοι, όπως τουλάχιστον αποδεικνύουν οι ανασκαφές, οι οποίες έφεραν στην επιφάνεια μια μυκηναϊκή παροικία, που λειτούργησε μάλλον ως εμπορικός σταθμός.
[μλ06.σ33]
* μλ06.Φιλισταίοι, Φιλισταίοι_μλ06:
Η εμφάνιση των λαών της θάλασσας το 12ο αι. π.Χ., σύμφωνα με τις αιγυπτιακές πηγές, συμπίπτει και με την εγκατάσταση των Φιλισταίων στις ακτές της Παλαιστίνης. Οι Φιλισταίοι περιόρισαν την επέκταση των Αιγυπτίων στη Συρία· ωστόσο, τον 11ο αι. π.Χ. κατέστρεψαν τη Σιδώνα.
[μλ06.σ33]
name::
* McsElln.μλ06.κ1.4. Οι Εβραίοι,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL-A102/45/310,1291//
* μλ06.Εβραίοι, Εβραίοι_μλ06:
Οι Εβραίοι ήταν λαός νομαδικός, σημιτικής* καταγωγής. Στα πρώτα στάδια της ιστορικής τους πορείας ήταν οργανωμένοι σε φυλές και περιπλανιούνταν σε αναζήτηση βοσκοτόπων. Η περιοχή από την οποία ξεκίνησαν ήταν η νότια περιοχή της Μεσοποταμίας. Ωστόσο η περιοχή που θα αποτελέσει το λίκνο του πολιτισμού τους ήταν η Παλαιστίνη. Την περιοχή αυτή εγκατέλειψαν και εγκαταστάθηκαν στην Αίγυπτο για διακόσια περίπου χρόνια, έως ότου μετά από πολλές περιπέτειες επανήλθαν και οργανώθηκαν σε ενιαίο κράτος.
Το εβραϊκό κράτος έφθασε σε μεγάλη ανάπτυξη την περίοδο της βασιλείας του Σολομώντα (10ος αι. π.Χ.). Μετά το θάνατο του όμως το κράτος εξασθένησε από εσωτερικές διαμάχες. Στις τελευταίες δεκαετίες του 8ου αι π.Χ. το εβραϊκό κράτος υποτάχθηκε στους Ασσύριους και έκτοτε έχασε την πολιτική του ελευθερία, περνώντας διαδοχικά στην εξουσία των Βαβυλωνίων, Περσών, Ελλήνων και Ρωμαίων.
Σημαντικό επίτευγμα των Εβραίων ήταν η δημιουργία νομοθεσίας, «οι δέκα εντολές». Τη σπουδαιότερη συμβολή τους στον παγκόσμιο πολιτισμό αποτελεί η θρησκεία τους.
[http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL-A102/45/310,1291//]
Η περίοδος των Πατριαρχών. Την πορεία των Εβραίων γνωρίζουμε στις λεπτομέρειες της μέχρι το 2ο αι. π.Χ. μέσα από τα κείμενα της Παλαιάς Διαθήκης. Ήταν νομάδες, που με τα κοπάδια τους και οργανωμένοι σε φυλές περιπλανούνταν σε αναζήτηση βοσκοτόπων.
Ξεκίνησαν από την Ουρ της Χαλδαίας την εποχή της ακμής του Αρχαίου Βαβυλωνιακού κράτους. Πιθανότατα, στα χρόνια της βασιλείας του Χαμμουραμπί μια φυλή με αρχηγό της τον Πατριάρχη Αβραάμ διέσχισε τη Μεσοποταμία και μετά από περιπλανήσεις εγκαταστάθηκε στη Χαναάν. Στο μέρος αυτό για πρώτη φορά ονομάστηκαν Εβραίοι, που σημαίνει «αυτοί που ήρθαν μακριά από τον ποταμό», δηλαδή από τον Ευφράτη. Την πρώτη περίοδο της ιστορικής τους πορείας, την περίοδο των Πατριαρχών, όπως ονομάζεται, τους συναντούμε να ζουν νομαδικά.
Όταν κυριάρχησαν οι Υξώς, μια από τις φυλές τους με Πατριάρχη τον Ιωσήφ βρίσκεται μόνιμα εγκατάστημένη στην Αίγυπτο. Πιθανόν να ήταν μια από τις φυλές που οι αιγυπτιακές πηγές ανέφεραν με το όνομα Υξώς. Οι φαραώ του Νέου βασιλείου μετά την απομάκρυνση των Υξώς εκδίωξαν και τους Εβραίους. Το εγχείρημα της Εξόδου από την Αίγυπτο και της καθοδήγησης κατά τη διάρκεια των περιπλανήσεων μέχρι την αποκατάστασή τους στη Χαναάν, στη «Γη της Επαγγελίας», το ανέλαβε ο Μωυσής. Στο διάστημα αυτό απέκτησαν νομοθεσία. Σύμφωνα με την Παλαιά Διαθήκη στο Μωυσή δόθηκαν από το θεό στο όρος Σινά οι Δέκα Εντολές. Ο Μωσαϊκός νόμος χαράχτηκε σε λίθινες πλάκες· και μεταφερόταν έκτοτε σε κέδρινο κιβώτιο, την «Κιβωτό της Διαθήκης».
[μλ06.σ38-39]
name::
* McsElln.μλ06.κ1.5. Οι Χετταίοι ή Χεττίτες,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL-A102/45/311,1295//
name::
* McsElln.μλ06.κ1.7. Οι Ανατολικοί λαοί και οι Έλληνες,
name::
* McsElln.μλ06.κ1.Ερμηνευτικόςπίνακας όρων,
Ερμηνευτικός πίνακας όρων
μλ06.αστικός, αστικός_μλ06: αυτός που έχει άμεση σχέση με την πόλη (άστυ). Αστική κοινωνία είναι αυτή που τα μέλη της - οι αστοί - κατοικούν σε πόλεις, δεν ασκούν χειρωνακτική εργασία. αλλά ασχολούνται κυρίως με το εμπόριο, τη βιοτεχνία και την παροχή υπηρεσιών μέσω των οποίων αποκτούν υψηλά εισοδήματα.
μλ06.βασάλτης, βασάλτης_μλ06: πέτρωμα σκληρό μαύρου χρώματος με μεγάλη ανθεκτικότητα.
μλ06.διαμετακομιστικό_εμπόριο, διαμετακομιστικό_εμπόριο_μλ06: η προμήθεια αγαθών από διάφορες χώρες και η αποθήκευσή τους σε άλλη χώρα με σκοπό τη μελλοντική τους διοχέτευση σε επιμέρους αγορές τρίτων χωρών.
μλ06.ειδώλιο_ειδωλοπλαστική, ειδώλιο_ειδωλοπλαστική_μλ06: μικρό ομοίωμα ανθρώπου ή ζώου, κατασκευασμένο από πηλό, λίθο, μέταλλο, ξύλο, ελεφαντοστό κ.ά. Η διαδικασία της επεξεργασίας του υλικού και της κατασκευής του ομοιώματος ονομάζεται ειδωλοπλαστική.
μλ06.ζωφόρος, ζωφόρος_μλ06: αρχιτεκτονικό τμήμα ναού ή άλλου οικοδομήματος που καλύπτεται από ανάγλυφες διακοσμήσεις με παραστάσεις ζώων ή ανθρώπων (βλ. και εικόνα σελ. 95).
μλ06.θεοκρατικό_καθεστώς, θεοκρατικό_καθεστώς_μλ06: η άσκηση πολιτικής εξουσίας και η ρύθμιση της κοινωνικής ζωής από ηγεμόνα που του αποδίδονται θεϊκές ιδιότητες ή από ισχυρό ιερατείο.
μλ06.κύμβαλο, κύμβαλο_μλ06: κρουστό μουσικό όργανο, αποτελούμενο από κυκλικές πλάκες που κρούονται συνήθως μεταξύ τους.
μλ06.λάπις_λάζουλι_λαζουλίτης, λάπις_λάζουλι_λαζουλίτης_μλ06: πολύτιμος λίθος, διάφανος, σκούρου γαλάζιου χρώματος.
μλ06.μνα, μνα_μλ06: (η) νομισματική μονάδα των αρχαίων Ελλήνων μονάδα μέτρησης βάρους των μετάλλων.
μλ06.μνημειακός_μνημειακή_τέxνη, μνημειακός_μνημειακή_τέxνη_μλ06: έτσι ονομάστηκε η τέχνη που αναφέρεται σε οικοδομήματα ή μνημεία μεγάλων διαστάσεων και εντυπωσιακής διακόσμησης.
μλ06.πατριαρxική_οικογένεια, πατριαρxική_οικογένεια_μλ06: η οικογένεια στην οποία οι σχέσεις οργανώνονται με βάσητον κεντρικό ρόλο του πατέρα.
μλ06.πορφύρα, πορφύρα_μλ06: θαλάσσιο όστρακο που εκκρίνει βαθυκόκκινο χρώμα· χρωστική ουσία για τη βαφή ενδυμάτων· αυτοκρατορικό ένδυμα κόκκινου χρώματος.
μλ06.σημιτικά_φύλα_λαοί, σημιτικά_φύλα_λαοί_μλ06: ομάδα φύλων της ΒΔ Ασίας στην οποία, κατά την αρχαιότητα, περιλαμβάνονταν οι Ασσύριοι, οι Φοίνικες, οι Εβραίοι κ.ά. Στην ομάδα αυτή σήμερα ανήκουν οι Άραβες.
μλ06.σφραγιδογλυφία_σφραγιδοκύλινδρος, σφραγιδογλυφία_σφραγιδοκύλινδρος_μλ06: η γλυπτική των σφραγίδων από πολύτιμους λίθους ή χρυσά δακτυλίδια. Οι Ανατολικοί λαοί πρώτοι κατασκεύασαν από πολύτιμα ή ημιπολύτιμα υλικά μικρούς κυλίνδρους με ανάγλυφες παραστάσεις στις επιφάνειές τους.
μλ06.τάλαντο, τάλαντο_μλ06: νόμισμα μεγάλης αξίας· μονάδα βάρους.
μλ06.φεουδαρχία_φεουδαρxικό_σύστημα, φεουδαρχία_φεουδαρxικό_σύστημα_μλ06: κοινωνικό και πολιτικό σύστημα που επικράτησε στη Δ. Ευρώπη το Μεσαίωνα. Σύμφωνα με αυτό, ο κυρίαρχος ηγεμόνας παραχωρούσε σε υποτελείς ευγενείς έκταση γης (φέουδο), με αντάλλαγμα την υποταγή στο πρόσωπο του και την παροχή στρατιωτικών υπηρεσιών. Ο όρος χρησιμοποιείται για να αποδώσει ανάλογα συστήματα και σε άλλες ιστορικές περιόδους.
[http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL-A102/45/312,1303/]
name::
* McsElln.μλ06.Κ2.ΟΙ-ΑΡΧΑΙΟΙ-ΕΛΛΗΝΕΣ (II) μλ06.σ55,
Από τους προϊστορικούς χρόνους έως και το Μ. Αλέξανδρο
* http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL-A102/45/324,1316//
name::
* McsElln.μλ06.κ2.1. Ελληνική προϊστορία,
1.1 Οι Αιγαιακοί πολιτισμοί
1.2 Ο Μυκηναϊκός πολιτισμός
Ασκήσεις - Δραστηριότητες
name::
* McsElln.μλ06.κ2.2. Η αρχαία Ελλάδα (Από το 1100 ως το 323 π.χ.) μλ06.σ76,
μλ06.ανατολίζουσα_φάση/περίοδος: η χρονική περίοδος της ελληνικής αρχαιότητας (7ος αι.π.Χ. και αρχές του 6ου αι. π.Χ.) κατά την οποία χρησιμοποιήθηκαν στη διακόσμηση των έργων της πλαστικής και της κεραμικής στοιχεία προερχόμενα από την Ανατολή, όπως λέοντες, πάνθηρες, φανταστικά ζώα - σφίγγες, γρύπες - ρόδακες, άνθη λωτού κ.ά.
μλ06.εταίρος, -οι: ο φίλος, ο σύντροφος. Έτσι ονομάζονταν οι ευγενείς στην αρχαία Μακεδονία.
ήλεκτρο: ορυκτό, φυσικό κράμα χρυσού και αργύρου.
μλ06.θηρευτικό - συλλεκτικό στάδιο οργάνωσης: μεγάλη χρονική περίοδος της εξέλιξης του ανθρώπου στη διάρκεια της οποίας ο πρωτόγονος άνθρωπος επιβίωσε από το κυνήγι αγρίων ζώων και τη συλλογή καρπών.
μλ06.λήκυθος: αγγείο στο οποίο τοποθετούσαν αρωματικά έλαια ή προσφορές για τους νεκρούς.
μλ06.οψιανός: μαύρο ηφαιστειογενές πέτρωμα που έχει την ιδιότητα να απολεπίζεται σε τμήματα ιδαίτερα κοφτερά. Χρησιμοποιήθηκε στους προϊστορικούς χρόνους για την κατασκευή λεπίδων, μαχαιριών και άλλων αιχμηρών εργαλείων.
μλ06.πεζέταιρος, -οι: πεζός+εταίρος. Έτσι ονομάζονται οι στρατιώτες που επάνδρωναν τη μακεδονική φάλαγγα.
μλ06.πελταστής: στρατιώτης ελαφρά οπλισμένος με πέλτη και ακόντιο. Η πέλτη ήταν ασπίδα μικρών διαστάσεων σε σχήμα μισοφέγγαρου, κατασκευασμένη συνήθως από κλωνάρια ιτιάς με δερμάτινη επικάλυψη.
μλ06.πολυδαίδαλος: αυτός που έχει πολύπλοκο σχέδιο, τη μορφή λαβύρινθου.
μλ06.προαστική_οργάνωση: οργάνωση οικισμού που παρουσιάζει χαρακτηριστικά πρώιμης αστικοποίησης, δηλαδή στοιχεία σχετικά με την οικονομική, την κοινωνική οργάνωση και τον πολεοδομικό σχεδιασμό του σε αρχικό στάδιο (βλ. και αστικός).
μλ06.στατήρας: νομισματική μονάδα διαφορετικής αξίας από πόλη σε πόλη· μονάδα βάρους.
μλ06.ταυροκαθάψια: αγώνισμα τελετουργικού χαρακτήρα, κατά το οποίο ο αθλητής έπιανε τα κέρατα του επιτιθέμενου ταύρου και με δυνατό άλμα πηδούσε πάνω από τη ράχη του ζώου, καταλήγοντας στο έδαφος πίσω από τον ταύρο.
μλ06.φυλετικό_κράτος: το κράτος το οποίο συγκροτούν άνθρωποι που ανήκουν στο ίδιο φύλο. Την εποχή των μετακινήσεων των ελληνικών φύλων (11ος-9ος αι. π.Χ.) διαμορφώθηκαν φυλετικά κράτη, των οποίων η συγκρότηση οφείλεται στην κοινή καταγωγή και στους συγγενικούς δεσμούς των μελών τους.
μλ06.xαλκού_εποχή/χαλκοκρατία: μεγάλη χρονική περίοδος στη διάρκεια της οποίας κύριο υλικό χρήσης ήταν ο χαλκός· για τη μελέτη της έχει προταθεί η ακόλουθη τριμερής διαίρεση για τον αιγαιακό χώρο: πρώιμη (3000/2800-2000/1900), μέση (2000/1900-1600 π.Χ.) και ύστερη εποχή του χαλκού (1600-1100 π.Χ.).
name::
* McsElln.μλ06.Κ3.ΕΛΛΗΝΙΣΤΙΚΟΙ-ΧΡΟΝΟΙ (III) μλ06.σ123,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL-A102/45/326,1321//
3.1. Ο ελληνιστικός κόσμος
3.1.1 Η διάσπαση του κράτους του Μ. Αλεξάνδρου
3.1.2 Τα χαρακτηριστικά του ελληνιστικού κόσμου
Ασκήσεις - Δραστηριότητες
3.2. Ο ελληνιστικός πολιτισμός
3.2.1 Τα ελληνιστικά κέντρα
3.2.2 Η γλώσσα
3.2.3 Η θρησκεία
3.2.4 Τα γράμματα
3.2.5 Οι επιστήμες
3.2.6 Οι τέχνες
Ασκήσεις - Δραστηριότητες
Ερμηνευτικός πίνακας όρων
μλ06.αναδασμός: η διαδικασία της ανακατανομής της έγγειας ιδιοκτησίας, με στόχο τη δικαιότερη και αποτελεσματικότερη εκμετάλλευση των καλλιεργήσιμων εκτάσεων αλλά και την αποκατάσταση των ακτημόνων.
μλ06.γυμνάσιο: χώρος όπου ασκούνταν οι νέοι· ήταν ταυτόχρονα κέντρο εκπαίδευσης και μέσο ανάπτυξης κοινωνικών σχέσεων. Κατά τους ελληνιστικούς χρόνους τα γυμνάσια λειτούργησαν ως θεσμός σύσφιγξης των δεσμών όσων είχαν ελληνική παιδεία.
μλ06.ελεύθερο_λιμάνι: ανεξάρτητη πόλη-κράτος, στο λιμάνι της οποίας όσοι προσόρμιζαν δεν πλήρωναν τελωνειακούς δασμούς.
μλ06.θρησκευτικός_συγκρητισμός: η τεχνητή συνένωση ποικίλων θρησκευτικών δοξασιών. Η λέξη συγκρητισμός οφείλει την προέλευση της στους Κρήτες οι οποίοι ενώπιον κοινού εχθρού παραμέριζαν τις μεταξύ τους διαφορές και ενώνονταν.
μλ06.Ούρσος: διονυσιακό έμβλημα· ήταν κλαδί καλάμινο ή ξύλινο που στην κορυφή του είχε φύλλα κισσού ή αμπέλου.
μλ06.κύκλος_Σκιπιώνων: Ο Σκιπίων Αιμιλιανός, ο νικητής των Καρχηδονίων, ήταν άνθρωπος με εξαιρετική μόρφωση. Έδειχνε ιδιαίτερο ενδιαφέρον για τους Έλληνες λόγιους και καλλιτέχνες. Είχε δημιουργήσει φιλολογικό και καλλιτεχνικό κύκλο στον οποίο διακρίνονταν ο φιλόσοφος Παναίτιος ο Ρόδιος, ο ιστορικός Πολύβιος ο Μεγαλοπολίτης, ο κωμωδιογράφος Τερέντιος κ.ά.
μλ06.παλαίστρα: χώρος άσκησης των νέων στην πάλη, την πυγμή και το παγκράτιο. Ήταν ένα οικοδόμημα παρεμφερές προς το γυμνάσιο.
μλ06.περίοικος, -οι: μια από τις κοινωνικές τάξεις της Σπάρτης. Σ' αυτήν υπάγονταν οι απόγονοι των παλαιότερων κατοίκων της Λακωνίας, οι οποίοι ζούσαν σε συνοικισμούς γύρω από τη Σπάρτη μετά την άφιξη των Δωριέων. Ήταν ελεύθεροι αλλά δεν είχαν πολιτικά δικαιώματα.
3.1.1 Η διάσπαση του κράτους του Μ. Αλεξάνδρου
3.1.2 Τα χαρακτηριστικά του ελληνιστικού κόσμου
Ασκήσεις - Δραστηριότητες
μλ06.ελληνιστική_εποxή,
Η εποχή που αρχίζει από το θάνατο τον Μ. Αλεξάνδρου (323 π.Χ.) και τελειώνει με την κατάληψη της Αιγύπτου από τους Ρωμαίους (30 π.Χ.) ονομάζεται ελληνιστική
[μλ06.σ124]
3.2.1 Τα ελληνιστικά κέντρα
3.2.2 Η γλώσσα
3.2.3 Η θρησκεία
3.2.4 Τα γράμματα
3.2.5 Οι επιστήμες
3.2.6 Οι τέχνες
Ασκήσεις - Δραστηριότητες
name::
* McsElln.μλ06.Κ4.Ο-ΕΛΛΗΝΙΣΜΟΣ-ΤΗΣ-ΔΥΣΗΣ. ΠΟΛΙΤΙΣΜΟΙ Δ. ΜΕΣΟΓΕΙΟΥ ΚΑΙ ΡΩΜΗ (IV) μλ06.σ153,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL-A102/45/328,1329//
1.1 Οικονομική, κοινωνική και πολιτική οργάνωση των αποίκων
1.2 Οι Συρακούσες
1.3 Οι Έλληνες και οι λαοί της Δυτικής Μεσογείου
1.4 Ο πολιτισμός των Ελλήνων της Δύσης
Ασκήσεις - Δραστηριότητες
2.1 Οικονομική, κοινωνική και πολιτική οργάνωση
2.2 Η εξάπλωση των Καρχηδονίων
Ασκήσεις - Δραστηριότητες
3.1 Η χώρα
3.2 Οι Ετρούσκοι
3.3 Η ίδρυση της Ρώμης και η οργάνωσή της
3.4 Η συγκρότηση της ρωμαϊκής πολιτείας - Res publica
3.5 Η ρωμαϊκή εξάπλωση
3.6 Ο ρωμαϊκός πολιτισμός
Ασκήσεις - Δραστηριότητες
Ερμηνευτικός πίνακας όρων
μλ06.αστική_τάξη: το σύνολο των αστών, δηλαδή των προσώπων που δεν ασκούν χειρωνακτική εργασία αλλά ασχολούνται με το εμπόριο, τη βιοτεχνία και των οποίων τα εισοδήματα είναι υψηλά (βλ. και αστικός).
μλ06.αυτόχθων, -ες: αυτός που γεννήθηκε και κατοίκησε στην ίδια γη (χώρα) όπου γεννήθηκαν οι πρόγονοι του, ο γηγενής.
μλ06.λεγεώνα: ρωμαϊκή στρατιωτική μονάδα, αποτελούμενη από τρεις έως έξι χιλιάδες στρατιώτες.
μλ06.μέτοικος, -οι: : μια από τις κοινωνικές τάξεις της Αθήνας. Σε αυτήν ανήκαν Έλληνες που προέρχονταν από άλλες πόλεις-κράτη και είχαν εγκατασταθεί στην Αθήνα. Ευρύτερα, ο όρος δηλώνει το μετανάστη.
μλ06.τεφροδόχο αγγείο: : πήλινο ή χάλκινο σκεύος μέσα στο οποίο τοποθετούσαν τη στάχτη και ό,τι είχε απομείνει από το νεκρό μετά την καύση του σώματος του.
μλ06.veto: λατινικό ρήμα που σημαίνει απαγορεύω. Οι δήμαρχοι στη Ρώμη προβάλλοντας veto εμπόδιζαν τη λήψη όποιας απόφασης ήταν αντίθετη με τα συμφέροντα των πληβείων. Στα ελληνικά αποδίδεται με τον όρο αρνησικυρία.
name::
* McsElln.μλ06.Κ5.ΟΙ-ΜΕΓΑΛΕΣ-ΚΑΤΑΚΤΗΣΕΙΣ (V) μλ06.σ183,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL-A102/45/331,1341//
1. Η ολοκλήρωση της ρωμαϊκής επέκτασης (200-31 π. Χ.)
1.1 Η επέκταση στην Ανατολή
1.2 Οι κατακτήσεις στη Δύση
1.3 Η διοίκηση των κατακτημένων περιοχών
Ασκήσεις - Δραστηριότητες
2. Οι συνέπειες των κατακτήσεων
2.1 Οικονομικές, κοινωνικές και πολιτιστικές αλλαγές
2.2 Οι μεταρρυθμιστικές προσπάθειες
2.3 Η ενοποίηση της Ιταλίας
2.4 Οι εμφύλιοι πόλεμοι
Ασκήσεις - Δραστηριότητες
Ερμηνευτικός πίνακας όρων
μλ06.θηριομαχίες: εκδηλώσεις διασκέδασης των ρωμαίων κατά τις οποίες γίνονταν αγώνες ανθρώπων με άγρια ζώα μέχρι θανάτου.
μλ06.θρίαμβος: ρωμαϊκή τελετή κατά την οποία παρήλαυνε ο νικητής στρατηγός με το στρατό του, ακολουθούμενος από αιχμαλώτους και λάφυρα που είχε συγκεντρώσει μετά από μια σημαντική νίκη.
μλ06.πλέθρο: μονάδα μέτρησης επιφανειών ίση με 2,3 στρέμματα αλλά και μονάδα μήκους ίση με 100 πόδια.
μλ06.προλετάριος: στην αρχαία Ρώμη χαρακτηριζόταν έτσι ο πολίτης που δεν ανήκε σε καμιά αναγνωρισμένη τάξη και υπηρετούσε την πολιτεία μόνο μέσω των απογόνων του, τους οποίους έδινε στην πατρίδα ως στρατιώτες.
[http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL-A102/45/332,1347/]
name::
* McsElln.μλ06.Κ6.Η-ΡΩΜΑΪΚΗ-ΑΥΤΟΚΡΑΤΟΡΙΑ (1ος αι. π.Χ.-3ος αι. μ.Χ.) (VI) μλ06.σ205,
1. Η περίοδος της ακμής (27 π.Χ.-193 μ.Χ.)
1.1 Η εποχή του Αυγούστου (30 π.Χ.-14 μ.Χ.)
1.2 Οι διάδοχοι του Αυγούστου (14-193 μ.Χ.)
1.3 Ο Ελληνισμός και η Ρώμη
1.4 Η ρωμαϊκή τέχνη
Ασκήσεις - Δραστηριότητες
2. Η κρίση της αυτοκρατορίας τον 3ο αι. μ.Χ.
2.1 Η κρίση του αυτοκρατορικού θεσμού
2.2 Η οικονομική κρίση
2.3 Η κοινωνική κρίση
2.4 Οι βαρβαρικές επιδρομές
2.5 Η παρακμή του αρχαίου κόσμου
Ασκήσεις - Δραστηριότητες
name::
* McsElln.μλ06.Κ7.Η-ΥΣΤΕΡΗ-ΑΡΧΑΙΟΤΗΤΑ (4ος-6ος αι. μ.Χ.) (VII) μλ06.σ233,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL-A102/45/335,1357//
1. Η μετεξέλιξη του Ρωμαϊκού κράτους(4ος-5ος αι. μ.Χ.)
1.1 Ο Διοκλητιανός και η αναδιοργάνωση της αυτοκρατορίας
1.2 Μ. Κωνσταντίνος: Εκχριστιανισμός και ισχυροποίηση της ρωμαϊκής Ανατολής
1.3 Οι θρησκευτικές εξελίξεις
1.4 Ο εξελληνισμός του Ανατολικού Ρωμαϊκού κράτους
1.5 Η μεγάλη μετανάστευση των λαών. Το τέλος του Δυτικού Ρωμαϊκού κράτους
Ασκήσεις - Δραστηριότητες
2. Η εποχή του Ιουστινιανού
2.1 Ανασύσταση της ρωμαϊκής οικουμένης
2.2 Η ελληνοχριστιανική οικουμένη
Ασκήσεις - Δραστηριότητες
3. Τα γράμματα και οι τέχνες
3.1 Η πνευματική ανάπτυξη
3.2 Η καλλιτεχνική ανάπτυξη
Ασκήσεις - Δραστηριότητες
Ερμηνευτικός πίνακας όρων
μλ06.δίπτυχο (υπατικό): δυο πλακίδια πτυσσόμενα από ελεφαντοστό με ανάγλυφες παραστάσεις προσώπων. Ήταν αναμνηστικά του αξιώματος της υπατείας.
μλ06.δόγμα: θεμελιώδης αρχή, το σύνολο των πεποιθήσεων μιας θρησκείας.
μλ06.ειλητάριο: επιμήκης και στενή λωρίδα περγαμηνής που τυλιγόταν γύρω από κυλινδρικό ξύλο και χρησιμοποιούνταν για την αναγραφή της Θείας Λειτουργίας.
μλ06.ευκτήριος_οίκος: ο οίκος ο προορισμένος για προσευχή, ο ναός, η εκκλησία.
μλ06.θωράκιο: λίθινο, κυρίως μαρμάρινο, τμήμα χωρίσματος εν είδει τοίχου μέχρι το ύψος του στήθους. Ήταν διακοσμημένο με ανάγλυφες παραστάσεις και χρησίμευε ως χώρισμα του κυρίως ναού από το Ιερό βήμα.
μλ06.κρύπτη: υπόγεια θολωτή κατασκευή που χρησίμευε ως καταφύγιο και ως χώρος λατρείας από τους πρώτους Χριστιανούς. Συχνά χρησιμοποιήθηκε και ως χώρος ταφής.
μλ06.οβελίσκος: τετράεδρος ψηλός στύλος που απολήγει σε μικρή πυραμίδα. Συνήθως τον τοποθετούσαν στην είσοδο αιγυπτιακών ναών.
μλ06.Στάση_του_Νίκα: επαναστατική κίνηση των δήμων της Κωνσταντινούπολης κατά του αυτοκράτορα Ιουστινιανού (532). Ονομάστηκε έτσι λόγω της προτροπής που κραύγαζαν οι επαναστάτες: «νίκα».
name::
* McsElln.μλ06.Κ8.ΠΟΛΙΤΙΣΜΟΙ-ΤΗΣ-ΝΟΤΙΑΣ-ΑΣΙΑΣ-ΚΑΙ-ΤΗΣ-ΑΠΩ-ΑΝΑΤΟΛΗΣ (VIII) μλ06.σ269,
1. Η Ινδία
1.1 Η χώρα
1.2 Η οικονομία και η κοινωνία
1.3 Η ιστορία και ο πολιτισμός
Ασκήσεις - Δραστηριότητες
2. Η Κίνα
2.1 Η χώρα και οι κάτοικοι
2.2 Η ιστορία και ο πολιτισμός
Ασκήσεις - Δραστηριότητες
μλ06.κάστα: κλειστή ομάδα ανθρώπων. Τύπος κοινωνικής οργάνωσης που απαντούσε στην Ινδία και αποσκοπούσε στη διατήρηση της πολιτιστικής και βιολογικής καθαρότητας κάθε ομάδας.
μλ06.λάκκα, -ες: αγγείο πλούσια διακοσμημένο που κατασκεύαζαν στην Κίνα επιχρίοντας ένα ξύλινο ή υφασμάτινο πρόπλασμα-καλούπι με ρητίνη από το δέντρο της λάκκας, η οποία στερεοποιείται γρήγορα όταν εκτεθεί στον αέρα.
μλ06.οστεομαντία: είδος μαντικής που συνίσταται στην παρατήρηση των οστών και στην ερμηνεία των σημαδιών τους, βάσει των οποίων προβλεπόταν το μέλλον.
μλ06.σηστέρτιος, -οι: ρωμαϊκό νόμισμα ίσο με ένα τέταρτο της αρχαίας δραχμής ή του δηναρίου.
[http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL-A102/45/339,1370/]
name::
* McsElln.ΜθμΛ1.ΚΕΙΜΕΝΑ-ΝΕΟΕΛΛΗΝΙΚΗΣ-ΛΟΓΟΤΕXΝΙΑΣ (μλ13),
* McsEngl.conceptIt532.13,
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.ΜαθημαΛ12.ΚΕΙΜΕΝΑ-ΝΕΟΕΛΛΗΝΙΚΗΣ-ΛΟΓΟΤΕXΝΙΑΣ@cptIt532.13, {2012-09-23}
* McsElln.μλα.κείμενα,
* McsElln.μλ13@cptIt532.5, {2012-06-23}
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/courses/DSGL-A111//
* ΛΕΞΙΚΟ-ΛΟΓ-ΟΡΩΝ: http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/document/document.php?course=DSGL-A111&openDir=/4e5b63b5pt3d/4e9c5b7dfwj6,
name::
* McsElln.ΜθμΛ1.ΠΟΛΙΤΙΚΗ-ΠΑΙΔΕΙΑ (μλ14) {2013-2014},
* McsElln.ΜαθημαΛ14.πολιτική-παιδεία@cptIt,
* McsElln.μλα.πολιτική-παιδεία,
* McsElln.μλ14@cptIt,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://www.economics.edu.gr/politikh-paidiea-odhgies-didaskalias.html,
name::
* McsElln.μλ14.Β.ΠΟΛΙΤΙΚΗ-ΚΑΙ-ΔΙΚΑΙΟ,
name::
* McsElln.μλ14Β.Κεφαλαιο1.Πολιτικη,
Πόλις-Πολίτης-Πολιτική
1.3 Οι ιδιότητες του πολιτικού
1.4 Πολιτική κοινωνικοποίηση
name::
* McsElln.μλ14Β.Κεφαλαιο2.το-ΔιΚαιο,
2.1 Έννοια, προέλευση και εξέλιξη του ?ικαίου
2.2 Κανόνες ηθικής και κανόνες ?ικαίου: η διαφορά
2.3 Υποκείμενα ?ικαίου
2.3.1 Τα Φυσικά Πρόσωπα
2.3.2 Τα Νομικά Πρόσωπα
name::
* McsElln.μλ14Β.Κεφαλαιο3: αΠο τΗν ΠολΗ-ΚρατοΣ Στο νεο ελλΗνιΚο ΚρατοΣ,
3.1 Η Αρχαία Ελλάδα: η πόλη-κράτος
3.1.1 Ο Έπαινος της αθηναϊκής δημοκρατίας – Θουκυδίδου Περικλέους Επιτάφιος
3.1.2 Στοιχεία δημοκρατικού πολιτεύματος – Αριστοτέλους Πολιτικά
3.2 Η ελληνιστική εποχή: η οικουμενική πόλη
3.3 Η βυζαντινή αυτοκρατορία – οι κοινότητες
3.4 Το ελληνικό κράτος – ελληνική συνταγματική ιστορία
name::
* McsElln.μλ14Β.Κεφαλαιο4: Η οργανωΣΗ τΗΣ ΠολιτειαΣ,
4.1 Μορφές πολιτευμάτων
4.2 Το πολίτευμα της Ελλάδας
4.3 Εκλογικό σώμα και εκλογικά συστήματα
4.4 Έννοια και ρόλος του Συντάγματος
4.5 Βασικές αρχές του Συντάγματος
4.5.1 Η αρχή της λαϊκής κυριαρχίας
4.5.2 Η αρχή του κράτους δικαίου
4.5.3 Η αρχή του κοινωνικού κράτους δικαίου
4.5.4 Η αρχή της διάκρισης των λειτουργιών
name::
* McsElln.μλ14Β.Κεφαλαιο5: Η λειτουργια τΗΣ ΠολιτειαΣ,
5.1 Η νομοθετική λειτουργία
5.2 Η εκτελεστική λειτουργία
5.2.1 Ο Πρόεδρος της ?ημοκρατίας
5.2.3 Η ?ημόσια ?ιοίκηση – Η γραφειοκρατία
5.2.4 Ανεξάρτητες ?ιοικητικές Αρχές
5.3 Η δικαστική λειτουργία
name::
* McsElln.μλ14Β.Κεφαλαιο6: ατομιΚα; ΠολιτιΚα Και ΚοινωνιΚα ΔιΚαιωματα,
6.1 ?ικαιώματα και Υποχρεώσεις
6.2 Άσκηση και κατάχρηση του δικαιώματος
6.3 ?ιακρίσεις δικαιωμάτων
6.3.1 Τα Ατομικά δικαιώματα
6.3.2 Τα Πολιτικά δικαιώματα
6.3.3 Τα Κοινωνικά δικαιώματα
6.4 Πολιτική άμυνα και προστασία
name::
* McsElln.μλ14Β.Κεφαλαιο7: ΚοινωνιΚΗ Και ΠολιτιΚΗ ΔυναμιΚΗ,
7.1 Εξουσία και πολιτική εξουσία
7.2 Πολιτικά συστήματα
7.2.1 Φιλελευθερισμός – Καπιταλισμός
7.2.2 Σοσιαλισμός – Κομμουνισμός
7.3 Τα πολιτικά κόμματα
7.4 Η τοπική αυτοδιοίκηση
7.6 Κοινή γνώμη και ομάδες πίεσης – συμφερόντων
7.7 Η κοινωνία των πολιτών – Τα κοινωνικά κινήματα
7.8 Φαινόμενα λαϊκισμού – Η προπαγάνδα
name::
* McsElln.μλ14Β.Κεφαλαιο8: τα μεΣα μαΖιΚΗΣ εΠιΚοινωνιαΣ,
8.1 Τα Μ.Μ.Ε. και οι λειτουργίες που επιτελούν
8.2 Βασικά στοιχεία της μαζικής επικοινωνίας
8.3 Επιδράσεις των Μ.Μ.Ε.
8.3.1 Γενικά για τις επιδράσεις των Μ.Μ.Ε.
8.3.2 Κατασκευή και αναπαράσταση της πραγματικότητας
8.4 Μ.Μ.Ε., πολιτική, οικονομία και πολιτισμός
8.5 Εκτίμηση του ρόλου των Μ.Μ.Ε.
name::
* McsElln.μλ14Β.Κεφαλαιο9: ΘεΣμοι Και ΠολιτιΚεΣ τΗΣ ευρωΠαΪΚΗΣ ενωΣΗΣ,
9.1 Ιστορική επισκόπηση της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης (Ε.Ε.)
9.2 Βασικοί θεσμοί – όργανα της Ε.Ε.
9.3 ?ιαδικασία λήψης αποφάσεων στην Ε.Ε.
9.4 Βασικές πολιτικές της Ε.Ε.
9.5 Πολιτική ενοποίηση – Ο Ευρωπαίος πολίτης
name::
* McsElln.μλ14Β.KEφαλαιο10: Η ΔιεΘνΗΣ ΚοινοτΗτα,
10.1. Οι διεθνείς σχέσεις και το διεθνές δίκαιο
10.2. Οι διεθνείς οργανισμοί
10.2.1 Ο Οργανισμός των Ηνωμένων Εθνών (Ο.Η.Ε.)
10.2.3.Oι Μη Κυβερνητικές Οργανώσεις (Μ.Κ.Ο.)
10.3. Τα ανθρώπινα δικαιώματα – Το ανθρωπιστικό δίκαιο
10.4. Η παγκοσμιοποίηση
10.5. Η θέση της Ελλάδας στον κόσμο – Η άσκηση της εξωτερικής πολιτικής
10.5.1.Ο ελληνικός πολιτισμός
10.5.2 Η ελληνική ναυτιλία
10.6. Ο Ελληνισμός της διασποράς
name::
* McsElln.ΜθμΛ1.ΦΥΣΙΚΗ (μλ05),
* McsEngl.conceptIt532.5,
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.ΜαθημαΛ12.ΦΥΣΙΚΗ@cptIt532.5, {2012-06-16}
* McsElln.μλα.φυσική,
* McsElln.μλ5@cptIt532.5, {2012-06-16}
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/courses/DSGL-A103//
_DESCRIPTION:
Στο βιβλίο αυτό αναπτύσσονται βασικές έννοιες, αρχές, νόμοι και θεωρίες της Φυσικής. Για το σκοπό αυτό υπάρχουν σε κάθε κεφάλαιο ατομικές ή ομαδικές δραστηριότητες (πειράματα με απλά μέσα ή ερωτήματα-ασκήσεις), οι οποίες πρέπει να γίνονται στην τάξη. Έτσι, όχι μόνο θα μάθετε να ανταλλάσσετε απόψεις και να συνεργάζεστε για να πετύχετε ένα συγκεκριμένο στόχο, αλλά και το μάθημα θα γίνει ευχάριστη αναζήτηση της γνώσης.
Με τις φωτογραφίες και τα σχεδιαγράμματα που υπάρχουν στο βιβλίο επιδιώκουμε να διευκολυνθείτε στην κατανόηση των φυσικών φαινομένων που μελετάτε. Μια σειρά με ιστορικά και τεχνολογικά ένθετα, που υπάρχουν σε κάθε κεφάλαιο, εξυπηρετούν την ανάδειξη της ιστορικότητας της Φυσικής και της σχέσης της με την Τεχνολογία.
Η θεωρία διαιρείται σε κεφάλαια για να γίνει πιο συστηματική η μελέτη και η περιγραφή των φυσικών φαινομένων. Εσείς όμως δεν πρέπει να θεωρείτε τα κεφάλαια ανεξάρτητα μεταξύ τους, γιατί έτσι κινδυνεύετε να δείτε το μέρος, αλλά να χάσετε το όλο. Η εισαγωγή σε κάθε κεφάλαιο σας πληροφορεί για το περιεχόμενό του. Είναι χρήσιμο να τη μελετήσετε προκειμένου να σχηματίσετε μια συνολική εικόνα για το κάθε κεφάλαιο.
Στο τέλος κάθε κεφαλαίου ακολουθούν ερωτήσεις διαφόρων τύπων, ασκήσεις και προβλήματα για εμπέδωση, εφαρμογή και επέκταση της γνώσης που αποκτήσατε.
[http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/courses/DSGL-A103/]
Απαραίτητες εισαγωγικές γνώσεις
Α. Οι έννοιες
Β. Μονόμετρα και διανυσματικά μεγέθη
Γ. Το διεθνές σύστημα μονάδων S.I
Δ. Διαστάσεις
Ε. Η έννοια του χρόνου
ΣΤ. Το μέγεθος των αντικειμένων και οι μονάδες μέτρησης τους
Ζ. Η μάζα και η πυκνότητα
Η. Η μεταβολή και ο ρυθμός μεταβολής
Θ. Γραφικές παραστάσεις
1.1 Ευθύγραμμη κίνηση
1.1.1 Ύλη και κίνηση
1.1.2 O προσδιορισμός της θέσης ενός σωματίου
1.1.3 Οι έννοιες της χρονικής στιγμής, του συμβάντος και της χρονικής διάρκειας
1.1.4 H μετατόπιση σωματίου πάνω σε άξονα
1.1.5 H έννοια της ταχύτητας στην ευθύγραμμη ομαλή κίνηση
1.1.6 H έννοια της μέσης ταχύτητας
1.1.7 H έννοια της στιγμιαίας ταχύτητας
1.1.8 H έννοια της επιτάχυνσης στην ευθύγραμμη ομαλά μεταβαλλόμενη κίνηση
1.1.9 Οι εξισώσεις προσδιορισμού της ταχύτητας και της θέσης ενός κινητού στην ευθύγραμμη ομαλά μεταβαλλόμενη κίνηση
Ένθετο: To θεώρημα Merton
Περίληψη
Ερωτήσεις
Ασκήσεις - Προβλήματα
1.2 Δυναμική σε μία διάσταση
1.2.1 H έννοια της δύναμης
Ένθετο: Ελαστική παραμόρφωση
1.2.2 Σύνθεση συγγραμικών δυνάμεων
1.2.3 O πρώτος νόμος του Νεύτωνα
1.2.4 O δεύτερος νόμος του Νεύτωνα ή Θεμελιώδης νόμος της Μηχανικής
1.2.5 H έννοια του βάρους
1.2.6 H έννοια της μάζας
Ένθετο: H αδρανειακή μάζα αλλάζει
1.2.7 H ελεύθερη πτώση των σωμάτων
1.2.8 Σύγχρονοι τρόποι μελέτης των κινήσεων
Ένθετο: H πειραματική μέθοδος
Ένθετο: Μήκος φρεναρίσματος και απόσταση ασφαλείας
Ένθετο: Οι ζώνες ασφαλείας και οι αερόσακοι
Περίληψη
Ερωτήσεις
Ασκήσεις - Προβλήματα
1.3 Δυναμική στο επίπεδο
1.3.1 Τρίτος νόμος του Νεύτωνα. Νόμος Δράσης - Αντίδρασης
1.3.2 Δυνάμεις από επαφή και από απόσταση
1.3.3 Σύνθεση δυνάμεων στο επίπεδο
1.3.4 Ανάλυση δύναμης σε συνιστώσες
1.3.5 Σύνθεση πολλών ομοεπιπέδων δυνάμεων
1.3.6 Ισορροπία ομοεπιπέδων δυνάμεων
1.3.7 O νόμος της τριβής
Ένθετο: Μείωση των τριβών στο ανθρώπινο σώμα
1.3.8 Οριζόντια βολή
1.3.9 O δεύτερος νόμος του Νεύτωνα σε διανυσματική και σε αλγεβρική μορφή
1.3.10 Ομαλή κυκλική κίνηση
1.3.11 Κεντρομόλος δύναμη
1.3.12 Μερικές περιπτώσεις κεντρομόλου δύναμης
Ένθετο: Από τον Αριστοτέλη στο Νεύτωνα
Ένθετο: Ντετερμινισμός ή χάος
Περίληψη
Ερωτήσεις
Ασκήσεις - Προβλήματα
2.1 Διατήρηση της μηχανικής ενέργειας
2.1.1 Η έννοια του έργου
2.1.2 Έργο βάρους και μεταβολή της κινητικής ενέργειας
2.1.3 Η δυναμική ενέργεια
2.1.4 Η Μηχανική ενέργεια
2.1.5 Συντηρητικές (ή διατηρητικές) δυνάμεις
2.1.6 Η ισχύς
2.1.7 Η διατήρηση της μηχανικής ενέργειας στην οριζόντια βολή
2.1.8 Η τριβή και η μηχανική ενέργεια
Ένθετο: Τι είναι η ενέργεια;
Περίληψη
Ερωτήσεις
Ασκήσεις - Προβλήματα
2.2 Διατήρηση της ολικής ενέργειας και υποβάθμιση της ενέργειας
Ας θυμηθούμε ότι
2.2.1 H κινητική θεωρία της ύλης και η θερμότητα
2.2.2 Ιδιότητες των αερίων
Ένθετο: Νόμος του Boyle
2.2.3 Εσωτερική ενέργεια
2.2.4 Θερμότητα και διατήρηση της ολικής ενέργειας
2.2.5 H θερμότητα και η μηχανική ενέργεια
2.2.6 Μηχανές και ενέργεια
Ένθετο: O κινητήρας του αυτοκινήτου
2.2.7 Απόδοση μηχανής
2.2.8 Υποβάθμιση της ενέργειας
Ένθετο: Αεικίνητο
Ένθετο: H εσωτερική ενέργεια της ατμόσφαιρας και ο καιρός
Περίληψη
Ερωτήσεις
Ασκήσεις - Προβλήματα
3.1 Συνεχές ηλεκτρικό ρεύμα
3.1.1 Ηλεκτρικές πηγές
3.1.2 Ηλεκτρικό ρεύμα
3.1.3 Κανόνες του Kirchhoff
3.1.4 Αντίσταση (ωμική) - Αντιστάτης
3.1.5 Συνδεσμολογία αντιστατών (αντιστάσεων)
3.1.6 Ρυθμιστική (μεταβλητή) αντίσταση
3.1.7 Ενέργεια και ισχύς του ηλεκτρικού ρεύματος
3.1.8 Ηλεκτρεγερτική δύναμη (ΗΕΔ) πηγής
3.1.9 Νόμος του Ohm για κλειστό κύκλωμα
3.1.10 Αποδέκτες
3.1.11 Δίοδος
Ερωτήσεις - Δραστηριότητες
Ασκήσεις - Προβλήματα
name::
* McsElln.μλ05.κ0.Εισαγωγή,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL-A103/529/3517,14437//
μλ05.φυσικες_επιστημες (natural_science#cptCore406.13#):
Με τον όρο Φυσικές Επιστήμες εννοούμε
- κυρίως τη μέθοδο που χρησιμοποιούν οι επιστήμονες για να ανακαλύπτουν νέα πράγματα, και
- το σώμα της γνώσης που έχει προκύψει από τη μελέτη των φαινομένων που έχουν εξιχνιαστεί.
... Οι Φυσικές Επιστήμες περιγράφουν και ερμηνεύουν τα φυσικά φαινόμενα που εκτυλίσσονται γύρω μας, σ' όλο το σύμπαν.
μλ05.πειραματικη_επαγωγική_μεθοδος:
μλ05.παραγωγικη_μεθοδος:
Μπορούμε όμως να ακολουθήσουμε και την αντίστροφη πορεία, δηλαδή θεωρητικά, στηριζόμενοι σε προηγούμενη γνώση, να παράγουμε καινούργια γνώση, η οποία βέβαια για να ισχύει απαιτεί την πειραματική της επαλήθευση. H μέθοδος αυτή λέγεται παραγωγική. Για παράδειγμα, από το συνδυασμό των γνώσεών μας για την ευθύγραμμη ομαλή κίνηση και την ελεύθερη πτώση των σωμάτων, μπορούμε να προβλέψουμε την κίνηση ενός σώματος που εκτοξεύεται με οριζόντια ταχύτητα.
μλ05.τεxνολογια:
H τεχνολογία χρησιμοποιεί τη γνώση που παράγουν οι Φυσικές Επιστήμες για να δημιουργήσει πρακτικά, χρήσιμα στην καθημερινή ζωή προϊόντα, όπως αυτά που προαναφέραμε, αλλά και να βελτιώσει τις υλικές συνθήκες ζωής (δρόμοι, αεροδρόμια, γέφυρες, θέρμανση κτιρίων, φάρμακα κ.α.). Επίσης, πολλές φορές με τον όρο τεχνολογία εννοούμε την ίδια τη διαδικασία με την οποία δημιουργούμε καινούργια πράγματα.
μλ05.προβλημα_τεxνολογιας:
- πυρηνικα αποβλητα
- φαινομενο θερμοκηπιου
- ρυπανση
name::
* McsElln.μλ05.κ0.Α.Οι-έννοιες,
μλ05.παρανοηση με τη χρηση λεξεων με διαφορετική σημασία στην καθομιλουμένη γλώσσα και στην επιστημη
name::
* McsElln.μλ05.κ0.Β.Μονόμετρα-και-διανυσματικά-μεγέθη,
μλ05.μονόμετρο_μέγεθος, μονόμετρο_μέγεθος_μλ05:
Μόνο μέτρο.
πχ μάζα m, χρόνος t, όγκος v, διάστημα s, θερμοκρασία θ, ένταση Ε, ηλ.φορτίο q, κα
μλ05.διανυσματικο_μεγεθος:
μέτρο, διεύθυνση, φορά, σημείο-εφαρμογής.
πχ δύναμη F, μετατόπιση Χ, βάρος W, ταχύτητα U, επιτάχυνση α, ορμή p, κα
μλ05.κατευθυνση, μλ05.διευθυνση, μλ05.φορα:
Ως κατεύθυνση ενός διανυσματικού μεγέθους εννοούμε τη διεύθυνση και τη φορά του. Λέμε π.χ. ότι το βάρος αντικειμένου έχει κατακόρυφη διεύθυνση με φορά προς τα κάτω.
μλ05.διανυσμα:
Κάθε διανυσματικό μέγεθος παριστάνεται με ένα βέλος (διάνυσμα).
Ένα διάνυσμα συμβολίζεται συνήθως με ένα μικρό ή κεφαλαίο γράμμα με ένα βελάκι από επάνω του,
μλ05.μετρο, μλ05.τιμη
Μέτρο (ή τιμή) του διανυσματικού μεγέθους είναι ο θετικός αριθμός, ο οποίος δείχνει πόσο μεγάλο είναι αυτό το μέγεθος
To μέτρο διανυσματικού μεγέθους συμβολίζεται με το ίδιο γράμμα που χρησιμοποιούμε για το διάνυσμα αλλά χωρίς βελάκι.
name::
* McsElln.μλ05.κ0.Γ.Το-διεθνές-σύστημα-μονάδων-S.I,
μλ05.διεθνές_σύστημα_μονάδων, διεθνές_σύστημα_μονάδων_μλ05:
* μλ05.SI, SI_μλ05:
To 1960, στο συνέδριο Μέτρων και Σταθμών έγινε πρόταση όλες οι χώρες να χρησιμοποιούν το ίδιο σύστημα μονάδων, το οποίο γι' αυτό ονομάστηκε Διεθνές Σύστημα Μονάδων SI (International System of Units). To διεθνές σύστημα μονάδων SI έχει επτά θεμελιώδεις μονάδες και χρησιμοποιείται τόσο στη Φυσική όσο και στη Χημεία. Στην Ελλάδα έγινε δεκτό νομοθετικά στις 30-03-1981 ως συμπλήρωμα του νόμου “περί μέτρων και σταθμών”.
* μλ05.θεμελιώδεις_μονάδες, θεμελιώδεις_μονάδες_μλ05:
* μλ05.θεμελιώδη_μεγέθη, θεμελιώδη_μεγέθη_μλ05:
Ονομασία Σύνηθες σύμβ Ονομασία Σύμβολο
1) μήκος s, l, d μέτρο m
2) μάζα m χιλιόγραμμο kg
3) χρόνος t δευτερόλεπτο s
4) ένταση ηλ.ρεύμ I αμπέρ A
5) θερμοκρασία T βαθμός Kelvin K
6) ποσότητα ύλη n μολ (mol) mol
7) φωτεινή ένταση Iν κηρίο (candela) cd
c σάντι 10^-2
m μίκρο 10^-3
μ μίκρο 10^-6
n νάνο 10^-9
p πίκο 10^-12
name::
* McsElln.μλ05.κ0.Δ.Διαστάσεις,
μλ05.διάσταση_μεγέθους:
[υ] = [LT-1] (εξίσωση διαστάσεων).
Εξ' ορισμού χαρακτηρίζονται ως διαστάσεις ενός μεγέθους η σχέση που υπάρχει μεταξύ του δεδομένου μεγέθους και των θεμελιωδών.
H γνώση των διαστάσεων των φυσικών μεγεθών είναι χρήσιμη, διότι οι διαστάσεις επιτρέπουν την ποιοτική επαλήθευση της ορθότητας ενός τύπου, σύμφωνα με την αρχή ότι οι διαστάσεις στο πρώτο και στο δεύτερο μέλος πρέπει να είναι οι ίδιες.
name::
* McsElln.μλ05.κ0.Ε.Η-έννοια-του-xρόνου,
μλ05.xρόνος, xρόνος_μλ05 (time#cptCore777#):
H έννοια του χρόνου δημιουργήθηκε για να περιγράψει και να μετρήσει αυτούς τους κοσμικούς ρυθμούς που συνεχώς επαναλαμβάνονται.
...
Στην επιστήμη συνυπάρχουν δύο αντίθετες αντιλήψεις για το χρόνο, αυτή
α) της κλασικής Φυσικής που δέχεται έναν παγκόσμιο ενιαίο χρόνο, ανεξάρτητο από τα πράγματα, που επιτρέπει τη μονοσήμαντη χρονομέτρηση των γεγονότων για όλα τα κινούμενα συστήματα και η άλλη
β) της ειδικής θεωρίας της σχετικότητας, που αμφισβήτησε την παραπάνω ανθρωπομορφική έννοια του χρόνου. Σύμφωνα με την ειδική θεωρία της σχετικότητας, οι παρατηρητές που ανήκουν σε διαφορετικά συστήματα έχουν διαφορετικές απόψεις για τη χρονική διάρκεια των φαινομένων στα συστήματα αυτά.
Αποδείχτηκε έτσι, ότι η αντίληψη που έχουμε για το φυσικό κόσμο δεν είναι άλλο από μια ανθρωπόμορφη κατασκευή και αυτό που στα πλαίσια της άμεσης εμπειρίας ονομάζουμε χρόνο είναι συνέπεια των πολύ περιορισμένων δυνατοτήτων της φυσιολογίας μας.
μλ05.φυσικός_xρόνος, φυσικός_xρόνος_μλ05:
O φυσικός χρόνος μπορεί να μετρηθεί σε σχέση με τις περιοδικές κινήσεις της Γης. Όπως γνωρίζετε η Γη περιστρέφεται γύρω από άξονα και η περίοδος περιστροφής της ορίζεται ως μια ημέρα. H Γη επίσης περιφέρεται γύρω από τον Ήλιο και η περίοδος περιφοράς της ορίζεται ως ένα έτος. Αυτές οι κινήσεις της Γης μας δίνουν τη δυνατότητα να μετρήσουμε το χρόνο και να ορίσουμε τις εποχές. Έτσι, για πολλούς αιώνες η αρχή της ημέρας εθεωρείτο η χρονική στιγμή κατά την οποία ο Ήλιος τέμνει μια φανταστική γραμμή στον ουρανό από το βορρά ως το νότο που περνάει από την κατακόρυφο ενός τόπου.
Αυτή η γραμμή λέγεται μεσημβρινός του τόπου.
μλ05.ηλιακή_ημήρα, ηλιακή_ημήρα:
To μέσο χρονικό διάστημα μεταξύ δύο περασμάτων του Ήλιου από το μεσημβρινό ενός τόπου λέγεται μέση ηλιακή ημέρα.
μλ05.βιολογικός_xρόνος, βιολογικός_xρόνος_μλ05:
O φυσικός - αστρονομικός χρόνος διαφέρει από το βιολογικό χρόνο που μαζί με τον ψυχολογικό χρόνο αποτελούν τον εσωτερικό χρόνο. O βιολογικός αυτός χρόνος πηγάζει από τη ρυθμική εναλλαγή των ενδογενών λειτουργιών του κυττάρου, στην οποία οφείλεται τελικά και η ρύθμιση της προσαρμογής του οργανισμού στην περιοδικότητα του περιβάλλοντος.
μλ05.ψυxολογικός_xρόνος, ψυxολογικός_xρόνος_μλ05:
Av ο φυσικός χρόνος είναι ένας ποσοτικός χρόνος, ο ψυχολογικός χρόνος είναι ποιοτικός, με την έννοια ότι διαφέρει από άτομο σε άτομο και ακόμα, είναι διαφορετικός και στο ίδιο άτομο ανάλογα με τις συνθήκες της ζωής του, που επιδρούν στην ψυχική του διάθεση.
O ψυχολογικός χρόνος λοιπόν είναι υποκειμενικά ελαστικός και ανισοταχής.
name::
* McsElln.μλ05.κ0.ΣΤ.Το-μέγεθος-των-αντικειμένων-και-οι-μονάδες-μέτρησης-τους,
μλ05.xώρος, xώρος_μλ05:
H έννοια του χώρου δημιουργήθηκε για να περιγραφούν οι κινήσεις των αντικειμένων, των ζώων και των ανθρώπων. Τα αντικείμενα που υπάρχουν και κινούνται στο χώρο έχουν μέγεθος που περιγράφεται από τις διαστάσεις τους. Για παράδειγμα ένα σχοινί περιγράφεται από το μήκος του (διότι κυριαρχεί μια διάσταση), το φύλλο ενός τετραδίου περιγράφεται από το εμβαδόν του ή από το μήκος και το πλάτος του (διότι κυριαρχούν δύο διαστάσεις), ένας κύβος περιγράφεται από τον όγκο του ή από το μήκος, το πλάτος και το ύψος του.
name::
* McsElln.μλ05.κ0.Ζ.Η-μάζα-και-η-πυκνότητα,
μλ05.μάζα, μάζα_μλ05:
H μάζα ενός σώματος αποτελεί το μέτρο της αδράνειάς του, δηλαδή μας δείχνει το μέγεθος της αντίδρασης ενός σώματος στην προσπάθεια αλλαγής της κινητικής του κατάστασης.
μλ05.πυκνότητα_σώματος, πυκνότητα_σώματος_μλ05:
To πηλίκο mV ονομάζεται πυκνότητα ενός υλικού που έχει μάζα m και όγκο V, συμβολίζεται με το γράμμα d, δηλαδή d = mV και δείχνει πόση μάζα σε g περιέχεται σε όγκο 1cm3.
name::
* McsElln.μλ05.κ0.Η.Η-μεταβολή-και-ο-ρυθμός-μεταβολής,
μλ05.μεταβολή_μεγέθους, μεταβολή_μεγέθους_μλ05 (change):
Γενικά: Μεταβολή ενός μεγέθους = τελική τιμή - αρχική τιμή του μεγέθους.
μλ05.ρυθμός_μεταβολής, ρυθμός_μεταβολής_μλ05 (rate of change):
Γενικεύοντας, το πηλίκο ΔΦ/Δt της μεταβολής ενός φυσικού μεγέθους Φ διά της μεταβολής του χρόνου Δt, μας δίνει το ρυθμό μεταβολής του φυσικού μεγέθους Φ, δηλαδή το πόσο αλλάζει το μέγεθος αυτό σε 1s.
Av το φυσικό μέγεθος αυξάνεται τότε ΔΦ = Φ - Φ0 > 0 οπότε και ο ρυθμός μεταβολής είναι θετικός, ΔΦ/Δt > 0.
Av το φυσικό μέγεθος μειώνεται τότε ΔΦ = Φ - Φ0 < 0 οπότε και ο ρυθμός μεταβολής είναι αρνητικός, ΔΦ/Δt < 0.
name::
* McsElln.μλ05.κ1.MHXANIKH,
name::
* McsElln.μλ05.κ1.1 Ευθύγραμμη κίνηση μλ05.σ33,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL-A103/529/3518,14438//
μλ05.κινηματική:
Κινηματική η οποία περιγράφει τις κινήσεις των σωμάτων.
name::
* McsElln.μλ05.κ1.1.1 Ύλη και κίνηση,
μλ05.κίνηση (doing#cptCore475#):
Μια χαρακτηριστική ιδιότητα της ύλης είναι η κίνηση, τόσο στα μικροσκοπικά σωμάτια (στο μικρόκοσμο), όσο και στα σώματα αισθητών διαστάσεων (στο μακρόκοσμο). ...
Δεν υπάρχει, ύλη που να παραμένει ακίνητη στο σύμπαν ή περισσότερο φιλοσοφικά: η κίνηση είναι τρόπος ύπαρξης της ύλης.
...
Δηλαδή ένα σώμα θα λέμε ότι κινείται, όταν αλλάζει συνεχώς θέσεις, ως προς ένα παρατηρητή (σύστημα αναφοράς) που θεωρούμε ακίνητο.
Η κίνηση είναι σχετική και εξαρτάται από το σύστημα αναφοράς δηλαδή από το πού βρίσκεται ο παρατηρητής
μλ05.τροxιά_σώματος, τροxιά_σώματος_μλ05:
Η τροχιά ενός σώματος που κινείται είναι το σύνολο των διαδοχικών θέσεων από τις οποίες διέρχεται το σώμα.
name::
* McsElln.μλ05.κ1.1.2 O προσδιορισμός της θέσης ενός σωματίου,
μλ05.σωμάτιο, μλ05.σημειακό_αντικείμενο, σωμάτιο_μλ05, κινητό_μλ05:
Σωμάτιο ή σημειακό αντικείμενο είναι η αναπαράσταση (μοντέλο) ενός αντικειμένου με ένα σημείο.
Στη συνέχεια, για λόγους απλότητας, τα σώματα των οποίων μελετάμε την κίνηση θα τα ονομάζουμε κινητά ή σωμάτια ανεξάρτητα από τις διαστάσεις τους.
[http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL-A103/389/2564,10027//]
μλ05.σύστημα_αναφοράς, σύστημα_αναφοράς_μλ05:
Τοποθετούμε πάνω στην ευθεία δυο μετροταινίες με την αρχή τους στο Ο, μια δεξιά του και μια αριστερά του. Οι δύο μετροταινίες μαζί με το σημείο Ο (αρχή), αποτελούν ο σύστημα αναφοράς.
μλ05.θέση_σωματίου, θέση_σωματίου_μλ05:
Η θέση του σωματίου στο συγκεκριμένο σύστημα αναφοράς, προσδιορίζεται με έναν αριθμό, ο οποίος συμβολίζεται με το γράμμα x και ο οποίος μπορεί να πάρει θετικές ή αρνητικές τιμές. Παραδείγματος χάρη, αν το σωμάτιο βρίσκεται στο σημείο Μ ή το σημείο Μ?, η θέση του θα είναι x = +4cm ή x = -3cm αντίστοιχα.
... Η θέση του σωματίου Μ, προσδιορίζεται με δύο αριθμούς (x, y) που ονομάζονται συντεταγμένες του Μ (Εικ. 1.1.5).
name::
* McsElln.μλ05.κ1.1.3 Οι έννοιες της χρονικής στιγμής; του συμβάντος και της χρονικής διάρκειας,
μλ5.xρονική_στιγμή, xρονική_στιγμή_μλ05:
Η έννοια της χρονικής στιγμής στη Φυσική αντιστοιχεί στην ένδειξη του ρολογιού ή του χρονομέτρου και δεν έχει διάρκεια, αντίθετα με την καθημερινή ζωή όπου η έκφραση “περίμενε μια στιγμή”, μπορεί να σημαίνει, περίμενε μερικά λεπτά ή ακόμη περισσότερο. Η χρονική στιγμή συμβολίζεται με το γράμμα t.
μλ05.συμβάν, μλ05.γεγονός:
Έστω ένα κινητό που κινείται σε ευθεία γραμμή και βρίσκεται στη θέση x = +3cm τη χρονική στιγμή t = 2s (Εικ. 1.1.6). Αυτό αποτελεί ένα συμβάν ή γεγονός και συμβολίζεται Σ(3cm, 2s) ή γενικά Σ(x, t).
name::
* McsElln.μλ05.κ1.1.4 H μετατόπιση σωματίου πάνω σε άξονα,
μλ05.μεταβολή_μεγέθους_Α, μεταβολή_μεγέθους_Α_μλ05:
ΔΑ = Ατελ. - Ααρχ.
Εκφράζει το πόσο πολύ μεταβλήθηκε το μέγεθος.
αν ΔΑ>0 <=> Ατελ > Ααρχ
αν ΔΑ<0 <=> Ατελ < Ααρχ μείωση
αν ΔΑ=0 <=> Ατελ = Ααρχ
μλ05.ρυθμός_μεταβολής_μεγέθους_Α, ρυθμός_μεταβολής_μεγέθους_Α_μλ05:
ΔΑ/Δt = Ατελ-Ααρχ / tτελ - tαρχ
Εκφράζει το ΠΟΣΟ ΓΡΗΓΟΡΑ μεταβάλλεται το μέγεθος Α.
μλ05.μετατόπιση_σωματίου:
Ορίζουμε ως μετατόπιση Δx του σωματίου πάνω στην ευθεία κίνησής του τη διαφορά x2 - x1.
Δηλαδή: Δx = x2 - x1 = +10cm - 8cm = +2cm.
===
Η μετατόπιση είναι ΔΙΑΝΥΜΑ που έχει αρχή την αρχική ΘΕΣΗ του κινητού και τέλος την τελική του θέση, ανεξάρτητα από τη διαδρομή του.
[μλ05.σ61]
μλ05.διάστημα, μλ05.απόσταση:
μλ05.τροxιά, τροxιά_μλ05:
* Είναι το μήκος της τροχιάς του (διαδρομής)
* Είναι μονόμετρο μέγεθος και πάντα θετικό
* Μονάδα SI:1m.
---
Δηλαδή το διάστημα δεν ταυτίζεται πάντοτε με τη μετατόπιση του κινητού.
Γενικεύοντας τονίζουμε ότι, το συμπέρασμα στο οποίο καταλήξαμε ισχύει για όλες τις κινήσεις, εκτός από την ευθύγραμμη κίνηση σταθερής φοράς, όπου το διάστημα και η μετατόπιση ταυτίζονται.
Επιπλέον το διάστημα (απόσταση) είναι μέγεθος μονόμετρο, ενώ η μετατόπιση είναι μέγεθος διανυσματικό.
name::
* McsElln.μλ05.κ1.1.5 H έννοια της ταχύτητας στην ευθύγραμμη ομαλή κίνηση,
μλ05.ευθύγραμμη_ομαλή_κίνηση, ευθύγραμμη_ομαλή_κίνηση_μλ05:
* Το σώμα κινείται ευθύγραμμα και η ταχύτητά του παραμένει σταθερή δηλαδή σε ίσα χρονικά διαστήματα κάνει ίσες μετατοπίσεις.
===
Οταν δυο κινητά ξεκινούν ΤΑΥΤΟΧΡΟΝΑ και συναντιώνται κάπου, τότε κάνουν ΠΑΝΤΑ ίδιο χρόνο κίνησης (ανεξάρτητα από το είδος κίνησης του καθενός).
μλ05.ταxύτητα_διανυσματική:
* ->υ = ->Δχ / Δt
* Μονάδα SI= m/s
* Αλλες μονάδες: Km/h, cm/min, mil/h κα
* Είναι διανυσματικό μέγεθος που έχει ΠΑΝΤΑ την ίδια κατεύθυνση με τη μετατόπιση.
* εκφράζει α) το πόσο γρήγορα κινείται ένα σώμα β) προς τα που κινείται υ>0 κινείται θετικά.
name::
* McsElln.μλ05.κ1.1.6 H έννοια της μέσης ταχύτητας,
μλ05.μέση_ταxύτητα:
* υμ=Sολ/tολ
* είναι μονόμετρο μέγεθος παντα θετική
* αναφέρεται σε ένα χρονικό διάστημα.
[Κουλίδας]
To πηλίκο αυτό το ονομάζουμε μέση ταχύτητα του αυτοκινήτου και το συμβολίζουμε με υ ή υμ Δηλαδή:
υμ = st
H μέση ταχύτητα είναι μονόμετρο μέγεθος και μας δείχνει απλά με πόση “περίπου” ταχύτητα καλύφθηκε η διαδρομή Αθήνα - Θεσσαλονίκη ή ακριβέστερα μας δείχνει τη σταθερή ταχύτητα που έπρεπε να είχε το αυτοκίνητο για να καλύψει τη διαδρομή των 513km σε 5h.
name::
* McsElln.μλ05.κ1.1.7 H έννοια της στιγμιαίας ταχύτητας,
μλ05.μεταβαλόμενη_κίνηση:
H κίνηση αυτή που δεν είναι ούτε ευθύγραμμη ούτε ομαλή, ονομάζεται γενικά μεταβαλλόμενη κίνηση.
μλ05.στιγμιαία_ταxύτητα:
* είναι η ταχύτητα κινητού σε κάποια χρονική στιγμή [Κουλίδας]
Η μέση-ταχύτητα για πολύ μικρό χρονικό διαστημα
name::
* McsElln.μλ05.κ1.1.8 H έννοια της επιτάχυνσης στην ευθύγραμμη ομαλά μεταβαλλόμενη κίνηση,
μλ05.επιτάxυνση:
To πηλίκο Δυ/Δt το ονομάζουμε επιτάχυνση και το συμβολίζουμε με το γράμμα α, δηλαδή:
α = Δυ/Δt
Μονάδα επιτάχυνσης στο Διεθνές Σύστημα S.I. είναι το 1(m/s)/s = 1 m/s^2.
μλ05.ευθύγραμμη_ομαλά_μεταβαλλόμενη_κίνηση:
Η ταχύτητα του κινητού αλλάζει κατά το ίδιο ποσό στη μονάδα του χρόνου ή αλλάζει όπως λέμε με σταθερό ΡΥΜΘΜΟ.
[μλ05.σ61]
Στο κεφάλαιο αυτό θα περιοριστούμε μόνο στην περιγραφή κινήσεων που η ταχύτητά τους αλλάζει το ίδιο στη μονάδα του χρόνου ή αλλάζει όπως λέμε με σταθερό ρυθμό, δηλαδή σε κινήσεις στις οποίες η επιτάχυνση α = ΔυΔt είναι σταθερή. Για παράδειγμα αν α = 2m/s2, τότε σε κάθε δευτερόλεπτο η ταχύτητα αλλάζει 2m/s.
Ευθύγραμμη κίνηση
Τις κινήσεις αυτές τις ονομάζουμε ευθύγραμμες ομαλά μεταβαλλόμενες.
Στις κινήσεις αυτές διακρίνουμε δυο περιπτώσεις:
α) η ταχύτητα του κινητού αυξάνεται, οπότε η κίνηση ονομάζεται ομαλά επιταχυνόμενη.
β) η ταχύτητα του κινητού μειώνεται, οπότε η κίνηση ονομάζεται ομαλά επιβραδυνόμενη (Εικ. 1.1.15).
name::
* McsElln.μλ05.κ1.1.9 Οι εξισώσεις προσδιορισμού της ταχύτητας και της θέσης ενός κινητού στην ευθύγραμμη ομαλά μεταβαλλόμενη κίνηση,
μλ05.εξίσωση_ταxύτητας_ευθύγραμμης_ομαλά_μεταβαλλόμενης_κίνησης,
εξίσωση_ταxύτητας_ευθύγραμμης_ομαλά_μεταβαλλόμενης_κίνησης_μλ05:
* υ = υ0 + α t
μλ05.εξίσωση_κίνησης_ευθύγραμμης_ομαλά_μεταβαλλόμενης_κίνησης,
εξίσωση_κίνησης_ευθύγραμμης_ομαλά_μεταβαλλόμενης_κίνησης_μλ05:
* x = υ0 t + 1/2 α t^2
Περίληψη
Ερωτήσεις
Ασκήσεις - Προβλήματα
ΠΕΡΙΛΗΨΗ
Για να περιγράψουμε μία κίνηση που γίνεται σε ευθεία γραμμή, χρειάζεται σε κάθε χρονική στιγμή να προσδιορίσουμε τη θέση του σωματίου ή κινητού. Αυτό σημαίνει ότι πρέπει να ορίσουμε ένα σημείο αναφοράς που θα είναι η αρχή για τις μετρήσεις μας. Σε περίπτωση που το σωμάτιο κινείται σε επίπεδο, η θέση του προσδιορίζεται εφόσον ορισθεί σύστημα αναφοράς, που τώρα είναι ορθογώνιο σύστημα συντεταγμένων. Κατά την κίνησή του το κινητό αλλάζει θέσεις. H μετατόπιση είναι διάνυσμα που έχει αρχή την αρχική θέση του κινητού και τέλος την τελική του θέση, ανεξάρτητα από τη διαδρομή του, και τιμή:
Όταν η κίνηση είναι ευθύγραμμη ομαλή, το κινητό διανύει ίσες μετατοπίσεις σε ίσους χρόνους, κινούμενο κατά την ίδια φορά. H ταχύτητα στην ευθύγραμμη ομαλή κίνηση είναι το διανυσματικό μέγεθος που προκύπτει ως το πηλίκο της μετατόπισης προς την αντίστοιχη χρονική διάρκεια, σύμφωνα με τον τύπο:
και έχει μονάδα μέτρησης στο Διεθνές Σύστημα S.I. το lm/s.
Στις μη ομαλές κινήσεις η ταχύτητα αλλάζει. Τότε χρησιμοποιούμε την έννοια της μέσης ταχύτητας που προκύπτει ως το πηλίκο της συνολικής απόστασης που διανύει το κινητό προς τη συνολική διάρκεια της κίνησής του με σχέση:
υμ = St
με μονάδα μέτρησης ίδια με αυτήν της ταχύτητας.
Στην ομαλά μεταβαλλόμενη κίνηση η ταχύτητα του κινητού αλλάζει κατά το ίδιο ποσό στην μονάδα του χρόνου ή αλλάζει όπως λέμε με σταθερό ρυθμό. Στην κίνηση αυτή χρησιμοποιείται το διανυσματικό μέγεθος της επιτάχυνσης που ισούται με το πηλίκο της μεταβολής της ταχύτητας δια του χρόνου Δt στον οποίο γίνεται η μεταβολή αυτή, και δίνεται από τη σχέση:
H μονάδα μέτρησης της επιτάχυνσης στο Διεθνές Σύστημα S.I. είναι το lm/s2.
Ευθύγραμμη κίνηση
Στην ομαλά μεταβαλλόμενη κίνηση οι εξισώσεις που περιγράψουν την κίνηση, είναι οι εξής:
υ = υ0 + αt : Εξίσωση ταχύτητας στην ευθύγραμμη ομαλά επιταχυνόμενη κίνηση.
υ = υ0 - αt : Εξίσωση ταχύτητας στην ευθύγραμμη ομαλά επιβραδυνόμενη κίνηση.
x = υ0t + 12αt2 : Εξίσωση κίνησης στην ευθύγραμμη ομαλά επιταχυνόμενη κίνηση.
x = υ0t - 12αt2 : Εξίσωση κίνησης στην ευθύγραμμη ομαλά επιβραδυνόμενη κίνηση.
name::
* McsElln.μλ05.κ1.2 Δυναμική σε μία διάσταση μλ05.σ73,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL-A103/529/3518,14439//
μλ05.δυναμική, δυναμική_μλ05:
H ενότητα της Φυσικής που μελετά τις δυνάμεις (που είναι τα αίτια που προκαλούν τις κινήσεις) και τα αποτελέσματά τους, λέγεται Δυναμική.
name::
* McsElln.μλ05.κ1.2.1 H έννοια της δύναμης,
μλ05.δύναμη, δύναμη_μλ05:
Για να ασκηθεί δύναμη είναι απαραίτητη η ύπαρξη ενός δεύτερου σώματος.
H δύναμη είναι διανυσματικό μέγεθος δηλαδή για τον προσδιορισμό της απαιτείται να γνωρίζουμε την κατεύθυνσή της (διεύθυνση και φορά) και την τιμή της.
H τιμή της δύναμης είναι το στοιχείο εκείνο που καθορίζει πόσο πολύ ή πόσο δυνατά η δύναμη σπρώχνει ή έλκει ένα σώμα.
[μλ05.σ84]
* μλ05.Νιούτον, Νιούτον_μλ05:
H μονάδα μέτρησης της δύναμης στο Διεθνές Σύστημα (S.I.) είναι το 1 Newton (Νιούτον) ή 1N. H ονομασία προέρχεται από το όνομα του Νεύτωνα (Newton).
---
1Ν είναι η δύναμη που αν την ασκήσουμε σε σώμα μάζας 1Kg του προσδίδει επιτάχυνση 1m/s^2. 1 N = 1 kg m / s^2
[μλ05.σ84]
μλ05.μέτρηση_δύναμης, μέτρηση_δύναμης_μλ05:
Μια δύναμη μπορεί να μετρηθεί με το ζυγό ελατηρίου (Εικ. 1.2.3α) ή με το δυναμόμετρο (Εικ. 1.2.3β).
μλ05.ελαστική_παραμόρφωση, ελαστική_παραμόρφωση_μλ05:
H παραμόρφωση ενός σώματος λέγεται ελαστική όταν το σώμα επανέρχεται στην αρχική του μορφή, μόλις πάψει να ενεργεί σε αυτό η δύναμη που προκάλεσε την παραμόρφωση του. Παραδείγματος χάρη, το κοντάρι του άλτη στη διπλανή εικόνα υφίσταται ελαστική παραμόρφωση.
μλ05.νόμος_Hooke, νόμος_Hooke_μλ05:
O νόμος του Hooke διατυπώνεται ως εξής:
“Οι ελαστικές παραμορφώσεις είναι ανάλογες με τις δυνάμεις που τις προκάλεσαν”.
H μαθηματική έκφραση του νόμου του Hooke, για τα ελατήρια, είναι: F = K x.
H σταθερά K ονομάζεται σταθερά του ελατηρίου και εξαρτάται από τη φύση και τα γεωμετρικά χαρακτηριστικά του ελατηρίου (μήκος, πάχος κ.λπ.) και x η μεταβολή του μήκους του.
name::
* McsElln.μλ05.κ1.2.2 Σύνθεση συγγραμικών δυνάμεων,
μλ05.συνισταμένη_δύναμη, συνισταμένη_δύναμη (resultant-force):
ΣF, είναι η δύναμη που επιφέρει το ίδιο αποτέλεσμα με άλλες δυνάμεις που εφαρμόζονται ταυτόχρονα στο ίδιο σημείο.
μλ05.συνιστώσες_συνισταμένης_δύναμης
είναι οι δυνάμεις που η συνισταμένη αντικαθιστά.
μλ05.σύνθεση_δυνάμεων, σύνθεση_δυνάμεων (composition of forces):
Τη διαδικασία που ακολουθούμε για τον προσδιορισμό της συνισταμένης δύναμης δύο ή περισσοτέρων δυνάμεων, που ενεργούν στο ίδιο σώμα, την ονομάζουμε σύνθεση δυνάμεων.
name::
* McsElln.μλ05.κ1.2.3 O πρώτος νόμος του Νεύτωνα,
μλ05.αδράνεια (inertia):
H ιδιότητα που έχουν τα σώματα να αντιστέκονται στη μεταβολή της κινητικής τους κατάστασης λέγεται αδράνεια ή αδράνεια των σωμάτων ή αδράνεια της ύλης.
μλ05.πρώτος_νόμος_του_Νεύτωνα, πρώτος_νόμος_του_Νεύτωνα_μλ05:
Av η συνισταμένη των δυνάμεων που ασκούνται σε ένα σώμα είναι μηδέν, τότε το σώμα ή ηρεμεί ή κινείται ευθύγραμμα και ομαλά.
name::
* McsElln.μλ05.κ1.2.4 O δεύτερος νόμος του Νεύτωνα ή Θεμελιώδης νόμος της Μηχανικής,
μλ05.Θεμελιώδης_νόμος_μηxανικής:
μλ05.δεύτερος_νόμος_του_Νεύτωνα, δεύτερος_νόμος_του_Νεύτωνα_μλ05:
Από τα παραπάνω προκύπτει ότι: η δύναμη που ασκείται σε ένα σώμα και η επιτάχυνση που αποκτά αυτό είναι μεγέθη ανάλογα.
F = m α
name::
* McsElln.μλ05.κ1.2.5 H έννοια του βάρους,
μλ05.κιλοπόντ, κιλοπόντ_μλ05:
* μλ05.xιλιόγραμμα_βάρους, xιλιόγραμμα_βάρους_μλ05:
Πολλές φορές για τη μέτρηση του βάρους χρησιμοποιείται ως μονάδα το κιλοπόντ (kp), γνωστό και ως χιλιόγραμμο βάρους, που είναι: 1kp = 9,81Ν.
Μια δύναμη είναι ίση με 1kp όταν ενεργεί σε μάζα 1kg και της προσδίδει επιτάχυνση α = g = 9,81m/s2.
[Με την καθιέρωση του Διεθνούς Συστήματος μονάδων (S.I.) ως μονάδα δύναμης χρησιμοποιείται μόνο το 1N].
name::
* McsElln.μλ05.κ1.2.6 H έννοια της μάζας,
μλ05.αδρανειακή_μάζα, αδρανειακή_μάζα_μλ05:
Μέτρο της αδράνειας ενός σώματος αποτελεί η μάζα του που λέγεται και αδρανειακή μάζα.
Ένα σώμα μεγάλης μάζας παρουσιάζει και μεγάλη αδράνεια γι'αυτό απαιτείται μεγάλη δύναμη προκειμένου να αποκτήσει ορισμένη επιτάχυνση, εικόνα 1,2.12.
H αδρανειακή μάζα ενός σώματος υπολογίζεται από τη σχέση F = mα.
Για να μετρήσουμε τη μάζα αδράνειας ενός σώματος ασκούμε επάνω του δύναμη και μετράμε την επιτάχυνση που αποκτά.
μλ05.βαρυτική_μάζα, βαρυτική_μάζα_μλ05:
H μάζα που προκύπτει από τη μέτρηση της δύναμης βαρύτητας (βάρος) πάνω σ' αυτή, χωρίς τη χρήση επιτάχυνσης λέγεται βαρυτική μάζα.
===
Βαρυτική μάζα λέγεται η μάζα που προκύπτει από τη μέτρηση της δύναμης της βαρύτητας πάνω σ' αυτή:
m = B/g.
H βαρυτική και αδρανειακή μάζα είναι ίσες.
[μλ05.σ899]
Ένθετο: H αδρανειακή μάζα αλλάζει
Ενώ η βαρυτική μάζα ενός σώματος διατηρείται σταθερή, η αδρανειακή μάζα, σύμφωνα με τη θεωρία της σχετικότητας του Αϊνστάιν, αυξάνεται όταν η ταχύτητα του σώματος πλησιάζει την ταχύτητα του φωτός, c = 300.000km/s. Αύξηση όμως της μάζας σημαίνει ότι, απαιτείται επιπλέον δύναμη για να συνεχίσει το σώμα να κινείται με την ίδια επιτάχυνση.
[μλ05.σ89]
name::
* McsElln.μλ05.κ1.2.7 H ελεύθερη πτώση των σωμάτων,
μλ05.ελεύθερη_πτώση, ελεύθερη_πτώση_μλ05:
“ελεύθερη πτώση” εννοούμε την πτώση, όταν οι αντιστάσεις του αέρα θεωρούνται αμελητέες και το βάρος σταθερό.
s = 1/2 g t^2
u = g t
===
Ελεύθερη πτώση εκτελεί ένα σώμα όταν το αφήσουμε να πέσει από κάποιο ύψος και η μόνη δύναμη που ενεργεί σ' αυτό είναι το βάρος του, το οποίο θεωρείται σταθερό, ενώ θεωρείται αμελητέα η αντίσταση του αέρα.
[μλ05.σ899]
name::
* McsElln.μλ05.κ1.2.8 Σύγχρονοι τρόποι μελέτης των κινήσεων,
Ένθετο: H πειραματική μέθοδος
Ένθετο: Μήκος φρεναρίσματος και απόσταση ασφαλείας
Ένθετο: Οι ζώνες ασφαλείας και οι αερόσακοι
Περίληψη
Ερωτήσεις
Ασκήσεις - Προβλήματα
ΠΕΡΙΛΗΨΗ
Δυναμική ονομάζεται η ενότητα της Φυσικής που μελετά τις δυνάμεις και τα αποτελέσματά τους. Στη μία διάσταση μελετά τη σχέση της δύναμης με την κίνηση σε ευθεία γραμμή. H δύναμη είναι αποτέλεσμα αλληλεπίδρασης μεταξύ δύο σωμάτων. Μία δύναμη όταν ασκείται σ' ένα σώμα είναι δυνατό να το παραμορφώσει ή να του μεταβάλλει την κινητική του κατάσταση. H δύναμη είναι μέγεθος διανυσματικό και έχει μονάδα μέτρησης στο διεθνές σύστημα το 1 Newton, 1N = 1kgm/s2.
H μέτρηση της δύναμης γίνεται με το ζυγό ελατηρίου ή με το δυναμόμετρο και στηρίζεται στην ελαστική παραμόρφωση που προκαλεί η δύναμη όταν ασκηθεί σ' αυτό. H ελαστική παραμόρφωση διέπεται από το νόμο του Hooke και διατυπώνεται ως εξής: “Οι ελαστικές παραμορφώσεις είναι ανάλογες με τις δυνάμεις που τις προκαλούν”. O νόμος του Hooke εκφράζεται με τη σχέση F = k x.
Οταν σε κάποιο σώμα ενεργούν δύο ή περισσότερες δυνάμεις ταυτόχρονα στο ίδιο σημείο, η δύναμη που μπορεί να τις αντικαταστήσει λέγεται συνισταμένη ΣF ή F, ενώ οι δυνάμεις που αντικαθιστά λέγονται συνιστώσες και η διαδικασία ονομάζεται σύνθεση. Για τη σύνθεση συγγραμμικών δυνάμεων F1 και F2 ίδιας φοράς ισχύει η σχέση:
F = F1 + F2
ενώ για δυνάμεις F1, F2 αντίθετης φοράς με F2 > F11:
F = F2 - F1
Σύμφωνα με τον πρώτο νόμο του Νεύτωνα, αν η συνισταμένη των δυνάμεων που ασκούνται σ' ένα σώμα είναι μηδέν τότε αυτό ή ηρεμεί ή κινείται ευθύγραμμα και ομαλά. Αντίθετα, όταν η συνισταμένη των δυνάμεων δεν είναι μηδέν, τότε σύμφωνα με τον δεύτερο νόμο του Νεύτωνα, που είναι ο θεμελιώδης νόμος της Μηχανικής, το σώμα αποκτά επιτάχυνση ανάλογη με την συνισταμένη δύναμη:
H κατεύθυνση της επιτάχυνσης είναι ίδια με την κατεύθυνση της δύναμης.
Αδράνεια είναι η ιδιότητα που έχουν τα σώματα να αντιστέκονται στη μεταβολή της κινητικής τους κατάστασης. Μέτρο της αδράνειας ενός σώματος αποτελεί η μάζα του που λέγεται και αδρανειακή μάζα.
H αδρανειακή μάζα m προκύπτει από τη σχέση:
m = Fα.
Δυναμική σε μία διάσταση
Βαρυτική μάζα λέγεται η μάζα που προκύπτει από τη μέτρηση της δύναμης της βαρύτητας πάνω σ' αυτή:
m = Bg.
H βαρυτική και αδρανειακή μάζα είναι ίσες.
Ελεύθερη πτώση εκτελεί ένα σώμα όταν το αφήσουμε να πέσει από κάποιο ύψος και η μόνη δύναμη που ενεργεί σ' αυτό είναι το βάρος του, το οποίο θεωρείται σταθερό, ενώ θεωρείται αμελητέα η αντίσταση του αέρα. Οι εξισώσεις της ελεύθερης πτώσης είναι:
Εξίσωση του διαστήματος s = 12 g t2.
Εξίσωση της ταχύτητας υ = g t.
name::
* McsElln.μλ05.κ1.3 Δυναμική στο επίπεδο μλ05.σ109,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL-A103/529/3518,14440//
name::
* McsElln.μλ05.κ1.3.1 Τρίτος νόμος του Νεύτωνα. Νόμος Δράσης - Αντίδρασης,
μλ05.δραση_αντιδραση:
Λέμε λοιπόν ότι οι δυνάμεις στη φύση εμφανίζονται κατά ζεύγη.
Εκείνο που πρέπει να τονίσουμε είναι ότι οι δυνάμεις της Δράσης - Αντίδρασης ενεργούν σε διαφορετικά σώματα, επομένως δεν έχει νόημα να μιλάμε για συνισταμένη των δύο αυτών δυνάμεων.
Σύμφωνα με το νόμο αυτό σε κάθε δράση αναπτύσσεται ίση αντίδραση. Συμπεραίνουμε λοιπόν ότι δεν είναι δυνατό να έχουμε την εμφάνιση μιας μόνης δύναμης, γιατί το σώμα στο οποίο αυτή ασκείται θα προκαλεί μια αντίδραση. Λέμε λοιπόν ότι οι δυνάμεις στη φύση εμφανίζονται κατά ζεύγη.
μλ05.δυναμη_επαφης:
Όπως είδαμε, για να ασκηθεί μια δύναμη σε ένα σώμα είναι απαραίτητη η ύπαρξη ενός δεύτερου σώματος, που είναι είτε σε επαφή, είτε σε κάποια απόσταση από το πρώτο σώμα και αλληλεπιδρά με αυτό.
Χαρακτηριστικές δυνάμεις επαφής πάνω σε ένα σώμα, που συναντάμε στα προβλήματα Μηχανικής είναι:
Η τριβή
Η δύναμη που δέχεται το σώμα από τεντωμένο νήμα, στο άκρο του οποίου είναι δεμένο (λέγεται τάση νήματος).
Η δύναμη ελατηρίου που δέχεται το σώμα από παραμορφωμένο ελατήριο.
Η κάθετη δύναμη που ασκείται στο σώμα από την επιφάνεια στην οποία αυτό ισορροπεί.
Η άνωση που δέχεται ένα σώμα από το υγρό, μέσα στο οποίο είναι βυθισμένο (Εικ. 1.3.4).
Η αντίσταση του αέρα που δέχεται ένα σώμα όταν κινείται.
... Οι δυνάμεις από επαφή που ασκούνται σε ένα σώμα είναι τόσες όσα είναι τα σώματα με τα οποία αυτό έρχεται σε επαφή.
μλ05.δυναμη_απο_αποσταση:
Αντίθετα, οι δυνάμεις που ασκούνται μεταξύ ηλεκτρικά φορτσμένων σωμάτων, οι δυνάμεις μεταξύ μαγνητών και οι δυνάμεις λόγω βαρύτητας είναι δυνάμεις από απόσταση.
name::
* McsElln.μλ05.κ1.3.2 Δυνάμεις από επαφή και από απόσταση,
name::
* McsElln.μλ05.κ1.3.5 Σύνθεση πολλών ομοεπιπέδων δυνάμεων,
name::
* McsElln.μλ05.κ1.3.6 Ισορροπία ομοεπιπέδων δυνάμεων,
μλ05.ισορροπια_ομοεπιπεδων_δυναμεων:
Αν σε ένα σώμα ασκούνται πολλές δυνάμεις, που διέρχονται από το ίδιο σημείο, αυτό ισορροπεί, όταν η συνισταμένη των δυνάμεων είναι μηδέν.
name::
* McsElln.μλ05.κ1.3.7 O νόμος της τριβής,
μλ05.τριβη, μλ05.ολισθηση:
Όταν ένα σώμα ολισθαίνει (γλιστράει) πάνω σε μια επιφάνεια, υπάρχει μια δύναμη στο σώμα που αντιστέκεται στην κίνησή του.
H δύναμη αυτή λέγεται τριβή ή τριβή ολίσθησης.
Τριβή εμφανίζεται επίσης όταν ένα σώμα κινείται μέσα σε ρευστό (στον αέρα ή σε υγρό). Στην περίπτωση αυτή μιλάμε για αντίσταση αντί για τριβή.
Η τριβή είναι μια πολύ σημαντική δύναμη γιατί επιτρέπει σε εμάς να περπατάμε, να κρατάμε αντικείμενα στα χέρια μας, στα τροχοφόρα οχήματα να κινούνται, κ.τ.λ. H τριβή στα υγρά είναι πολύ μικρότερη σε σύγκριση με αυτή μεταξύ δύο επιφανειών στερεών. Αυτός είναι ο λόγος που για την ελάττωση των τριβών μεταξύ δύο μεταλλικών επιφανειών χρησιμοποιούνται λάδια ως λιπαντικά. Τα τελευταία χρόνια έχει αναπτυχθεί η τεχνολογία της χρήσης του αέρα υπό πίεση για την κίνηση σωμάτων πάνω σε λεπτό στρώμα αέρα οπότε η τριβή ελαττώνεται πολύ σημαντικά. Μπορεί κανείς να αναφέρει ως παράδειγμα την κίνηση του Hovercraft στην ξηρά και στη θάλασσα (Εικ. 1.3.15).
name::
* McsElln.μλ05.κ1.3.9 O δεύτερος νόμος του Νεύτωνα σε διανυσματική και σε αλγεβρική μορφή,
name::
* McsElln.μλ05.κ1.3.12 Μερικές περιπτώσεις κεντρομόλου δύναμης,
Ένθετο: Από τον Αριστοτέλη στο Νεύτωνα
Ένθετο: Ντετερμινισμός ή χάος
Περίληψη
Ερωτήσεις
Ασκήσεις - Προβλήματα
ΠΕΡΙΛΗΨΗ
Στο κεφάλαιο αυτό γίνεται μελέτη της σχέσης της δύναμης με την κίνηση του σώματος. Οι δυνάμεις στη φύση εμφανίζονται κατά ζεύγη. Σύμφωνα μάλιστα με το νόμο Δράσης - Αντίδρασης, όταν δύο σώματα αλληλεπιδρούν και το πρώτο ασκεί δύναμη στο δεύτερο, τότε και το δεύτερο ασκεί αντίθετη δύναμη στο πρώτο. Οι δύο αυτές δυνάμεις ενεργούν σε διαφορετικά σώματα. Οι αλληλεπιδράσεις μεταξύ σωμάτων πραγματοποιούνται είτε επειδή υπάρχει επαφή μεταξύ τους είτε επειδή καθένα απ' αυτά βρίσκεται στο πεδίο που δημιουργεί το άλλο. Αναφέρονται δε ως: α) δυνάμεις από επαφή και β) δυνάμεις από απόσταση.
Για να προσδιορίσουμε τη συνισταμένη δύο δυνάμεων χρησιμοποιούμε τον κανόνα του παραλληλογράμμου. H διαγώνιος του παραλληλογράμμου που έχει πλευρές τις δύο δυνάμεις και περιέχεται μεταξύ τους είναι η συνισταμένη τους. Εφόσον δυνάμεις σχηματίζουν γωνία 90o, η τιμή της συνισταμένης τους δίνεται από τη σχέση:
F = ?F12 + F22
και η κατεύθυνση της από τη σχέση εφθ = F2F1.
Για την ανάλυση μιας δύναμης σε συνιστώσες επιλέγουμε κατάλληλες διευθύνσεις και δημιουργούμε παραλληλόγραμμο προσδιορίζοντας, με παράλληλες προς τις γνωστές διευθύνσεις απ' το τέλος της δύναμης, τις δύο συνιστώσες δυνάμεις. H σύνθεση πολλών ομοεπίπεδων δυνάμεων με κοινό σημείο εφαρμογής γίνεται με ανάλυση των δυνάμεων σε συνιστώσες. Οι συνιστώσες που βρίσκονται στον ίδιο άξονα έχουν ή ίδια ή αντίθετη κατεύθυνση και προστίθενται εύκολα. Τελικά καταλήγουμε στη σύνθεση δύο δυνάμεων κάθετων μεταξύ τους.
Για να ισορροπούν πολλές ομοεπίπεδες δυνάμεις που διέρχονται από το ίδιο σημείο, πρέπει η συνισταμένη τους να είναι μηδέν.
ΣFx = 0
ΣFy = 0
Στην ειδική περίπτωση της ισορροπίας σώματος με την επίδραση δύο δυνάμεων αυτές, πρέπει να είναι αντίθετες. Όταν όμως επιδρούν τρεις δυνάμεις πρέπει η συνισταμένη των δύο να είναι αντίθετη της τρίτης.
Όταν ένα σώμα γλιστράει πάνω σε μια επιφάνεια, υπάρχει μια δύναμη στο σώμα που αντιστέκεται στην κίνησή του, και λέγεται τριβή ή τριβή ολίσθησης. Ονομάζουμε στατική τριβή εκείνη τη δύναμη τριβής που εμφανίζεται όταν ένα σώμα δέχεται δύναμη και παρ' όλα αυτά παραμένει ακίνητο. H δύναμη της στατικής τριβής δεν έχει σταθερή τιμή. H μέγιστη τιμή της στατικής τριβής λέγεται οριακή τριβή. H τριβή που αναπτύσσεται κατά την ολίσθηση λέγεται τριβή ολίσθησης και εκφράζεται ποσοτικά με τη σχέση: T = μΝ, όπου N η δύναμη που είναι κάθετη στην επιφάνεια επαφής.
Δυναμική στο επίπεδο
Οριζόντια βολή είναι η σύνθετη επίπεδη κίνηση που αποτελείται από δύο απλές κινήσεις μια κατακόρυφη που είναι ελεύθερη πτώση και μια οριζόντια που είναι ευθύγραμμη ομαλή. Για να περιγράψουμε τις σύνθετες κινήσεις χρησιμοποιούμε την αρχή της ανεξαρτησίας (ή αρχή της επαλληλίας) των κινήσεων. Σύμφωνα με αυτή την αρχή όταν ένα κινητό εκτελεί ταυτόχρονα δύο ή περισσότερες κινήσεις, κάθε μία απ' αυτές εκτελείται εντελώς ανεξάρτητα από τις υπόλοιπες και η θέση στην οποία φθάνει το κινητό μετά από χρόνο t, είναι η ίδια είτε οι κινήσεις εκτελούνται ταυτόχρονα, είτε εκτελούνται διαδοχικά, σε χρόνο t η κάθε μία.
Από το δεύτερο νόμο του Νεύτωνα, η σχέση ισοδυναμεί με τις σχέσεις:
ΣFx = m αx
ΣFy = m αy
όπου ΣFx, ΣFy, αx και αy είναι οι συνιστώσες της συνισταμένης δύναμης και της επιτάχυνσης σε σύστημα ορθογωνίων αξόνων αντίστοιχα.
Ένα κινητό εκτελεί ομαλή κυκλική κίνηση όταν η τροχιά που διαγράφει είναι περιφέρεια κύκλου και η τιμή της ταχύτητας του παραμένει σταθερή. Περίοδος της κυκλικής κίνησης (T) ονομάζεται ο χρόνος που χρειάζεται το κινητό για να κάνει μία περιστροφή, ενώ ο αριθμός των περιστροφών που εκτελεί το κινητό στη μονάδα του χρόνου λέγεται συχνότητα (f) της κυκλικής κίνησης. H μεταξύ τους σχέση είναι:
f = 1T
H γραμμική ταχύτητα στην ομαλή κυκλική κίνηση έχει σταθερή τιμή και μεταβαλλόμενη κατεύθυνση μια και είναι εφαπτόμενη στην τροχιά ενώ η τιμή της δίνεται από τη σχέση υ = st = 2πRT.
Στην ομαλή κυκλική κίνηση χρειάζεται η γνώση του ρυθμού με τον οποίο η επιβατική ακτίνα διαγράφει γωνίες γι' αυτό ορίζεται το διανυσματικό φυσικό μέγεθος που λέγεται γωνιακή ταχύτητα .H τιμή της είναι ίση με το σταθερό πηλίκο της γωνίας φ που διαγράφηκε από την επιβατική ακτίνα σε χρονικό διάστημα t δια του αντιστοίχου χρονικού διαστήματος. Δηλαδή:
ω = θt = 2πT
με μονάδα μέτρησης το 1rad/s και με διάνυσμα κάθετο στο επίπεδο της τροχιάς στο κέντρο της και φορά που καθορίζεται από τον κανόνα του δεξιού χεριού.
name::
* McsElln.μλ05.κ2.ΕΝΕΡΓΕΙΑ μλ05.σ161,
name::
* McsElln.μλ05.κ2.1 Διατήρηση της μηχανικής ενέργειας,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL-A103/529/3519,14441//
name::
* McsElln.μλ05.κ2.1.1 Η έννοια του έργου,
μλ05.εργο:
Οι επιστήμονες ανέκαθεν αναρωτιόνταν με ποιον τρόπο θα μπορούσαν να υπολογίζουν την ενέργεια που μεταφέρεται από ένα σώμα σε ένα άλλο, ή που μετατρέπεται από μια μορφή σε μια άλλη. Απάντηση στον προβληματισμό αυτό μπορεί να δοθεί με την εισαγωγή της έννοιας του έργου.
...
Το έργο ως φυσικό μέγεθος εκφράζει την ενέργεια που μεταφέρεται από ένα σώμα σε ένα άλλο ή που μετατρέπεται από μια μορφή σε μια άλλη.
...
Αξίζει να επισημάνουμε πως το έργο δεν είναι μορφή ενέργειας. Ανάλογο του έργου και της ενέργειας είναι η επιταγή και το χρήμα. Όπως η τραπεζική επιταγή μετράει το χρήμα που μεταφέρεται από ένα λογαριασμό σε κάποιον άλλο χωρίς η ίδια να είναι χρήμα, έτσι και το έργο μετράει την ενέργεια που μεταφέρεται από ένα σώμα σε κάποιο άλλο, χωρίς αυτό (το έργο) να είναι ενέργεια.
W = F x (2.1.1)
WF = F x συνθ (2.1.2)
name::
* McsElln.μλ05.κ2.1.2 Έργο βάρους και μεταβολή της κινητικής ενέργειας,
name::
* McsElln.μλ05.κ2.1.3 Η δυναμική ενέργεια,
μλ05.δυναμικη_ενεργεια:
Δηλαδή ισχύει:
U = mgh (2.1.7)
Επομένως, ονομάζουμε δυναμική ενέργεια ενός σώματος σε ύψος h πάνω από την επιφάνεια της Γης, την ενέργεια που έχει το σώμα λόγω της θέσης του.
name::
* McsElln.μλ05.κ2.1.4 Η Μηχανική ενέργεια,
μλ05.μηxανικη_ενεργεια:
Το άθροισμα της κινητικής ενέργειας Κ και της δυναμικής ενέργειας U που έχει το σώμα σε οποιοδήποτε σημείο μεταξύ των θέσεων (Α) και (Δ) κατά την άνοδο ή την κάθοδό του, το ονομάζουμε, Μηχανική ενέργεια και το συμβολίζουμε με το γράμμα Ε. Δηλαδή:
Ε = Κ + U (2.1.11)
name::
* McsElln.μλ05.κ2.1.5 Συντηρητικές (ή διατηρητικές) δυνάμεις,
name::
* McsElln.μλ05.κ2.1.7 Η διατήρηση της μηχανικής ενέργειας στην οριζόντια βολή,
name::
* McsElln.μλ05.κ2.1.8 Η τριβή και η μηχανική ενέργεια,
Ένθετο: Τι είναι η ενέργεια;
Περίληψη
Ερωτήσεις
Ασκήσεις - Προβλήματα
ΠΕΡΙΛΗΨΗ
Όταν επιδρούμε σε υλικά αλλάζοντας τη μορφή ή τη θέση τους ασκούμε δυνάμεις και χρησιμοποιούμε ενέργεια. Το γινόμενο της σταθερής δύναμης, που μετατοπίζει το σημείο εφαρμογής της κατά τη διεύθυνσή της, επί τη μετατόπιση, το ονομάζουμε έργο και εμφανίζεται σε κάθε μεταφορά ή μετατροπή ενέργειας.
W = Fx.
Η μονάδα μέτρησης στο Διεθνές Σύστημα είναι 1Nm = 1Joule. Το έργο είναι το μονόμετρο φυσικό μέγεθος που εκφράζει την ενέργεια που μεταφέρεται από ένα σώμα σε ένα άλλο ή που μετατρέπεται από μια μορφή σε μια άλλη.
Στην περίπτωση που η δύναμη σχηματίζει γωνία θ με τη μετατόπιση το έργο δίνεται από τη σχέση W = Fσυνθx.
Όταν ένα σώμα μάζας m αφήνεται να κινηθεί κατακόρυφα με την επίδραση του βάρους του, λέμε ότι συμβαίνει μετατροπή του έργου της δύναμης του βάρους σε κινητική ενέργεια. To συμπέρασμα αυτό μπορούμε να το γενικεύσουμε σε οποιαδήποτε περίπτωση Όταν σ' ένα σώμα δρουν πολλές δυνάμεις, τότε η κινητική του ενέργεια μεταβάλλεται σύμφωνα με το θεώρημα:
“H μεταβολή της κινητικής ενέργειας ενός σώματος είναι ίση με το αλγεβρικό άθροισμα των έργων των δυνάμεων που δρουν πάνω του ή ισοδύναμα είναι ίση με το έργο της συνισταμένης δύναμης”, ΔK = ΣWF.
H δυναμική βαρυτική ενέργεια ή απλά δυναμική ενέργεια ενός σώματος λέμε ότι είναι αποτέλεσμα της αλληλεπίδρασής του με τη Γη και συμβολίζεται με U. Όταν ένα σώμα μάζας m βρίσκεται σε ύψος h η δυναμική του ενέργεια είναι:
U = mgh
H μηχανική ενέργεια ενός σώματος συμβολίζεται με E και είναι το άθροισμα της κινητικής ενέργειας K και της δυναμικής U που έχει το σώμα σε οποιαδήποτε θέση της κίνησής του.
E = K + U.
Διατήρηση της μηχανικής ενέργειας
H μηχανική ενέργεια συστήματος σωμάτων διατηρείται σε εκείνες τις περιπτώσεις όπου δεν υπάρχουν τριβές και αντιστάσεις. Συντηρητικές ή διατηρητικές δυνάμεις ονομάζονται οι δυνάμεις εκείνες που το έργο τους κατά μήκος μιας κλειστής διαδρομής είναι μηδέν. Συνέπεια αυτού είναι να διατηρούν την ενέργεια του συστήματος στο οποίο δρουν σταθερή. Τέτοιες δυνάμεις είναι το βάρος, οι ηλεκτρικές δυνάμεις ανάμεσα σε ηλεκτρικά φορτία, οι δυνάμεις από παραμορφωμένα ελατήρια και οι βαρυτικές δυνάμεις ανάμεσα σε μάζες. Οι συντηρητικές δυνάμεις έχουν την ιδιότητα το έργο τους να μην εξαρτάται από την τροχιά του σώματος αλλά μόνο από την αρχική και τελική θέση. Μη συντηρητικές ονομάζονται οι δυνάμεις οι οποίες, όταν ασκούνται σ' ένα σώμα ελαττώνουν (δεν συντηρούν) τη μηχανική του ενέργεια.
H ισχύς είναι μονόμετρο μέγεθος και εκφράζει το ρυθμό με τον οποίο κάθε συσκευή χρησιμοποιεί ενέργεια, δίνεται δε από τη σχέση:
P = W/t
H μονάδα μέτρησης της ισχύος στο Διεθνές Σύστημα είναι το 1Joule/s = 1Watt.
name::
* McsElln.μλ05.κ2.2 Διατήρηση της ολικής ενέργειας και υποβάθμιση της ενέργειας μλ05.σ197,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL-A103/529/3519,14442//
μλ05.θερμανση_με_αγωγη:
Δυο σώματα σε επαφη
μλ05.θερμανση_με_μεταφορα:
Ενα ρευστο.
name::
* McsElln.μλ05.κ2.2.1 H κινητική θεωρία της ύλης και η θερμότητα,
μλ05.θερμανση:
η θέρμανση γίνεται με προσφορά θερμότητας και η ψύξη με αφαίρεση θερμότητας από ένα σώμα.
name::
* McsElln.μλ05.κ2.2.4 Θερμότητα και διατήρηση της ολικής ενέργειας,
name::
* McsElln.μλ05.κ2.2.5 H θερμότητα και η μηχανική ενέργεια,
name::
* McsElln.μλ05.κ2.2.8 Υποβάθμιση της ενέργειας,
Ένθετο: Αεικίνητο
Ένθετο: H εσωτερική ενέργεια της ατμόσφαιρας και ο καιρός
Περίληψη
Ερωτήσεις
Ασκήσεις - Προβλήματα
ΠΕΡΙΛΗΨΗ
Φαινόμενα όπως τήξη, βρασμός, διαστολή περιγράφονται με τις έννοιες της θερμότητας και της θερμοκρασίας.
Η ύλη αποτελείται από άτομα και μόρια που έχουν δύο βασικά χαρακτηριστικά:
α) κινούνται και
β) αλληλεπιδρούν.
Άρα τα μόρια θα έχουν κινητική και δυναμική ενέργεια. Εφ' όσον πρόκειται όμως για αραιά αέρια η δυναμική τους ενέργεια μπορεί να θεωρηθεί αμελητέα. Στην περίπτωση αυτή ορίζουμε την εσωτερική ενέργεια U με τη σχέση: U = N K όπου K η μέση κινητική ενέργεια των μορίων.
H ιδιότητα των αερίων να ασκούν δυνάμεις στα τοιχώματα των δοχείων που τα περιέχουν περιγράφεται με τη χρήση του φυσικού μεγέθους της πίεσης. H πίεση είναι το μονόμετρο μέγεθος που ορίζεται από το πηλίκο της κάθε της δύναμης F, προς την επιφάνεια S, στην οποία αυτή ασκείται δηλαδή P = F/S με μονάδα μέτρησης στο διεθνές σύστημα lN/m2 = 1 Pascal.
Αν αυξήσουμε τη θερμοκρασία ενός αερίου αυξάνεται η πίεσή του. Η αύξηση αυτή οφείλεται στην αύξηση της ταχύτητας του κάθε μορίου του.
Av Q ονομάσουμε το ποσό της θερμότητας που απορροφάται από ένα αέριο, ΔU η αύξηση της εσωτερικής του ενέργειας και W το έργο, τότε ισχύει η σχέση Q = ΔU + W που περιγράφει την αρχή διατήρησης της ενέργειας.
Μια μηχανή που χρησιμοποιεί ηλεκτρική ενέργεια απορροφά ενέργεια W1 ενώ το έργο που παρέχει ένα W2.
To πηλίκο W2/W1 ονομάζεται απόδοση της μηχανής.
Δηλαδή:
Απόδοση = ενέργεια που αποδίδεται ενέργεια που αποροφάται · 100%
O ρυθμός με τον οποίο μια μορφή ενέργειας μετατρέπεται σε κάποια άλλη, ονομάζεται ισχύς και συμβολίζεται με το P.
Έτσι αν μια ποσότητα ενέργειας W μετατρέπεται σε άλλη στη χρονική διάρκεια t, η ισχύς είναι P = Wt με μονάδα μέτρησης στο S.I. το 1Watt = 1Joules.
name::
* McsElln.μλ05.κ3.ΗΛΕΚΤΡΙΣΜΟΣ μλ05.σ233,
name::
* McsElln.μλ05.κ3.1 Συνεχές ηλεκτρικό ρεύμα,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL-A103/529/3520,14443//
name::
* McsElln.μλ05.κ3.1.2 Ηλεκτρικό ρεύμα,
μλ05.ηλεκτρικο_ρευμα:
Η προσανατολισμένη αυτή κίνηση των ηλεκτρονίων στο μεταλλικό αγωγό ονομάζεται ηλεκτρικό ρεύμα.
Γενικά, ηλεκτρικό ρεύμα ονομάζεται η προσανατολισμένη κίνηση ηλεκτρικών φορτίων.
name::
* McsElln.μλ05.κ3.1.4 Αντίσταση (ωμική) - Αντιστάτης,
name::
* McsElln.μλ05.κ3.1.5 Συνδεσμολογία αντιστατών (αντιστάσεων),
name::
* McsElln.μλ05.κ3.1.6 Ρυθμιστική (μεταβλητή) αντίσταση,
name::
* McsElln.μλ05.κ3.1.7 Ενέργεια και ισχύς του ηλεκτρικού ρεύματος,
name::
* McsElln.μλ05.κ3.1.8 Ηλεκτρεγερτική δύναμη (ΗΕΔ) πηγής,
name::
* McsElln.μλ05.κ3.1.9 Νόμος του Ohm για κλειστό κύκλωμα,
name::
* McsElln.μλ05.κ3.1.11 Δίοδος,
Ερωτήσεις - Δραστηριότητες
Ασκήσεις - Προβλήματα
ΠΕΡΙΛΗΨΗ
Ένταση ηλεκτρικού ρεύματος
H ένταση I του ηλεκτρικού ρεύματος που διαρρέει έναν αγωγό ισούται με το πηλίκο του φορτίου q, που περνά από μια διατομή του αγωγού σε χρόνο t, προς το χρόνο t.
I = qt
Στο S.I. μετριέται σε A (Amp?re).
Τάση ή διαφορά δυναμικού
H αιτία του ηλεκτρικού ρεύματος.
Στο S.I. μετριέται σε V (Volt).
1ος κανόνας του Kirchhoff
Σ' ένα κόμβο το αλγεβρικό άθροισμα των εντάσεων των ρευμάτων ισούται με μηδέν.
ΣI = 0
2ος Κανόνας του Kirchhoff
Σ' ένα βρόχο το αλγεβρικό άθροισμα των διαφορών δυναμικού ισούται με μηδέν.
Σ(ΔV) = 0
Αντίσταση αγωγού
H αντίσταση R ενός αγωγού ισούται με το πηλίκο της τάσης V που εφαρμόζεται στα άκρα του προς την ένταση I του ρεύματος που τον διαρρέει.
R = VI
Στο S.I. μετριέται σε Ω (Ohm).
Νόμος του Ohm για αντιστάτη
H ένταση του ρεύματος που διαρρέει έναν αντιστάτη (μεταλλικό αγωγό) σταθερής θερμοκρασίας είναι ανάλογη της τάσης που εφαρμόζεται στα άκρα του.
I = VR
Από τι εξαρτάται η αντίσταση αγωγού
H αντίσταση R ενός αγωγού που έχει τη μορφή κυλινδρικού σύρματος είναι ανάλογη του μήκους του αγωγού, αντιστρόφως ανάλογη του εμβαδού διατομής του και εξαρτάται από το υλικό και τη θερμοκρασία του.
Συνεχές ηλεκτρικό ρεύμα
ρθ = ρ0(1 + αθ)
Σύνδεση αντιστάσεων σε σειρά
I = I1 = I2 = …
V = V1 + V2 + …
R = R1 + R2 + …
Σύνδεση αντιστάσεων παράλληλα
V = V1 = V2 = …
I = I1 + I2 + …
1 Rολ = 1 R1 + 1 R2 + …
Ενέργεια του ηλεκτρικού ρεύματος
W = V·I·t
Γενικά: W = V·I·t
Σε αντιστάτη: W = V·I·t = I2·R·t = V2R·t
Στο S.I. μετριέται σε J (Joule)
Ισχύς του ηλεκτρικού ρεύματος
H ισχύς του ηλεκτρικού ρεύματος ισούται με το πηλίκο της ηλεκτρικής ενέργειας που προσφέρεται σε χρόνο t, προς το χρόνο t.
P = Wt
Στο S.I. μετριέται σε W (Watt)
Γενικά: P = V·I
Σε αντιστάτη: P = V·I = I2·R = V2/R
Νόμος του Joule
To ποσό θερμότητας που εκλύεται σ' ένα μεταλλικό αγωγό σταθερής θερμοκρασίας είναι ανάλογο του τετραγώνου της έντασης του ρεύματος που τον διαρρέει, ανάλογο της αντίστασής του και ανάλογο του χρόνου διέλευσης του ηλεκτρικού ρεύματος.
Q = I2·R·t
Q = I2·R·t (σε Joule)
Q = 0,24·I2·R·t (σε cal)
Συνεχές ηλεκτρικό ρεύμα
Ηλεκτρεγερτική δύναμη πηγής (HEΔ)
H ηλεκτρεγερτική δύναμη μιας πηγής είναι η ενέργεια ανά μονάδα ηλεκτρικού φορτίου που προσφέρει η πηγή στο κύκλωμα.
H ηλεκτρεγερτική δύναμη μιας πηγής ισούται με το πηλίκο της ισχύος που παρέχει η πηγή στο κύκλωμα, προς την ένταση του ρεύματος που το διαρρέει.
Στο S.I. μετριέται σε V (Volt).
Νόμος του Ohm για κλειστό κύκλωμα
Σε κλειστό κύκλωμα, που αποτελείται από ηλεκτρική πηγή και ωμικές αντιστάσεις, η ένταση του ρεύματος που διαρρέει το κύκλωμα είναι ίση με το πηλίκο της ΗΕΔ της πηγής προς την ολική αντίσταση του κυκλώματος.
Πολική τάση πηγής
H τάση στους πόλους μιας πηγής είναι ίση με την ηλεκτρεγερτική δύναμη της πηγής μείον την πτώση τάσης μέσα στην πηγή.
Δίοδος
Ορθά πολωμένη: Καλός αγωγός.
Ανάστροφα πολωμένη: Κακός αγωγός
Πίνακας αληθείας της πράξης AND
A
B
Γ
0
0
0
0
1
0
1
0
0
1
1
1
Γ = 1 αν και A = 1 και B = 1
Πίνακας αληθείας της πράξης OR
A
B
Γ
0
0
0
0
1
1
1
0
1
1
1
1
Γ = 1 αν ή Α = 1 ή Β = 1 ή Α = 1, B = 1
Α. Ηλεκτρική εγκατάσταση σπιτιού ηλεκτρικές συσκευές
μλ05.ηλεκτρικη_εγκατασταση_σπιτιου:
- αγωγοι: φαση, ουδετερος, γειωση.
μλ05.ηλεκτρικη_συσκευη:
- ταση λειτουργιας
- ισχυ
Χαμηλή τάση θεωρείται η τάση που είναι μικρότερη ή ίση των 42V. Μέχρι 42V θεωρείται ακίνδυνη η τάση. Οι περισσότερες συσκευές χρησιμοποιούν τάση 220V και είναι όλες αυτόνομες, δηλαδή ανεξάρτητες από τη χρήση άλλων συσκευών.
name::
* McsElln.ΜθμΛ1.XΗΜΕΙΑ (μλ04),
* McsEngl.conceptIt532.4,
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.ΜαθημαΛ12.ΕΥΚΛΕΙΔΙΑ-ΓΕΩΜΕΤΡΙΑ@cptIt532.2, {2012-06-16}
* McsElln.μλα.xημεία,
* McsElln.μλ04@cptIt532.4, {2012-06-16}
* McsElln.μλ04.xημεία,
* McsEngl.xημεία-μλ04,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/courses/DSGL111//
_DESCRIPTION:
Το Πρόγραμμα της Χημείας αρχίζει με ένα κεφάλαιο εισαγωγής σε βασικές έννοιες και αναπτύσσεται σε έξι ακόμα κεφάλαια με αντικείμενα: Περιοδικός Πίνακας και Δεσμοί, Χημικές Αντιδράσεις, Στοιχειομετρία, Θερμοχημεία, Γενικό μέρος Οργανικής Χημείας,Βιομόρια και άλλα μόρια.
- Στο πρώτο κεφάλαιο αρχικά επιχειρείται η ανάδειξη της σχέσης της Χημείας με την καθημερινότητα και τη ζωή, και στη συνέχεια εισάγονται συστηματικά βασικές έννοιες όπως τα γνωρίσματα και η σύσταση της ύλης, οι καταστάσεις της ύλης και οι μεταβολές τους, η ταξινόμηση των υλικών σωμάτων και ειδικότερα τα διαλύματα.
- Στο κεφάλαιο «Περιοδικός Πίνακας – Δεσμοί» προσεγγίζεται το άτομο και η ηλεκτρονιακή του δομή με βάση ένα απλό μοντέλο, και μέσω αυτού συζητείται ο περιοδικός πίνακας των στοιχείων. Επίσης εισάγεται η έννοια του χημικού δεσμού και των ειδών του καθώς και των παραγόντων οι οποίοι καθορίζουν τη χημική συμπεριφορά του στοιχείου. Το κεφάλαιο αυτό ολοκληρώνεται με τον αριθμό οξείδωσης, τη γραφή χημικών τύπων και την εισαγωγή στην ονοματολογία των ενώσεων.
- Στο κεφάλαιο «Χημικές Αντιδράσεις» παρουσιάζονται ζητήματα που σχετίζονται με το συμβολισμό των χημικών αντιδράσεων με τη χρήση χημικών εξισώσεων, εξετάζονται θέματα σχετικά με την ταχύτητα και την απόδοση μιας αντίδρασης και αναφέρονται ορισμένα είδη χημικών αντιδράσεων.
- Στη «Στοιχειομετρία», μετά από την εισαγωγή βασικών εννοιών όπως το ατομικό και το μοριακό βάρος, το molκαι ο γραμμομοριακός όγκος, γίνεται επεξεργασία βασικών στοιχειομετρικών δεδομένων με τη μελέτη της καταστατικής εξίσωσης των αερίων, της συγκέντρωσης διαλυμάτων και των ποσοτήτων των ουσιών που αντιδρούν ή παράγονται στις χημικές αντιδράσεις.
- Το κεφάλαιο «Ενεργειακές μεταβολές και χημικές αντιδράσεις (Θερμοχημεία)» πραγματεύεται τον ενδόθερμο και εξώθερμο χαρακτήρα των αντιδράσεων, ζητήματα ενθαλπίας, καθώς και τους νόμους της θερμιδομετρίας των Hess και Lavoisier-Laplace.
- Στο έκτο κεφάλαιο παρουσιάζεται η εισαγωγή στην Οργανική Χημεία με τη μελέτη του άνθρακα, της ταξινόμησης των οργανικών ενώσεων και των ομόλογων σειρών, καθώς και η ονοματολογία των οργανικών ενώσεων και τα ζητήματα ισομέρειας.
- Τέλος, στο κεφάλαιο «Βιομόρια και άλλα μόρια» προσεγγίζονται οι υδατάνθρακες, τα λίπη, τα έλαια και οι πρωτεΐνες, και δίνεται έμφαση στα σαπούνια και την απορρυπαντική δράση τους καθώς και το ρόλο των πρωτεϊνών.
[http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/courses/DSGL111/]
name::
* McsElln.ΠΕΡΙΕΧΟΜΕΝΑ ΓΕΝΙΚΗΣ ΠΑΙΔΕΙΑΣ Α' ΛΥΚΕΙΟΥ,
1 ΒΑΣΙΚΕΣ ΕΝΝΟΙΕΣ
1.1 Με τι ασχολείται η χημεία
1.2 Γνωρίσματα της ύλης (μάζα, όγκος, πυκνότητα). Μετρήσεις και μονάδες
1.3 Δομικά σωματίδια της ύλης - Δομή ατόμου - Ατομικός αριθμός - Μαζικός αριθμός - Ισότοπα
1.4 Καταστάσεις της ύλης - Ιδιότητες της ύλης - Φυσικά και Χημικά φαινόμενα
1.5 Ταξινόμηση της ύλης - Διαλύματα - Περιεκτικότητες διαλυμάτων - Διαλυτότητα
Γνωρίζεις ότι: « Η ύλη: συνεχής ή ασυνεχής »
Γνωρίζεις ότι: «Έχουν πει για το άτομο »
Ανακεφαλαίωση - Λέξεις κλειδιά
Ερωτήσεις - Ασκήσεις- Προβλήματα
2 ΠΕΡΙΟΔΙΚΟΣ ΠΙΝΑΚΑΣ - ΔΕΣΜΟΙ
2.1 Ηλεκτρονιακή δομή των ατόμων
2.2 Κατάταξη των στοιχείων (Περιοδικός Πίνακας). Χρησιμότητα του περιοδικού πίνακα
2.3 Γενικά για το χημικό δεσμό - Παράγοντες που καθορίζουν τη χημική συμπεριφορά του ατόμου. Είδη χημικών δεσμών (ιοντικός - ομοιοπολικός)
2.4 Η γλώσσα της χημείας - Αριθμός οξείδωσης - Γραφή χημικών τύπων και εισαγωγή στην ονοματολογία των ενώσεων
Γνωρίζεις ότι: « Μια περιοδεία στον Περιοδικό Πίνακα»
Ανακεφαλαίωση - Λέξεις κλειδιά
Ερωτήσεις - Ασκήσεις - Προβλήματα
3 ΧΗΜΙΚΕΣ ΑΝΤΙΔΡΑΣΕΙΣ
3.1 Χημικές αντιδράσεις
Ασκήσεις - Προβλήματα
4 ΣΤΟΙΧΕΙΟΜΕΤΡΙΑ
4.1 Βασικές έννοιες για τους χημικούς υπολογισμούς: σχετική ατομική μάζα σχετική μοριακή μαζά, mol. αριθμός Avogadro, γραμμομοριακός όγκος
4.2 Καταστατική εξίσωση των αερίων
4.3 Συγκέντρωση διαλύματος - Αραίωση, ανάμειξη διαλυμάτων
4.4 Στοιχειομετρικοί υπολογισμοί
Γνωρίζεις ότι: «Η προέλευση του όρου mole»
Γνωρίζεις ότι: «Οι άνθρωποι που χάραξαν το δρόμο της χημείας»
Ανακεφαλαίωση - Λέξεις κλειδιά
Ερωτήσεις - Ασκήσεις - Προβλήματα
5 ΘΕΡΜΟΧΗΜΕΙΑ
5.1 Μεταβολή ενέργειας κατά τις χημικές αντιδράσεις - Ενδόθερμες, εξώθερμες αντιδράσεις - Θερμότητα αντίδρασης - Ενθαλπία
5.2 Θερμιδομετρία - Νόμοι θερμοχημείας
Γνωρίζεις ότι: «Αναστενάρια: ένα θαύμα που ερμηνεύει η χημεία»
Γνωρίζεις ότι: «Εκρηκτικά»
Ανακεφαλαίωση - Λέξεις κλειδιά
Ερωτήσεις - Ασκήσεις - Προβλήματα
6 ΓΕΝΙΚΟ ΜΕΡΟΣ ΟΡΓΑΝΙΚΗΣ ΧΗΜΕΙΑΣ
6.1 Εισαγωγή στην οργανική χημεία
6.2 Ταξινόμηση οργανικών ενώσεων - Ομόλογες σειρές
6.3 Ονοματολογία οργανικών ενώσεων
6.4 Ισομέρεια
6.5 Ανάλυση οργανικών ενώσεων
Ανακεφαλαίωση
Λέξεις κλειδιά
Ερωτήσεις - Ασκήσεις - Προβλήματα
7 ΒΙΟΜΟΡΙΑ ΚΑΙ ΑΛΛΑ ΜΟΡΙΑ
7.1 Υδατάνθρακες
7.2 Λίπη και έλαια
7.3 Πρωτεΐνες
7.4 Πολυμερή («πλαστικά»)
7.5 Υφάνσιμες ίνες
Γνωρίζεις ότι: «Η ανακάλυψη του πολυαιθυλενίου»
Ανακεφαλαίωση
Λέξεις κλειδιά
Ερωτήσεις - Ασκήσεις - Προβλήματα
name::
* McsElln.μλ04.κ1.ΒΑΣΙΚΕΣΕΝΝΟΙΕΣ,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL111/394/2612,10239//
_ΠΕΡΙΕΧΟΜΕΝΑ:
1.1 Με τι ασχολείται η χημεία
1.2 Γνωρίσματα της ύλης (μάζα, όγκος, πυκνότητα). Μετρήσεις και μονάδες
1.3 Δομικά σωματίδια της ύλης - Δομή ατόμου - Ατομικός αριθμός - Μαζικός αριθμός - Ισότοπα
1.4 Καταστάσεις της ύλης - Ιδιότητες της ύλης - Φυσικά και Χημικά φαινόμενα
1.5 Ταξινόμηση της ύλης - Διαλύματα - Περιεκτικότητες διαλυμάτων - Διαλυτότητα
Γνωρίζεις ότι: « Η ύλη: συνεχής ή ασυνεχής »
Γνωρίζεις ότι: «Έχουν πει για το άτομο »
Ανακεφαλαίωση - Λέξεις κλειδιά
Ερωτήσεις - Ασκήσεις- Προβλήματα
name::
* McsElln.μλ04.κ1.1 Με τι ασχολείται η χημεία,
μλ04.xημεία, xημεία_μλ04 | Chemistry#cptCore740#:
-Χημεία: η επιστήμη της ύλης και των μεταμορφώσεων της.
- αντικειμενο: Η χημεία μελετά τη δομή, τη χημική σύσταση καθώς και τα χαρακτηριστικά γνωρίσματα (φυσικές ιδιότητες) των καθαρών ουσιών και των μιγμάτων. Μελετά τον τρόπο με τον οποίο οι χημικές ουσίες αντιδρούν μεταξύ τους, δηλαδή μετατρέπονται μέσω χημικών φαινομένων σε άλλες ουσίες με διαφορετική σύσταση και ιδιότητες.
- Η χημεία θεωρείται «βασική επιστήμη», καθώς αποτελεί το υπόβαθρο για τη σπουδή άλλων θετικών επιστημών, όπως είναι η βιολογία, η ιατρική, η γεωλογία, η οικολογία.
- σημασια στη ζωη μας:
μλ04.καθαρή_ουσία, καθαρή_ουσία_μλ04:
* μλ04.καθορισμένο_σώμα:
16. Όλα τα σώματα που μας περιβάλλουν διακρίνονται σε καθαρές ουσίες και σε μίγματα. Οι καθαρές-ουσίες#ql:μλ04.καθαρώ_ουσία# ή καθορισμένα σώματα διακρίνονται σε στοιχεία και χημικές ενώσεις, και τα μίγματα διακρίνονται σε ομογενή και ετερογενή. [26]
μλ04.μίγμα, μίγμα_μλ04:
16. Όλα τα σώματα που μας περιβάλλουν διακρίνονται σε καθαρές ουσίες και σε μίγματα. Οι καθαρές-ουσίες#ql:μλ04.καθαρώ_ουσία# ή καθορισμένα σώματα διακρίνονται σε στοιχεία και χημικές ενώσεις, και τα μίγματα διακρίνονται σε ομογενή και ετερογενή. [26]
μλ04.xημική_ουσία, xημική_ουσία_μλ04:
* μλ04.ουσία, ουσία_μλ04:
* μλ04.σώμα, σώμα_μλ04:
16. Όλα τα σώματα που μας περιβάλλουν διακρίνονται σε καθαρές ουσίες και σε μίγματα. Οι καθαρές-ουσίες#ql:μλ04.καθαρώ_ουσία# ή καθορισμένα σώματα διακρίνονται σε στοιχεία και χημικές ενώσεις, και τα μίγματα διακρίνονται σε ομογενή και ετερογενή. [26]
μλ04.ύλη, ύλη_μλ04 | matter#cptCore741.5#:
13. Η ύλη, ανάλογα με τις συνθήκες θερμοκρασίας και πίεσης, βρίσκεται σε τρεις φυσικές καταστάσεις, τη στερεά την υγρή και την αέρια [26]
name::
* McsElln.μλ04.κ1.2 Γνωρίσματα της ύλης (μάζα; όγκος; πυκνότητα). Μετρήσεις και μονάδες,
μλ04.Διεθνές_Σύστημα_Μοναδων | μλ04.SI:
2. Το Διεθνές Σύστημα Μονάδων (SI) περιέχει 7 θεμελιώδη μεγέθη με τις χαρακτηριστικές τους μονάδες.[26]
* μλ05.θεμελιώδη_μεγέθη_ΔΣΜ:
Μέγεθος Σύμβολο μεγέθους Ονομ-μονάδας Σύμβ-μονάδας
1) μήκος l μέτρο m
2) μάζα m χιλιόγραμμο kg
3) χρόνος t Δευτερόλεπτο s
4) θερμοκρασία Τ κέλβιν Κ
5) ποσότητα ύλης n μολ mol
6) ένταση ηλεκτρ ρεύματος I αμπέρ A
7) φωτεινή ένταση Iu καντέλα cd
* μλ05.θεμελιώδεις_μονάδες:
- μετρο (αποσταση)
- χιλιογραμμο (μαζα)
- δευτερολεπτο (χρονος)
- κελβιν (θερμοκρασια)
- μολ (ποσότητα ύλης)
- Αμπερ (ενταση ηλ. ρευματος)
- καντελα (ενταση φωτεινης πηγης)
μλ04.Μάζα, μάζα_μλ04 | mass#cptCore743#:
Μάζα είναι το μέτρο της αντίστασης που παρουσιάζει ένα σώμα ως προς τη μεταβολή της ταχύτητάς του και εκφράζει το ποσό της ύλης που περιέχεται σε μία ουσία.
Η μάζα είναι κυρίαρχο μέγεθος στη χημεία και η μέτρησή της γίνεται με τη βοήθεια ζυγών. Παρ' όλο που η μονάδα μέτρησης στο SI είναι το χιλιόγραμμο (Kg), πολύ συχνά χρησιμοποιούνται υποπολλαπλάσιά της όπως το γραμμάριο (g) και χιλιοστόγραμμο (mg).
===
3. Μάζα είναι το ποσό της ύλης που περιέχεται σε ένα σώμα.[σ26]
μλ04.Μέγεθος | entity-with-quantity#cptCore744#:
- ποσοτητα:
- 'ποσοτικη-εκφραση' measure: Η ποσοτική έκφραση ενός μεγέθους γίνεται με τη χρήση ενός αριθμού (αριθμητική τιμή) π.χ. 5 και μιας μονάδας μέτρησης π.χ. kg. Δηλαδή ένα υλικό σώμα έχει μάζα m=5kg.
μλ04.μονάδα_μετρησης | unit-of-measurement:
μλ04.όγκος | volume:
Όγκος είναι ο χώρος που καταλαμβάνει ένα σώμα.
μλ04.όργανο_μέτρησης:
Πολλά από τα χαρακτηριστικά γνωρίσματα της ύλης είναι μετρήσιμα. Οι μετρήσεις αυτές γίνονται με τη βοήθεια ειδικών οργάνων. Έτσι για το μήκος έχουμε το μέτρο, για τη μάζα το ζυγό (ζυγαριά), για τον όγκο τον ογκομετρικό κύλινδρο, για τη θερμοκρασία το θερμόμετρο κλπ.
μλ04.Πυκνότητα, Πυκνότητα_μλ04 | mass-density:
Η πυκνότητα ορίζεται ως το πηλίκο της μάζας προς τον αντίστοιχο όγκο σε σταθερές συνθήκες πίεσης (όταν πρόκειται για αέριο) και θερμοκρασίας.
ρ=m/V
Η μονάδα της πυκνότητας (παράγωγο μέγεθος) στο SI είναι το Kg /m3.
name::
* McsElln.μλ04.κ1.3 Δομικά σωματίδια της ύλης - Δομή ατόμου - Ατομικός αριθμός - Μαζικός αριθμός - Ισότοπα,
μλ04.δομικό_σωματίδιο, δομικό_σωματίδιο_μλ04:
* μλ04.σωματίδιο, σωματίδιο_μλ04:
Κάθε σώμα συγκροτείται από απείρως μικρά σωματίδια (σχεδόν αμελητέα), που ονομάζονται δομικά σωματίδια ή δομικές μονάδες της ύλης. Τα σωματίδια αυτά είναι:
-τα άτομα,
-τα μόρια και τα
-ιόντα.
[http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL111/394/2612,10241/]
μλ04.άτομο, άτομο_μλ04:
6. Άτομο είναι το μικρότερο σωματίδιο ενός στοιχείου#ql:μλ04.στοιxείο# που μπορεί να πάρει μέρος στο σχηματισμό χημικών ενώσεων.
[μλ04.σ26]
===
Το άτομο ενός στοιχείου Χ ΣΥΜΒΟΛΙΖΕΤΑΙ: ΑΖΧ, όπου Α εκθέτης ο μαζικός αριθμός (πρωτόνια και νετρόνια) και Ζ δείκτης ο ατομικός-αριθμός (πρωτόνια).
[μλ04.σ16]
μλ04.μόριο, μόριο_μλ04:
Μόριο είναι το μικρότερο κομμάτι μιας καθορισμένης ουσίας (ένωσης ή στοιχείου) που μπορεί να υπάρξει ελεύθερο, διατηρώντας τις ιδιότητες της ύλης από την οποία προέρχεται.
Τα μόρια δηλαδή είναι ομάδες ατόμων με καθορισμένη γεωμετρική διάταξη στο χώρο, όπως φαίνεται στο παρακάτω σχήμα:
Τα μόρια στην περίπτωση των χημικών στοιχείων συγκροτούνται από ένα είδος ατόμων, π.χ. O2, Ν2, O3, Ρ4, ενώ στην περίπτωση των χημικών ενώσεων από δύο ή περισσότερα είδη ατόμων, π.χ Η2O, CH4, C12H22O11.
===
7. Μόριο είναι το μικρότερο κομμάτι μιας καθορισμένης ουσίας που μπορεί να υπάρχει ελεύθερο και να διατηρεί τις ιδιότητες του σώματος από το οποίο προέρχεται.
[μλ04.σ26]
μλ04.ιόν, ιόν_μλ04:
8. Τα ιόντα είναι τα φορτισμένα άτομα (μονοατομικά ιόντα) ή τα φορτισμένα συγκροτήματα ατόμων (πολυατομικά ιόντα).
[μλ04.σ26]
μλ04.ατομικός_αριθμός, ατομικός_αριθμός_μλ04, Ζ_μλ04:
10. Ατομικός αριθμός (Ζ) είναι ο αριθμός των πρωτονίων στον πυρήνα του ατόμου ενός στοιχείου. [Ζ]
μλ04.μαζικός_αριθμός, μαζικός_αριθμός_μλ04, Α_μλ04:
11. Μαζικός αριθμός (Α) είναι ο αριθμός των πρωτονίων και των νετρονίων στον πυρήνα ενός ατόμου. [26]
μλ04.ισότοπο, ισότοπο_μλ04 (isotope#cptCore543.2#):
Ισότοπα ονομάζονται τα άτομα που έχουν τον ίδιο ατομικό αλλά διαφορετικό μαζικό αριθμό.
Τα ισότοπα είναι, με άλλα λόγια, άτομα του ίδιου είδους (στοιχείου) με διαφορετική μάζα. Για παράδειγμα, ο άνθρακας (C) έχει τέσσερα ισότοπα:
Απ' αυτά το πλέον διαδεδομένο στη φύση είναι ο που απαντά σε ποσοστό 99%.
name::
* McsElln.μλ04.κ1.4 Καταστάσεις της ύλης - Ιδιότητες της ύλης - Φυσικά και Χημικά φαινόμενα,
μλ04.κατάσταση_ύλης, κατάσταση_ύλης_μλ04:
Η ύλη, ανάλογα με τις συνθήκες θερμοκρασίας και πίεσης, βρίσκεται σε τρεις φυσικές καταστάσεις: τη στερεά (s), την υγρή (l) και την αέρια (g).
[http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL111/394/2612,10242/]
μλ04.φυσικό_φαινόμενο, φυσικό_φαινόμενο_μλ04:
Στα φυσικά φαινόμενα αλλάζουν ορισμένες μόνο από τις φυσικές ιδιότητες των ουσιών, ενώ η χημική τους σύσταση διατηρείται.
Για παράδειγμα η εξαέρωση του νερού είναι φυσικό φαινόμενο, καθώς η μόνη αλλαγή που συμβαίνει είναι η αλλαγή της φυσικής κατάστασης του νερού, που από υγρό γίνεται αέριο.
Παραδείγματα φυσικών φαινομένων είναι η πήξη του νερού, η διάλυση της ζάχαρης στο νερό, η εξάτμιση του οινοπνεύματος.
μλ04.xημικό_φαινόμενο, xημικό_φαινόμενο_μλ04 / chemical_reaction#cptCore740.1#:
* μλ04.xημική_αντίδραση, xημική_αντίδραση_μλ04:
* μλ04.φαινόμενο:
Στα χημικά φαινόμενα (χημικές αντιδράσεις) έχουμε ριζική αλλαγή στη σύσταση και τις ιδιότητες των ουσιών.
Για παράδειγμα, όταν το υδρογόνο καίγεται στον αέρα, μετατρέπεται σε νερό, που έχει διαφορετική σύσταση και διαφορετικές ιδιότητες (φυσικές και χημικές) από το υδρογόνο.
Παραδείγματα χημικών φαινομένων είναι η μετατροπή του μούστου σε κρασί, η καύση του ξύλου, η μετατροπή του χαλκού σε άλας του.
[http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL111/394/2612,10242/]
name::
* McsElln.μλ04.κ1.5 Ταξινόμηση της ύλης - Διαλύματα - Περιεκτικότητες διαλυμάτων - Διαλυτότητα,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL111/394/2612,10243//
μλ04.καθαρή_ουσία, καθαρή_ουσία_μλ04:
Κατ' αρχάς οι ουσίες μπορούν να διακριθούν σε καθαρές ουσίες και μίγματα.
Καθαρές ή καθορισμένες ουσίες είναι εκείνες που ανεξάρτητα από τον τρόπο παρασκευής τους έχουν καθορισμένη σύσταση και ιδιότητες.
Το νερό (Η2O), η ζάχαρη (C12H22O11), το οινόπνευμα (C2H5OH), το οξυγόνο (Ο2), ο σίδηρος (Fe) είναι καθαρές ουσίες. Το νερό για παράδειγμα έχει καθορισμένη σύσταση, δηλαδή αποτελείται από υδρογόνο και οξυγόνο με αναλογία μαζών 1:8.
[http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL111/394/2612,10243/]
μλ04.μίγμα, μίγμα_μλ04:
Τα μίγματα έχουν μεταβλητή σύσταση ανάλογα με τον τρόπο παρασκευής και την προέλευσή τους.
Οι περισσότερες από τις ουσίες που συναντάμε είναι μίγματα, των οποί- ων η σύσταση ποικίλλει π.χ. το γάλα, το λάδι, το θαλασσινό νερό, ο ατμοσφαιρικός αέρας. Ενδεικτικά αναφέρουμε ότι ο ατμοσφαιρικός αέρας δεν έχει παντού την ίδια σύσταση, π.χ. ο αέρας της πόλης έχει διαφορετική σύσταση από τον αέρα του βουνού.
μλ04.στοιxείο, στοιxείο_μλ04 (chemical-element, elmChem#cptCore941#):
17. Στοιχείο ονομάζεται η ουσία#ql:μλ04.ουσία# που αποτελείται από ένα είδος ατόμων, δηλαδή από άτομα που έχουν τον ίδιο ατομικό αριθμό.[26]
===
Οι καθαρές ουσίες διακρίνονται στα χημικά στοιχεία και στις χημικές ενώσεις. Στοιχεία είναι οι απλές ουσίες, αυτές που δεν μπορούν να διασπαστούν σε απλούστερες. Σήμερα είναι γνωστά 112 στοιχεία. Απ' αυτά τα 88 υπάρχουν στη φύση, ενώ τα υπόλοιπα είναι τεχνητά. Το χαρακτηριστικό γνώρισμα των στοιχείων είναι ότι τα μόριά τους αποτελούνται από άτομα του ίδιου είδους. Συνοψίζοντας,
Στοιχείο ή χημικό στοιχείο ονομάζεται η καθαρή ουσία που δε διασπάται σε απλούστερη και αποτελείται από ένα είδος ατόμων (άτομα με τον ίδιο ατομικό αριθμό).
Πίνακας με τα σύμβολα και την ονομασία των στοιχείων δίνεται στο παράρτημα, στο τέλος του βιβλίου. Να παρατηρήσουμε ότι το μεγαλύτερο μέρος της γης και του ανθρώπινου σώματος αποτελείται από 7 μόνο στοιχεία, όπως χαρακτηριστικά απεικονίζεται στο παρακάτω σχήμα.
α) φλοιός γης:
1) οξυγόνο 49,5%
2) Πυρίτιο 25,7%
3) Αλλα 9,2%
4) Αργίλιο 7,5%
5) Σίδηρος 4,7%
6) Ασβέστιο 3,4%
β) ανθρώπινο σώμα:
1) οξυγόνο 55%
2) άνθρακας 18%
3) υδρογόνο 10%
4) άλλα 7%
ΣΧΗΜΑ 1.13 Κατανομή χημικών στοιχείων στη γη και στον άνθρωπο.
μλ04.xημική_ένωση, xημική_ένωση_μλ04:
Τα στοιχεία συνδυαζόμενα δίνουν εκατομμύρια χημικές ενώσεις. Π.χ. ο άνθρακας καίγεται με το οξυγόνο και παράγεται διοξείδιο του άνθρακα. Οι χημικές ενώσεις έχουν το χαρακτηριστικό, ότι μπορούν να διασπαστούν σε άλλες απλούστερες. Επίσης, τα μόριά τους αποτελούνται από διαφορετικά είδη ατόμων. Στο παράδειγμα που αναφέραμε, το διοξείδιο του άνθρακα αποτελείται από άτομα C και Ο. Συνοψίζοντας,
Χημικές ενώσεις είναι καθαρές ουσίες που μπορούν να διασπαστούν σε άλλες απλούστερες και αποτελούνται από δύο τουλάχιστον είδη ατόμων (άτομα με διαφορετικό ατομικό αριθμό).
μλ04.ομογενές_μίγμα, ομογενές_μίγμα_μλ04:
Τα ομογενή μίγματα (διαλύματα) είναι ομοιόμορφα μίγματα, έχουν δηλαδή την ίδια σύσταση και τις ίδιες ιδιότητες σ' όλη την έκταση τους.
Χαρακτηριστικό των ομογενών μιγμάτων είναι πως δεν μπορούμε να διακρίνουμε τα συστατικά τους. Για παράδειγμα, στο νερό της θάλασσας δεν μπορούμε να διακρίνουμε το αλάτι.
===
* μλ04.διάλυμα, διάλυμα_μλ04:
18. Διάλυμα είναι το ομογενές μίγμα δύο ή περισσοτέρων συστατικών. Το διάλυμα αποτελείται από το διαλύτη και τη διαλυμένη ουσία (μπορεί να είναι περισσότερες από μία). [26]
μλ04.ετερογενές_μίγμα, ετερογενές_μίγμα_μλ04:
Τα ετερογενή μίγματα είναι ανομοιόμορφα, δηλαδή δεν έχουν την ίδια σύσταση σ' όλη την έκτασή τους.
Στα μίγματα αυτά διακρίνουμε αρκετές φορές τα συστατικά τους και τις διαφορετικές τους ιδιότητες, π.χ. λάδι με νερό. Τα ομογενή μέρη ενός μίγματος ονομάζονται φάσεις. Στο προηγούμενο παράδειγμα διακρίνουμε τη φάση του λαδιού (που επιπλέει) και τη φάση του νερού (που βρίσκεται κάτω).
μλ04.διαλύτης, διαλύτης_μλ04:
* μλ04.διαλυμένη_ουσία:
* μλ04.μοριακό_διάλυμα:
* μλ04.ιοντικό_διάλυμα:
Όπως ήδη έχουμε ορίσει, διάλυμα είναι ένα ομογενές μίγμα δύο ή περισσοτέρων ουσιών, οι οποίες αποτελούν τα συστατικά του διαλύματος. Από τα συστατικά αυτά, εκείνο που έχει την ίδια φυσική κατάσταση μ' αυτή του διαλύματος και βρίσκεται συνήθως σε περίσσεια, ονομάζεται διαλύτης. Τα υπόλοιπα συστατικά του διαλύματος ονομάζονται διαλυμένες ουσίες Τα διαλύματα έχουν μεγάλο πρακτικό ενδιαφέρον, καθώς οι περισσότερες χημικές αντιδράσεις στο εργαστήριο, τη βιομηχανία και τα βιολογικά συστήματα γίνονται σε μορφή διαλυμάτων.
Τα διαλύματα διακρίνονται σε αέρια (π.χ. ατμοσφαιρικός αέρας), υγρά (π.χ. θαλασσινό νερό) και στερεά (π.χ. μεταλλικά νομίσματα). Μπορούν επίσης να ταξινομηθούν σε μοριακά διαλύματα, των οποίων η διαλυμένη ουσία είναι σε μορφή μορίων, και σε ιοντικά ή ηλεκτρολυτικά, τα οποία περιέχουν τη διαλυμένη ουσία με τη μορφή ιόντων.
Τα πιο συνηθισμένα διαλύματα είναι τα υδατικά, όπου ο διαλύτης είναι νερό. Σ' αυτά η διαλυμένη ουσία μπορεί να είναι αέριο, π.χ. διοξείδιο του άνθρακα (CΟ2) στην coca-cola, ή στερεό, π.χ. χλωριούχο νάτριο (NaCl) στο νερό της θάλασσας, ή υγρό, π.χ. οινόπνευμα (C2H5OH) στο κρασί.Βέβαια ο διαλύτης μπορεί να είναι και οργανική ουσία, όπως η ακετόνη, το βενζόλιο, ο αιθέρας, η βενζίνη, ο τετραχλωράνθρακας.
μλ04.περιεκτικότητα_διαλύματος, περιεκτικότητα_διαλύματος_μλ04:
Διαβάζοντας στην ετικέτα ενός εμφιαλωμένου κρασιού την ένδειξη 12° (12 αλκοολικοί βαθμοί), καταλαβαίνουμε σε ποια αναλογία βρίσκεται το οινόπνευμα (C2H5OH) στο κρασί. Έχουμε δηλαδή μία ένδειξη της περιεκτικότητας του διαλύματος. Η περιεκτικότητα δηλαδή εκφράζει την ποσότητα της διαλυμένης ουσίας που περιέχεται σε ορισμένη ποσοστά διαλύματος. Πολλές φορές χρησιμοποιούμε και τους ποιοτικούς όρους πυκνό και αραιό για διαλύματα σχετικά μεγάλης ή σχετικά μικρής περιεκτικότητας, αντίστοιχα. Τέλος, να παρατηρήσουμε ότι, αν το διάλυμα περιέχει περισσότερες από μία διαλυμένες ουσίες, θα έχει τόσες περιεκτικότητες όσες είναι και οι διαλυμένες ουσίες του.
Εκφράσεις περιεκτικότητας
Η περιεκτικότητα ενός διαλύματος εκφράζεται συνήθως με τους εξής τρόπους:
1. Περιεκτικότητα στα εκατό κατά βάρος (% w/w)
Όταν λέμε ότι ένα διάλυμα ζάχαρης (C12H22Ο11) είναι 8% w/w (ή κ.β), εννοούμε ότι περιέχονται 8 g ζάχαρης στα 100 g διαλύματος. Δηλαδή, η % w/w περιεκτικότητα εκφράζει τη μάζα (σε g) της διαλυμένης ουσίας σε 100 g διαλύματος.
2. Περιεκτικότητα στα εκατό βάρους κατ' όγκον (% w/v)
Όταν λέμε ότι ένα διάλυμα π.χ. χλωριούχου νατρίου (NaCl) είναι 10% w/v (ή κ.ο), εννοούμε ότι περιέχονται 10 g NaCl στα 100 mL διαλύματος. Δηλαδή,
Η % w/v περιεκτικότητα εκφράζει τη μάζα (σε g) της διαλυμένης ουσίας σε 100 mL του διαλύματος.
3. Περιεκτικότητα στα εκατό όγκου σε όγκο (% ν/ν)
Χρησιμοποιείται σε ειδικότερες περιπτώσεις:
α. Για να εκφράσει την περιεκτικότητα υγρού σε υγρό. Δηλαδή, η ένδειξη στη μπίρα 3% ν/ν ή 3° (αλκοολικοί βαθμοί) υποδηλώνει ότι περιέχονται 3 mL οινοπνεύματος στα 100 mL της μπίρας.
β. Για να εκφράσει την περιεκτικότητα ενός αερίου σε αέριο μίγμα. Δη- λαδή η έκφραση ότι ο αέρας έχει περιεκτικότητα 20% ν/ν σε οξυγόνο, υποδηλώνει ότι περιέχονται 20 cm3 οξυγόνου στα 100 cm3 αέρα.
Η % ν/ν περιεκτικότητα εκφράζει τον όγκο (σε mL) της διαλυμένης ουσίας σε 100 mL του διαλύματος.
4. ppm το οποίο εκφράζει τα μέρη της διαλυμένης ουσίας που περιέχονται σε 1 εκατομμύριο (106 ) μέρη διαλύματος.
5. ppb το οποίο εκφράζει τα μέρη της διαλυμένης ουσίας που περιέχονται σε 1 δισεκατομμύριο (109) μέρη διαλύματος.
μλ04.διαλυτότητα, διαλυτότητα_μλ04:
Διαλυτότητα ορίζεται η μέγιστη ποσότητα μιας ουσίας που μπορεί να διαλυθεί σε ορισμένη ποσότητα διαλύτη, κάτω από ορισμένες συνθήκες (π.χ. θερμοκρασία).
* μλ04.κορεσμένο_διάλυμα, κορεσμένο_διάλυμα_μλ04:
Τα διαλύματα που περιέχουν τη μέγιστη ποσότητα διαλυμένης ουσίας ονομάζονται κορεσμένα διαλύματα.
* μλ04.ακόρεστο_διάλυμα, ακόρεστο_διάλυμα_μλ04:
Αντίθετα τα διαλύματα που περιέχουν μικρότερη ποσότητα διαλυμένης ουσίας από τη μέγιστη δυνατή ονομάζονται ακόρεστα.
Η διαλυτότητα μιας ουσίας επηρεάζεται από τους εξής παράγοντες:
α. τη φύση του διαλύτη
Εδώ ισχύει ο γενικός κανόνας «τα όμοια διαλύουν όμοια». Αυτό σημαίνει ότι διαλύτης και διαλυμένη ουσία θα πρέπει να έχουν παραπλήσια χημική δομή (π.χ. μοριακή ή ιοντική σύσταση).
β. τη θερμοκρασία
Συνήθως η διαλυτότητα των στερεών στο νερό αυξάνεται με την αύξηση της θερμοκρασίας, ενώ η διαλυτότητα των αερίων στο νερό μειώνεται με την αύξηση της θερμοκρασίας.
γ. την πίεση
Γενικά, η διαλυτότητα των αερίων στο νερό αυξάνεται με την αύξηση της πίεσης. Γι' αυτό, μόλις ανοίξουμε μία φιάλη με αεριούχο ποτό (η πίεση ελαττώνεται και γίνεται ίση με την ατμοσφαιρική), η διαλυτότητα του CΟ2 στο νερό ελαττώνεται και το ποτό αφρίζει.
μλ04.ατομικότητα_στοιxείου, ατομικότητα_στοιxείου_μλ04:
9. Ατομικότητα στοιχείου ονομάζεται ο αριθμός που δείχνει από πόσα άτομα αποτελείται το μόριο ενός στοιχείου.
μλ04.ιδιότητα, ιδιότητα_ουσίας_μλ04:
14. Ιδιότητες είναι τα χαρακτηριστικά γνωρίσματα των διαφόρων ουσιών και διακρίνονται σε φυσικές και χημικές.
name::
* McsElln.μλ04.κ2.ΠΕΡΙΟΔΙΚΟΣ-ΠΙΝΑΚΑΣ - ΔΕΣΜΟΙ,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL111/394/2612,10244//
_ΠΕΡΙΕΧΟΜΕΝΑ:
2.1 Ηλεκτρονιακή δομή των ατόμων
2.2 Κατάταξη των στοιχείων (Περιοδικός Πίνακας). Χρησιμότητα του περιοδικού πίνακα
2.3 Γενικά για το χημικό δεσμό - Παράγοντες που καθορίζουν τη χημική συμπεριφορά του ατόμου. Είδη χημικών δεσμών (ιοντικός - ομοιοπολικός)
2.4 Η γλώσσα της χημείας - Αριθμός οξείδωσης - Γραφή χημικών τύπων και εισαγωγή στην ονοματολογία των ενώσεων
Γνωρίζεις ότι: « Μια περιοδεία στον Περιοδικό Πίνακα»
Ανακεφαλαίωση - Λέξεις κλειδιά
Ερωτήσεις - Ασκήσεις - Προβλήματα
name::
* McsElln.μλ04.κ2.1 Ηλεκτρονιακή δομή των ατόμων,
* μλ04.πλανητικό_ατομικό_μοντέλο, πλανητικό_ατομικό_μοντέλο_μλ04:
* μλ04.ατομικό_πρότυπο_του_Bohr, ατομικό_πρότυπο_του_Bohr_μλ04:
Σύμφωνα με τον Bohr το άτομο αποτελείται από τον πυρήνα (θετικά πρωτόνια και ουδέτερα νετρόνια) και γύρω από τον πυρήνα σε καθορισμένες κυκλικές τροχιές περιστρέφονται τα ηλεκτρόνια (πλανητικό ατομικό μοντέλο).
[μλ04.σ69]
===
Το ατομικό πρότυπο του Bohr: Σ' αντίθεση με το ασταθές πρότυπο του Rutherford, τα ηλεκτρόνια κινούνται σε καθορισμένες (επιτρεπτές) τροχιές. Η ιδέα της επιτρεπτής τροχιάς και κατ' επέκταση της ηλεκτρονιακής στιβάδας (ή φλοιού) βασίζεται στις αντιλήψεις του Bohr.
[μλ04.σ46]
* ατομικό_πρότυπο_του_Rutherford, ατομικό_πρότυπο_του_Rutherford_μλ04:
Το ατομικό πρότυπο του Rutherford : η μάζα του ατό- μου είναι συγκεντρωμένη σε ένα πολύ μικρό χώρο, τον πυρήνα. Τα ηλεκτρόνια διευθετούνται γύρω από τον πυρήνα με ακαθόριστο τρόπο.
[μλ04.σ46]
* μλ04.ατομική_θεωρία_του_Dalton, ατομική_θεωρία_του_Dalton_μλ04:
Τα βασικά σημεία της ατομικής θεωρίας του Dalton είναι:
- Οι καθαρές ουσίες (στοιχεία ή χημικές ενώσεις) αποτελούνται από μικροσκοπικά, αόρατα και αδιαίρετα σωματίδια, τα άτομα.
- Τα άτομα του ίδιου στοιχείου είναι όμοια. Άτομα διαφορετικών στοιχείων διαφέρουν ως προς το βάρος τους.
- Τα άτομα των στοιχείων συνδυάζονται μεταξύ τους με απλές αναλογίες (π.χ. 1:1, 1:2, 1:3), ώστε να σχηματίσουν χημικές ενώσεις (στοιχειομετρία χημικών ενώσεων).
[μλ04.σ45]
* μλ04.στιβάδα_ατόμου, στιβάδα_ατόμου_μλ04:
* μλ04.φλειός_ατόμου, φλειός_ατόμου_μλ04:
* μλ04.ενεργειακή_στάθμη_ατόμου, ενεργειακή_στάθμη_ατόμου_μλ04:
Τα ηλεκτρόνια που κινούνται στην ίδια περίπου απόσταση από τον πυρήνα λέμε ότι βρίσκονται στην ίδια στιβάδα ή φλοιό ή ενεργειακή στάθμη.
Όταν τα άτομα δεν είναι σε διέγερση, τα ηλεκτρόνιά τους κατανέμονται σε επτά το πολύ στιβάδες, τις Κ, L, Μ, Ν, Ο, Ρ, και Q.
[μλ04.σ44]
===
Ηλεκτρόνια σθένους, τα «δυνατά» ηλεκτρόνια. Αυτά που έχουν το σθένος να κάνουν χημικούς δεσμούς.
... δηλαδή των ηλεκτρονίων της εξωτερικής στιβάδας.
[μλ04.σ52]
* μλ04.κύριος_κβαντικός_αριθμός, κύριος_κβαντικός_αριθμός_μλ04:
Κάθε στιβάδα χαρακτηρίζεται από έναν αριθμό που συμβολίζεται με n και ονομάζεται κύριος κβαντικός αριθμός.
Ο μέγιστος αριθμός ηλεκτρονίων που μπορεί να πάρει καθεμία από τις τέσσερις πρώτες στιβάδες είναι 2n^2, όπου n ο κύριος κβαντικός αριθμός.
[μλ04.σ45]
name::
* McsElln.μλ04.κ2.2 Κατάταξη των στοιχείων (Περιοδικός Πίνακας). Χρησιμότητα του περιοδικού πίνακα,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL111/394/2612,10245//
* μλ04.περιοδικός_πίνακας, περιοδικός_πίνακας_μλ04:
Στο σύγχρονο περιοδικό πίνακα τα στοιχεία κατατάσσονται με βάση τον ατομικό-τους-αριθμό#ql:μλ04.ατομικός_αριθμός#. Σύμφωνα με το σύγχρονο περιοδικό νόμο οι ιδιότητες των στοιχείων είναι περιοδική συνάρτηση του ατομικού τους αριθμού.
[μλ04.σ47]
* http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Periodic_table#Components,
* μλ04.περίοδος_ππ, περίοδος_ππ_μλ04:
Κάθε οριζόντια σειρά καταλαμβάνεται από στοιχεία που τα άτομά τους έχουν «χρησιμοποιήσει» τον ίδιο αριθμό στιβάδων για την κατανομή των ηλεκτρονίων τους. Οι οριζόντιες αυτές σειρές του πίνακα ονομάζομαι περίοδοι. Ο αριθμός μάλιστα της περιόδου στην οποία ανήκει το στοιχείο, δείχνει τον αριθμό των στιβάδων στις οποίες έχουν κατανεμηθεί τα ηλεκτρόνια του.
[μλ04.σ48]
* μλ04.ομάδες_ππ, ομάδες_ππ_μλ04:
Οι κατακόρυφες στήλες του περιοδικού πίνακα αποτελούν τις ομάδες και καταλαμβάνονται από στοιχεία με ανάλογες ιδιότητες.
Οι ομάδες χαρακτηρίζονται με τους λατινικούς αριθμούς I έως VIII. Διακρίνονται στις κύριες με το χαρακτηρισμό Α και στις δευτερεύουσες με το χαρακτηρισμό Β.
Στοιχεία που ανήκουν στην ίδια κύρια ομάδα έχουν τον ίδιο αριθμό ηλεκτρονίων στην εξωτερική τους στιβάδα, ο οποίος ταυτίζεται με τον αύξοντα αριθμό της ομάδας.
Γι' αυτό το λόγο εμφανίζουν έντονες ομοιότητες. Έτσι αν γνωρίζουμε τις ιδιότητες ενός μέλους της ομάδας, μπορούμε να προβλέψουμε τις ιδιότητες των υπολοίπων μελών της ομάδας.
[μλ04.σ]
* μλ04.περιοδικός_νόμος, περιοδικός_νόμος_μλ04:
περιοδικού νόμου, δηλαδή ότι οι ιδιότητες των στοιχείων είναι περιοδική συνάρτηση του ατομικού τους αριθμού,
[μλ04.σ]
name::
* McsElln.μλ04.κ2.3 Γενικά για το χημικό δεσμό - Παράγοντες που καθορίζουν τη χημική συμπεριφορά του ατόμου. Είδη χημικών δεσμών (ιοντικός - ομοιοπολικός),
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL111/394/2612,10246//
μλ04.xημικός_δεσμός, xημικός_δεσμός_μλ04 (chemical-bond):
Χημικός δεσμός είναι η δύναμη που συγκρατεί τα άτομα (ή άλλες δομικές μονάδες της ύλης, π.χ. ιόντα) ενωμένα μεταξύ τους.
[μλ04.σ53]
Ο χημικός δεσμός δηλαδή, με απλά λόγια, είναι η «κόλλα» που δένει τα άτομα (ή άλλες δομικές μονάδες της ύλης, π.χ. ιόντα) προς σχηματισμό ενώσεων ή ακόμα άλλων ομάδων ατόμων, όπως είναι τα πολυατομικά στοιχεία π.χ. S8
[μλ04.σ52]
* μλ04.ηλεκτρόνιο_σθένους (valence-electron):
Ηλεκτρόνια σθένους, τα «δυνατά» ηλεκτρόνια. Αυτά που έχουν το σθένος να κάνουν χημικούς δεσμούς.
[μλ04.σ52]
===
Χημικός δεσμός δημιουργείται, όταν οι δομικές μονάδες της ύλης (άτομα, μόρια ή ιόντα) πλησιάσουν αρκετά, ώστε οι ελκτικές δυνάμεις που αναπτύσσονται μεταξύ τους (π.χ. μεταξύ του πυρήνα του ενός ατόμου και των ηλεκτρονίων του άλλου) να υπερβούν τις απωστικές δυνάμεις που αναπτύσσονται (π.χ. μεταξύ των πυρήνων ή μεταξύ των ηλεκτρονίων τους). Οι διασυνδέσεις αυτές των ατόμων γίνονται μέσω των ηλεκτρονίων σθένους, δηλαδή των ηλεκτρονίων της εξωτερικής στιβάδας. Μην ξεχνάτε ότι η ηλεκτρονιακή δομή των ατόμων εμφανίζει μία περιοδικότητα, η οποία εκφράζεται στη διάταξη των στοιχείων στον περιοδικό πίνακα. Η δομή αυτή αντανακλάται στο είδος και την ισχύ των δεσμών που αναπτύσσονται μεταξύ των στοιχείων. Τέλος, θα πρέπει να τονιστεί ότι η δημιουργία του χημικού δεσμού οδηγεί το σύστημα σε χαμηλότερη ενέργεια, το κάνει δηλαδή σταθερότερο.
[http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL111/394/2612,10246/]
μλ04.ατομική_ακτίνα:
* μλ04.μέγεθος_ατόμου:
Ατομική ακτίνα (το μέγεθος του ατόμου)
Το μέγεθος ενός ατόμου καθορίζει τη δύναμη με την οποία τα ηλεκτρόνια της εξωτερικής στιβάδας συγκρατούνται από τον πυρήνα, αφού μεταξύ του θετικά φορτισμένου πυρήνα και των αρνητικά φορτισμένων ηλεκτρονίων ασκούνται δυνάμεις ηλεκτροστατικής φύσης (Coulomb). Συνεπώς, όσο πιο μικρό είναι ένα άτομο, τόσο πιο δύσκολα χάνει ηλεκτρόνια ή τόσο πιο εύκολα παίρνει ηλεκτρόνια (μεγάλη έλξη από τον πυρήνα). Αντίθετα, όσο πιο μεγάλο είναι ένα άτομο, τόσο πιο εύκολα χάνει ηλεκτρόνια ή τόσο πιο δύσκολα παίρνει ηλεκτρόνια, (μικρή έλξη από τον πυρήνα).
Το μέγεθος ενός ατόμου είναι μία από τις πιο ομαλά μεταβαλλόμενες ιδιότητες στον περιοδικό πίνακα.
Κατά μήκος μιας περιόδου η ατομική ακτίνα ελαττώνεται από τα αριστερά προς τα δεξιά.
Αυτό συμβαίνει, γιατί όσο πηγαίνουμε προς τα δεξιά αυξάνει ο ατομικός αριθμός, κατά συνέπεια αυξάνει το θετικό φορτίο του πυρήνα, με αποτέλεσμα να μειώνεται η ακτίνα, λόγω μεγαλύτερης έλξης των ηλεκτρονίων από τον πυρήνα. Επίσης,
Σε μία ομάδα η ατομική ακτίνα αυξάνεται από πάνω προς τα κάτω.
Όσο πηγαίνουμε προς τα κάτω προστίθενται στιβάδες στο άτομο, οπότε μεγαλώνει η απόσταση ηλεκτρονίων σθένους από τον πυρήνα, η έλξη μειώνεται, συνεπώς η ατομική ακτίνα αυξάνεται.
Μετά απ' αυτά φαίνεται ότι το καίσιο (Cs) χάνει πιο εύκολα ένα ηλεκτρόνιο απ' ότι το νάτριο (Na). Ομοίως, το χλώριο (Cl) παίρνει πιο εύκολα ένα ηλεκτρόνιο απ' ότι το ιώδιο (I).
* μλ04.είδη_xημικών_δεσμών, είδη_xημικών_δεσμών_μλ04:
Υπάρχουν δύο βασικά είδη χημικών δεσμών, ο ιοντικός ή ετεροπολικός δεσμός και ο ομοιοπολικός δεσμός. Πέρα όμως αυτών, υπάρχουν και άλλοι τύποι δεσμών, όπως είναι ο μεταλλικός δεσμός (που εμφανίζεται στα μέταλλα ή κράματα), οι δεσμοί Van der Waals (που αναπτύσσονται μεταξύ των μορίων) κλπ.
[μλ04.σ54]
μλ04.ετεροπολικός_δεσμός, ετεροπολικός_δεσμός_μλ04:
μλ04.ιοντικός_δεςσμός, ιοντικός_δεςσμός_μλ04:
Ο ιοντικός ή ετεροπολικός δεσμός, όπως υποδηλώνει το όνομα του, αναπτύσσεται μεταξύ ετεροατόμων, συνήθως μεταξύ ενός μετάλλου (στοιχείου δηλαδή που έχει την τάση να αποβάλλει ηλεκτρόνια) και ενός αμετάλλου (στοιχείου δηλαδή που έχει την τάση να προσλαμβάνει ηλεκτρόνια). Ο δεσμός αυτός απορρέει από την έλξη αντίθετα φορτισμένων ιόντων, κατιόντων (που είναι θετικά φορτισμένα) και ανιόντων (που είναι αρνητικά φορτισμένα). Τα ιόντα αυτά σχηματίζομαι με μεταφορά ηλεκτρονίων, π.χ. από το μέταλλο στο αμέταλλο.
[μλ04.σ54]
μλ04.ομοιοπολικός_δεσμός, ομοιοπολικός_δεσμός_μλ04 (covelant-bond):
Όταν δύο γειτονικά άτομα κατέχουν από κοινού ένα ζευγάρι ηλεκτρονίων, λέμε ότι συνδέονται μέσω ενός ομοιοπολικού δεσμού.
[μλ04.σ59]
μλ04.ομοιοπολική_ένωση, μλ04.μοριακή_ένωση:
Χαρακτηριστικά ομοιοπολικών ή μοριακών ενώσεων
1. Οι μοριακές ενώσεις διαφέρουν εντυπωσιακά από τις ιοντικές, είναι δηλαδή διακριτά συμπλέγματα ατόμων (μόρια) και όχι εκτενή συσσωματώματα (κρύσταλλοι). Επιπλέον, οι ελκτικές δυνάμεις μεταξύ των μορίων είναι ασθενείς σε σχέση με αυτές μεταξύ των ιόντων στο κρυσταλλικό πλέγμα. Γι' αυτό οι μοριακές ενώσεις σχηματίζουν μαλακά στερεά με χαμηλά σημεία τήξεως, ή υγρά με χαμηλά σημεία βρασμού, ή αέρια σώματα. Υπάρχουν βέβαια περιπτώσεις στις οποίες τα άτομα συνδέονται μεταξύ τους και σχηματίζουν μεγαλομόρια, όπως είναι το διαμάντι ή ο γραφίτης, τα οποία χαρακτηρίζονται από εξαιρετική σκληρότητα και πολύ υψηλά σημεία τήξεως.
2. Ομοιοπολικές ενώσεις είναι κατά το πλείστον οι ενώσεις μεταξύ αμετάλλων, π.χ. οξέα, οξείδια αμετάλλων κλπ.
3. Σε καθαρή κατάσταση είναι κακοί αγωγοί του ηλεκτρισμού, ενώ τα υδατικά διαλύματα ορισμένων ομοιοπολικών ενώσεων (π.χ. οξέων) άγουν το ηλεκτρικό ρεύμα.
* μλ04.κανόνας_των_οκτώ, κανόνας_των_οκτώ_μλ04:
• Κανόνας των οκτώ: τα άτομα έχουν την τάση να συμπληρώσουν τη στιβάδα σθένους τους με οκτώ ηλεκτρόνια (εκτός αν είναι η στιβάδα Κ που συμπληρώνεται με δύο), ώστε να αποκτήσουν τη δομή ευγενούς αερίου.
[μλ04.σ56]
* μλ04.ιόν, ιόν_μλ04:
Τα ιόντα ως γνωστό είναι φορτισμένα άτομα, π.χ. Na+, S2-, ή φορτισμένα συγκροτήματα ατόμων, π.χ. NH4+, SO42-. Αυτά που έχουν θετικό φορτίο λέγονται κατιόντα, ενώ αυτά που έχουν αρνητικό φορτίο λέγονται ανιόντα. Οι ονομασίες και οι συμβολισμοί των κυριότερων μονοατομικών και πολυατομικών ιόντων δίνονται στους παρακάτω πίνακες:
ΠΙΝΑΚΑΣ 2.3: Ονοματολογία των κυριότερων μονοατομικών ιόντων
Cl- χλωριούχο ή χλωρίδιο O^2- οξυγονούχο ή οξείδιο
Br- βρωμιούχο ή βρωμίδιο S^2- θειούχο ή σουλφίδιο
I- ιωδιούχο ή ιωδίδιο Ν^3- αζωτούχο ή νιτρίδιο
F- φθοριούχο ή φθορίδιο P^3- φωσφορούχο ή φωσφίδιο
Η- υδρογονούχο ή υδρίδιο
ΠΙΝΑΚΑΣ 2.4: Ονοματολογία των κυριότερων πολυατομικών ιόντων
NO^3- νιτρικό CN^- κυάνιο (κυανίδιο) HCO3^- όξινο ανθρακικό
CO3^2- ανθρακικό ClO4^- υπερχλωρικό HPO4^2- όξινο φωσφορικό
SO4^2- θειικό ClO3^- χλωρικό Η2PO4^- δισόξινο φωσφορικό
ΡΟ4^3- φωσφορικό ClO2^- χλωριώδες ΜnO4^- υπερμαγγανικό
OH^- υδροξείδιο ClO^- υποχλωριώδες Cr2O7^2- διχρωμικό
ΝΗ4^+ αμμώνιο HSO4^- όξινο θειικό CrO4^2- χρωμικό
[μλ04.σ63]
μλ04.ηλεκτραρνητικότητα_ατόμου, ηλεκτραρνητικότητα_ατόμου_μλ04 (electronegativity),
Ηλεκτραρνητικότα ενός ατόμου είναι η δύναμη (τάση) με την οποία το άτομο έλκει ηλεκτρόνια μέσα στο μόριο των ενώσεων με άλλα άτομα. Να σημειωθεί ότι, όσο η ατομική ακτίνα μειώνεται και ο αριθμός των ηλεκτρονιών σθένους αυξάνεται, τόσο η τιμή της ηλεκτραρνητικότητας αυξάνει.
name::
* McsElln.μλ04.κ2.4 Η γλώσσα της χημείας - Αριθμός οξείδωσης - Γραφή χημικών τύπων και εισαγωγή στην ονοματολογία των ενώσεων,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL111/394/2612,10247//
μλ04.xημικό_σύμβολο, xημικό_σύμβολο_μλ04:
Τα χημικά σύμβολα είναι συντομογραφίες των ονομάτων των 112 στοιχείων#ql:chemical_element@cptCore941#. Τα σύμβολα αυτά προέρχονται συνήθως από το πρώτο ή τα δύο πρώτα γράμματα του αγγλικού ή του λατινικού ονόματος του στοιχείου. Τα σύμβολα και τα ονόματα των στοιχείων δίνονται στο παράρτημα, στον πίνακα των σχετικών ατομικών μαζών (ατομικών βαρών).
[http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL111/394/2612,10247/]
===
* χημικά σύμβολα αλφάβητο
* χημικοί τύποι λεξιλόγιο
* χημ εξισώσεις/αντιδράσεις προτάσεις
[μλ04.σ]
μλ04.xημικός_τύπος, xημικός_τύπος_μλ04 (chemical-formula#ql:formula_of_chemical_compound@cptCore942.3#):
Οι χημικοί τύποι αποτελούν τα σύμβολα των χημικών ενώσεων. Οι χημικοί τύποι διακρίνονται σε διάφορα είδη ανάλογα με τις πληροφορίες που δίνουν για τις ενώσεις τις οποίες συμβολίζουν.
[http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL111/394/2612,10247/]
* μλ04.οργανική_xημεία, οργανική_xημεία_μλ04:
Να σημειωθεί ότι η οργανική χημεία περιλαμβάνει τις ενώσεις του άνθρακα πλην του CO, CΟ2, H2CO3 και ανθρακικών αλάτων.
[μλ04.σ62]
μλ04.αριθμός_οξείδωσης, αριθμός_οξείδωσης_μλ04 (oxidation-number):
Ο αριθμός οξείδωσης (Α.Ο.) είναι μία συμβατική έννοια που επινοήθηκε για να διευκολύνει, μεταξύ άλλων, τη γραφή των χημικών τύπων.
Αριθμός οξείδωσης ενός ατόμου σε μία ομοιοπολική ένωση ορίζεται το φαινομενικό φορτίο που θα αποκτήσει το άτομο, αν τα κοινά ζεύγη ηλεκτρονίων αποδοθούν στο ηλεκτραρνητικότερο άτομο.
Αντίστοιχα, αριθμός οξείδωσης ενός ιόντος σε μια ιοντική ένωση είναι το πραγματικό φορτίο του ιόντος.
[μλ04.σ63]
===
ΠΙΝΑΚΑΣ 2.5: Συνήθεις τιμές Α. Ο. στοιχείων σε ενώσεις τους
Μέταλλα Αμέταλλα
Κ, Na, Ag#ql:ag_cptscichem941.103# + 1 F -1
Ba, Ca, Mg, Zn +2 H +1 (-1)
Al#ql:al_cptscichem941.135# +3 Ο -2(-1,+2)
Cu, Hg + 1,+2 Cl#ql:cl_cptscichem941.36#, Br, I#ql:iodine@cptCore941.59# -1(+1, +3, +5, +7)
Fe, Ni +2, +3 S#ql:s_cptscichem941# -2 (+4, +6)
Pb, Sn +2,+4 Ν, Ρ -3 (+3, +5)
Mn +2, +4, +7 C, Si -4,+4
Cr +3, +6
Για τον υπολογισμό των αριθμών οξείδωσης στοιχείων σε ενώσεις ακολουθούμε τους παρακάτω πρακτικούς κανόνες:
1. Κάθε στοιχείο σε ελεύθερη κατάσταση έχει Α.Ο ίσο με το μηδέν.
2. Το Η στις ενώσεις του έχει Α.Ο ίσο με +1, εκτός από τις ενώσεις του με τα μέταλλα (υδρίδια) που έχει -1.
3. To F στις ενώσεις του έχει πάντοτε Α.Ο ίσο με -1.
4. Το Ο στις ενώσεις του έχει Α.Ο ίσο με -2, εκτός από τα υπεροξείδια (που έχουν την ομάδα -Ο-Ο-), στα οποία έχει -1, και την ένωση OF2 (οξείδιο του φθορίου), στην οποία έχει +2.
5. Τα αλκάλια, π.χ. Na, Κ, έχουν πάντοτε Α.Ο. +1, και οι αλκαλικές γαίες, π.χ. Ba, Ca, έχουν πάντοτε Α.Ο. +2 .
6. Το αλγεβρικό άθροισμα των Α.Ο όλων των ατόμων σε μία ένωση είναι ίσο με το μηδέν.
7. Το αλγεβρικό άθροισμα των Α.Ο όλων των ατόμων σε ένα πολυατομικό ιόν είναι ίσο με το φορτίο του ιόντος.
[μλ04.σ64]
* μλ04.μοριακός_τύπος, μοριακός_τύπος_μλ04:
Οι μοριακοί τύποι, που χρησιμοποιούνται συνήθως στην ανόργανη χημεία, μας δείχνουν:
1. από ποια στοιχεία αποτελείται η ένωση
2. τον ακριβή αριθμό των ατόμων στο μόριο της ένωσης.
Για τη γραφή και την ονομασία των μοριακών τύπων είναι απαραίτητη
- η γνώση των κυριότερων ιόντων#ql:μλ04.ιόν# καθώς και
- η εκμάθηση των συνηθέστερων αριθμών-οξείδωσης#ql:μλ04.αριθμός_οξείδωσης# των στοιχείων στις ενώσεις τους.
[μλ04.σ62]
* μλ04.ονοματολογία_ενώσεων, ονοματολογία_ενώσεων_μλ04:
Ονοματολογία ανόργανων χημικών ενώσεων
Η χημική γλώσσα, τέλος, ολοκληρώνεται με την ονοματολογία των ενώσεων. Σε γενικές γραμμές η ονοματολογία των ενώσεων αποτελεί συνδυασμό των ονομάτων των δύο τμημάτων (Α, Β) της ένωσης. Να παρατηρήσουμε ότι στην Ελλάδα, σε αντίθεση με τις οδηγίες της IUPAC, οι ενώσεις διαβάζονται αντίθετα από ότι γράφονται. Δηλαδή, το δεύτερο τμήμα της ένωσης διαβάζεται πρώτο και το πρώτο τμήμα αυτής δεύτερο. Οι κανόνες που παρατίθενται παρακάτω αφορούν την ονομασία ανόργανων ενώσεων, με την προϋπόθεση ότι γνωρίζουμε το μοριακό-τύπο#ql:μλ04.μοριακός_τύπος# αυτών.
α. Οι ενώσεις των μετάλλων (ή του ιόντος ΝΗ4+) με πολυατομικό ανιόν ονομάζονται με το όνομα του ανιόντος πρώτο και το όνομα του μετάλλου(ή ΝΗ4+) μετά. Επίσης, οι ενώσεις του υδρογόνου με πολυατομικά ανιόντα ονομάζονται με το όνομα του ανιόντος πρώτο και τη λέξη «οξύ» μετά. Π.χ.
K2CO3 ανθρακικό κάλιο
Ca3(PO4)2 φωσφορικό ασβέστιο
NH4ClO3 χλωρικό αμμώνιο
H2SO4 θειικό οξύ
H3PO4 φωσφορικό οξύ
• Εξαιρέσεις
HF υδροφθόριο
HCI υδροχλώριο
ΗBr υδροβρώμιο
ΗΙ υδροϊώδιο
H2S υδρόθειο
HCN υδροκυάνιο.
β. Η ονομασία ένωσης μετάλλου (ή ΝΗ4+) με αμέταλλο προκύπτει από το όνομα του αμετάλλου με την κατάληξη -ούχο ή -ίδιο και ακολουθεί το όνομα του μετάλλου (ή ΝΗ4+). Να παρατηρήσουμε ότι, αν το μέταλλο έχει περισσότερους από έναν αριθμούς οξείδωσης, τότε μέσα σε παρένθεση αναγράφεται με λατινικό αριθμό ο αριθμός οξείδωσης στον οποίο αναφερόμαστε, π.χ.
MgBr2 βρωμιούχο μαγνήσιο
FeS θειούχος σίδηρος (II)
Fe2O3 οξείδιο σιδήρου (III)
γ. Η ένωση ενός μετάλλου με το υδροξείδιο ονομάζεται υδροξείδιο του μετάλλου, π.χ.
ΚΟΗ υδροξείδιο του καλίου,
Αl(ΟΗ)3 υδροξείδιο του αργιλίου
δ. Μερικές φορές δύο στοιχεία σχηματίζουν περισσότερες από μία ενώσεις. Για τη διάκριση αυτών, στις περιπτώσεις αυτές, χρησιμοποιούμε αριθμητικά προθέματα, που δείχνουν τον αριθμό ατόμων του δεύτερου στοιχείου. Π.χ.
CO μονοξείδιο του άνθρακα
CO2 διοξείδιο του άνθρακα
N2O5 πεντοξείδιο του αζώτου
PCl5 πενταχλωριούχος φωσφόρος
[μλ04.σ65-66]
name::
* McsElln.μλ04.κ3.ΧΗΜΙΚΕΣ-ΑΝΤΙΔΡΑΣΕΙΣ,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL111/394/2612,10248//
_ΠΕΡΙΕΧΟΜΕΝΑ:
3.1 Χημικές αντιδράσεις
Ασκήσεις - Προβλήματα
name::
* McsElln.μλ04.κ3.1 Χημικές αντιδράσεις,
μλ04.xημική_αντίδραση, μλ04.xημικό_φαινομενο, μλ04.xημική_μεταβολή:
Χημικά φαινόμενα (αντιδράσεις) ονομάζονται οι μεταβολές κατά τις οποίες από ορισμένες αρχικές ουσίες (αντιδρώντα) δημιουργούνται νέες (προϊόντα) με διαφορετικές ιδιότητες.
[http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL111/394/2612,10248/]
μλ04.xημική_εξίσωση chemical_equation##:
Κάθε χημική αντίδραση συμβολίζεται με μία χημική εξίσωση. Στη χημική αυτή εξίσωση διακρίνουμε δύο μέλη, που συνδέονται μεταξύ τους με ένα βέλος (?). Στο πρώτο μέλος γράφουμε τα σώματα που έχουμε αρχικά, πριν ξεκινήσει η αντίδραση, που ονομάζονται αντιδρώντα, ενώ στο δεύτερο μέλος γράφουμε τα σώματα που σχηματίζονται κατά την αντίδραση και ονομάζονται προϊόντα.
ΑΝΤΙΔΡΩΤΑ ===> ΠΡΟΪΟΝΤΑ
...
Συμπερασματικά, λοιπόν, μία χημική εξίσωση περιλαμβάνει:
τα αντιδρώντα και τα προϊόντα
τους κατάλληλους συντελεστές, ώστε τα άτομα κάθε στοιχείου να είναι ισάριθμα στα δύο μέλη της χημικής εξίσωσης.
μλ04.ταxύτητα_αντίδρασης:
Ταχύτητα μιας αντίδρασης ορίζεται η μεταβολή της συγκέντρωσης ενός από τα αντιδρώντα ή τα προϊόντα, στη μονάδα του χρόνου.
Η ταχύτητα μιας αντίδρασης μπορεί να αυξηθεί :
Με αύξηση της ποσότητας (συγκέντρωσης) των αντιδρώντων.
Με αύξηση της θερμοκρασίας.
Με την παρουσία καταλυτών. Ο καταλύτης αυξάνει την ταχύτητα της αντίδρασης, χωρίς να καταναλώνεται. Οι αντιδράσεις στους ζωντανούς οργανισμούς καταλύονται από τα ένζυμα ή βιοκαταλύτες.
Με την αύξηση της επιφάνειας επαφής των στερεών σωμάτων που μετέχουν στην αντίδραση. Π.χ. ο άνθρακας σε μεγάλα κομμάτια καίγεται αργά, ενώ σε μορφή σκόνης σχεδόν ακαριαία.
μλ04.εξώθερμη_αντίδραση:
* μλ04.ενδόθερμη_αντίδραση:
Εξώθερμη ονομάζεται μία χημική αντίδραση που ελευθερώνει θερμότητα στο περιβάλλον.
Ενδόθερμη είναι η αντίδραση που απορροφά θερμότητα από το περιβάλλον.
γ. Ενεργειακές μεταβολές που συνοδεύουν τη χημική αντίδραση
name::
* McsElln.Α. ΟΞΕΙΔΟΑΝΑΓΩΓΙΚΕΣ ΑΝΤΙΔΡΑΣΕΙΣ,
name::
* McsElln.Β. ΜΕΤΑΘΕΤΙΚΕΣ ΑΝΤΙΔΡΑΣΕΙΣ,
name::
* McsElln.μλ04.κ4.ΣΤΟΙΧΕΙΟΜΕΤΡΙΑ μλ04.σ101,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL111/394/2612,10249//
_ΠΕΡΙΕΧΟΜΕΝΑ:
4.1 Βασικές έννοιες για τους χημικούς υπολογισμούς: σχετική ατομική μάζα σχετική μοριακή μαζά, mol. αριθμός Avogadro, γραμμομοριακός όγκος
4.2 Καταστατική εξίσωση των αερίων
4.3 Συγκέντρωση διαλύματος - Αραίωση, ανάμειξη διαλυμάτων
4.4 Στοιχειομετρικοί υπολογισμοί
Γνωρίζεις ότι: «Η προέλευση του όρου mole»
Γνωρίζεις ότι: «Οι άνθρωποι που χάραξαν το δρόμο της χημείας»
Ανακεφαλαίωση - Λέξεις κλειδιά
Ερωτήσεις - Ασκήσεις - Προβλήματα
name::
* McsElln.μλ04.κ4.1 Βασικές έννοιες για τους χημικούς υπολογισμούς: σχετική ατομική μάζα σχετική μοριακή μαζά; mol. αριθμός Avogadro; γραμμομοριακός όγκος,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL111/394/2612,10249//
μλ04.ατομική_μονάδα_μάζας, μλ04.amu:
Ατομική μονάδα μάζας (amu) ορίζεται ως το 1/12 της μάζας του ατόμου του άνθρακα -12 (12C).
Να σημειωθεί ότι ο 12C είναι εκείνο το ισότοπο του άνθρακα που έχει 6 πρωτόνια και 6 νετρόνια στον πυρήνα του.
Ως εκ τούτου, μία ατομική μονάδα μάζας υπολογίζεται ότι είναι ίση με 1,66 10^-24 g.
===
The unified atomic mass unit (symbol: u) or dalton (symbol: Da) is the standard unit that is used for indicating mass on an atomic or molecular scale (atomic mass). It is defined as one twelfth of the mass of an unbound neutral atom of carbon-12 in its nuclear and electronic ground state,[1] and has a value of 1.660538921(73)Χ10^-27 kg.[2] One dalton is approximately equal to the mass of one nucleon; an equivalence of saying 1 g mol-1.[3] The CIPM have categorised it as a non-SI unit accepted for use with the SI, and whose value in SI units must be obtained experimentally.[1]
The amu without the "unified" prefix is technically an obsolete unit based on oxygen, which was replaced in 1961. However, some technically sloppy sources still use the "amu" but now define it in the same way as u (based on carbon-12). In this sense, most use of "amu" units today actually refers to unified atomic mass units or u.
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Atomic_mass_unit]
μλ04.σxετική_ατομική_μάζα, μλ04.ατομικό_βάρος, μλ04.Ar:
* μλ04.απόλυτη_ατομική_μάζα:
Σχετική ατομική μάζα ή ατομικό βάρος λέγεται ο αριθμός που δείχνει πόσες φορές είναι μεγαλύτερη η μάζα του ατόμου του στοιχείου από το 1/12 της μάζας του ατόμου του άνθρακα -12.
Έτσι λοιπόν, όταν λέμε ότι η σχετική ατομική μάζα του οξυγόνου είναι 16, εννοούμε ότι η μάζα του ατόμου του οξυγόνου είναι δεκαέξι φορές μεγαλύτερη από το 1/12 της μάζας του ατόμου 12C. Δηλαδή, Ar O= 16. Να παρατηρήσουμε ότι οι σχετικές ατομικές μάζες είναι καθαροί αριθμοί εκφρασμένες σε amu. Έτσι, αν θέλουμε να υπολογίσουμε την απόλυτη ατομική μάζα αρκεί να πολλαπλασιάσουμε τη σχετική ατομική μάζα με το 1,66 10-24 g .
μλ04.σxετική_μοριακή_μάζα (Μr), μλ04.μοριακό_βάρος (MB):
Σχετική μοριακή μάζα ή μοριακό βάρος (Mr) χημικής ουσίας λέγεται ο αριθμός που δείχνει πόσες φορές είναι μεγαλύτερη η μάζα του μορίου του στοιχείου ή της χημικής ένωσης από το 1/12 της μάζας του ατόμου του άνθρακα -12.
Έτσι λοιπόν όταν λέμε ότι το μοριακό βάρος του θειικού οξέος (H2SO4) είναι 98, εννοούμε ότι η μάζα του μορίου του θειικού οξέος είναι 98 φορές μεγαλύτερη από το 1/12 της μάζας του ατόμου 12C.
μλ04.αριθμός_Αβοκάντρο (ΝΑ):
Ο αριθμός των ατόμων που περιέχονται σε 12 g του 12C ονομάζεται αριθμός Avogadro (NA) και υπολογίσθηκε με πειραματικές μεθόδους και με μεγάλη προσέγγιση ίσος με 6,02 · 10^23 Δηλαδή,
NA=6,02 ·10^23mol^-1
μλ04.μολ (mol):
1 mol είναι η ποσότητα μιας ουσίας που περιέχει NA οντότητες.
Με τον όρο οντότητες εννοούμε άτομα, μόρια, ιόντα, ηλεκτρόνια, αυγά κλπ. Έτσι, έχουμε:
1 mol ατόμων περιέχει NA άτομα.
1 mol μορίων περιέχει NA μόρια.
1 mol ιόντων περιέχει NA ιόντα.
[http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL111/394/2612,10249/]
===
Με mol μετράμε μόνος 'ουσίες' οντότητες με ένα είδος σωματίδια.
μλ04.γραμμομοριακός_όγκος:
Γραμμομοριακός όγκος (Vm) αερίου ονομάζεται ο όγκος που καταλαμβάνει το 1 mol αυτού, σε ορισμένες συνθήκες θερμοκρασίας και πίεσης.
Σε πρότυπες συνθήκες πίεσης και θερμοκρασίας, STP, δηλαδή, σε θερμοκρασία 0 °C (ή 273 Κ) και πίεση 1 atm (760mmHg), ο γραμμομοριακός όγκος των αερίων βρέθηκε πειραματικά ίσος με 22,4 L.
Δηλαδή, Vm = 22,4 L mol -1 σε STP συνθήκες
name::
* McsElln.μλ04.κ4.2 Καταστατική εξίσωση των αερίων,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL111/394/2612,10250//
name::
* McsElln.μλ04.κ4.3 Συγκέντρωση διαλύματος - Αραίωση; ανάμειξη διαλυμάτων,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL111/394/2612,10251//
name::
* McsElln.μλ04.κ4.4 Στοιχειομετρικοί υπολογισμοί,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL111/394/2612,10252//
name::
* McsElln.μλ04.κ5.ΘΕΡΜΟΧΗΜΕΙΑ μλ04.σ143,
_ΠΕΡΙΕΧΟΜΕΝΑ:
5.1 Μεταβολή ενέργειας κατά τις χημικές αντιδράσεις - Ενδόθερμες, εξώθερμες αντιδράσεις - Θερμότητα αντίδρασης - Ενθαλπία
5.2 Θερμιδομετρία - Νόμοι θερμοχημείας
Γνωρίζεις ότι: «Αναστενάρια: ένα θαύμα που ερμηνεύει η χημεία»
Γνωρίζεις ότι: «Εκρηκτικά»
Ανακεφαλαίωση - Λέξεις κλειδιά
Ερωτήσεις - Ασκήσεις - Προβλήματα
name::
* McsElln.μλ04.κ5.1 Μεταβολή ενέργειας κατά τις χημικές αντιδράσεις - Ενδόθερμες; εξώθερμες αντιδράσεις - Θερμότητα αντίδρασης - Ενθαλπία,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL111/394/2612,10253//
μλ04.εξώθερμη_αντίδραση:
Αν εκλύεται θερμότητα (προς τα εμάς), έχουμε +Q και οι αντιδράσεις χαρακτηρίζονται εξώθερμες.
μλ04.ενδόθερμη_αντίδραση:
Αν όμως «εμείς» δίνουμε θερμότητα στο σύστημα, τότε συμβολίζουμε -Q και οι αντιδράσεις χαρακτηρίζονται ενδόθερμες. Με βάση το χημικό σύστημα (και όχι τον εαυτό μας) τα πρόσημα πάνε ανάποδα.
μλ04.θερμοxημεία:
Η θερμοχημεία μελετά τις ενεργειακές μεταβολές που συνοδεύουν μια χημική αντίδραση, δηλαδή, τα ποσά θερμότητας που τελικά εκλύονται ή απορροφώνται. Μελετά τους παράγοντες που τα επηρεάζουν, καθώς και τους γενικότερους νόμους που διέπουν τις εναλλαγές αυτές. Αποτελεί το προοίμιο της Θερμοδυναμικής και «τροφοδοτεί με kcal» τη διαιτητική και τροφολογία.
μλ04.xημική_ενέργεια:
Κάθε ουσία, εκτός από άτομα μόρια ή ιόντα, «κουβαλά» ενέργεια, τη χημική ενέργεια. Η χημική ενέργεια οφείλεται στις δυνάμεις του δεσμού (που συγκρατούν τα άτομα στο μόριο), στις έλξεις των μορίων και των υποατομικών σωματιδίων, στην κίνηση των ατόμων, μορίων και ηλεκτρονίων κλπ. Είναι, δηλαδή, συνδυασμός κινητικής και δυναμικής ενέργειας. Η χημική ενέργεια είναι μια «κρυμμένη» μορφή ενέργειας και μέρος αυτής μπορεί να αποδοθεί άλλοτε εύκολα (π.χ. στη βενζίνη με ένα σπινθήρα) και άλλοτε δύσκολα (π.χ. στα πυρηνικά καύσιμα) στο περιβάλλον.
μλ04.θερμοκρασία, θερμοκρασία_μλ04 (temperature):
Θερμοκρασία είναι το μέτρο κίνησης των δομικών μονάδων της ύλης π.χ. των μορίων.
name::
* McsElln.μλ04.κ5.2 Θερμιδομετρία - Νόμοι θερμοχημείας,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL111/394/2612,10254//
μλ04.Θερμοδομετρία (calorimetry):
μλ04.Θερμιδόμετρο (calorimeter):
μλ04.Ειδική_θερμοxωρητικότητα:
Ειδική θερμοχωρητικότητα μιας ουσίας είναι η θερμότητα που απαιτείται για να αυξηθεί η θερμοκρασία 1 g της ουσίας κατά 1 oC.
name::
* McsElln.μλ04.κ6.ΓΕΝΙΚΟ-ΜΕΡΟΣ-ΟΡΓΑΝΙΚΗΣ-ΧΗΜΕΙΑΣ,
_ΠΕΡΙΕΧΟΜΕΝΑ:
6.1 Εισαγωγή στην οργανική χημεία
6.2 Ταξινόμηση οργανικών ενώσεων - Ομόλογες σειρές
6.3 Ονοματολογία οργανικών ενώσεων
6.4 Ισομέρεια
6.5 Ανάλυση οργανικών ενώσεων
Ανακεφαλαίωση
Λέξεις κλειδιά
Ερωτήσεις - Ασκήσεις - Προβλήματα
name::
* McsElln.μλ04.κ6.1 Εισαγωγή στην οργανική χημεία,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL111/394/2612,10255//
μλ04.Οργανική_xημεία:
Οργανική χημεία ονομάζεται ο κλάδος της χημείας που μελετά τις ενώσεις του άνθρακα. Εξαίρεση αποτελούν το μονοξείδιο του άνθρακα (CO), το διοξείδιο του άνθρακα (CO2) και τα ανθρακικά άλατα (π.χ. το ανθρακικό ασβέστιο CaCO3), που εξετάζονται στην ανόργανη χημεία (μαζί με τον C).
Οι ενώσεις στις οποίες όλα τα άτομα άνθρακα συνδέονται μεταξύ τους με απλούς δεσμούς λέγονται κορεσμένες. Οι ενώσεις στις οποίες δύο τουλάχιστον άτομα άνθρακα συνδέονται μεταξύ τους με διπλό ή τριπλό δεσμό λέγονται ακόρεστες.
name::
* McsElln.μλ04.κ6.2 Ταξινόμηση οργανικών ενώσεων - Ομόλογες σειρές,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL111/394/2612,10256//
μλ04.κορεσμένη_ακόρεστη_οργανική_ένωση:
1. Με βάση το είδος των δεσμών που αναπτύσσονται μεταξύ των ατόμων άνθρακα
Κατ αυτό τον τρόπο οι οργανικές ενώσεις διακρίνονται σε κορεσμένες και ακόρεστες.
Οι ενώσεις στις οποίες όλα τα άτομα άνθρακα συνδέονται μεταξύ τους με απλούς δεσμούς λέγονται κορεσμένες. Οι ενώσεις στις οποίες δύο τουλάχιστον άτομα άνθρακα συνδέονται μεταξύ τους με διπλό ή τριπλό δεσμό λέγονται ακόρεστες.
μλ04.άκυκλη_κυκλική_οργανική_ένωση:
2. Με βάση τον τρόπο σύνδεσης των ατόμων άνθρακα μεταξύ τους (διάταξη ανθρακικής αλυσίδας)
Στον ακόλουθο πίνακα φαίνεται η ταξινόμηση των οργανικών ενώσεων με βάση το τελευταίο αυτό κριτήριο:
Άκυκλες ονομάζονται οι ενώσεις στις οποίες τα άτομα του άνθρακα ενώνονται σε ευθεία ή διακλαδισμένη ανθρακική αλυσίδα. Οι ενώσεις αυτές ονομάζονται αλειφατικές (ή λιπαρές), γιατί τα λίπη περιέχουν ενώσεις αυτού του είδους. Π.χ.
Κυκλικές ονομάζομαι οι ενώσεις στο μόριο των οποίων υπάρχει ένας τουλάχιστον δακτύλιος, δηλαδή σχηματίζεται κλειστή αλυσίδα.
Ισοκυκλικές ονομάζονται οι κυκλικές ενώσεις στις οποίες ο δακτύλιος σχηματίζεται αποκλειστικά και μόνο από άτομα άνθρακα.
άλειφαρ = λίπος
Ετεροκυκλικές ονομάζομαι οι κυκλικές ενώσεις στις οποίες ο δακτύλιος σχηματίζεται όχι μόνο από άτομα άνθρακα, αλλά και από άτομα άλλου στοιχείου, συνήθως Ο, N.
Αρωματικές ονομάζονται (συνήθως) οι κυκλικές ενώσεις που περιέχουν τουλάχιστον ένα βενζολικό δακτύλιο.
Αλεικυκλικές ονομάζονται όλες οι μη αρωματικές ισοκυκλικές ενώσεις.
μλ04.xαρακτηριστική_ομάδα:
μιας οργανικής ένωσης είναι ένα άτομο ή ένα συγκρότημα ατόμων, η οποία προσδίδει τις χαρακτηριστικές ιδιότητες σε μία ένωση.
3. Ταξινόμηση με βάση τη χαρακτηριστική ομάδα που βρίσκεται στο μόριο της ένωσης
Ανάλογα με το είδος της χαρακτηριστικής ομάδας που έχει μία ένωση, η ένωση κατατάσσεται σε διάφορες κατηγορίες, γνωστές ως χημικές τάξεις. Οι σπουδαιότερες απ' αυτές εκτίθενται στον παρακάτω πίνακα:
ΠΙΝΑΚΑΣ 6.2 Χαρακτηριστικές ομάδες
Ομάδα Όνομα ομάδας Χημική τάξη
-OH υδροξύλιο ΑΛΚΟΟΛΕΣ
-CH=O αλδεϋδομάδα ΑΛΔΕΥΔΕΣ
κετονομάδα ΚΕΤΟΝΕΣ
-COOH καρβοξύλιο ΚΑΡΒΟΞΥΛΙΚΑ ΟΞΕA
-C-O-C- αιθερομάδα ΑΙΘΕΡΕΣ
-COOC- εστερομάδα ΕΣΤΕΡΕΣ
στην ένωση περιέχεται μόνο C και H ΥΔΡΟΓΟΝΑΝΘΡΑΚΑΣ
ΙΔΙΟΤΗΤΕΣ ΤΩΝ ΠΕΡΙΣΣΟΤΕΡΩΝ ΟΡΓΑΝΙΚΩΝ ΕΝΩΣΕΩΝ
Είναι μοριακές ενώσεις (ομοιοπολικές).
Διαλύονται σε οργανικούς διαλύτες και ελάχιστα στο νερό.
Έχουν χαμηλά σημεία βρασμού και σημεία τήξης.
Είναι ευπαθείς στην υψηλή θερμοκρασία και πολλές φορές εύφλεκτες.
ΧΑΡΑΚΤΗΡΙΣΤΙΚΑ ΤΩΝ ΠΕΡΙΣΣΟΤΕΡΩΝ ΟΡΓΑΝΙΚΩΝ ΑΝΤΙΔΡΑΣΕΩΝ
Μοριακές
Αργές
Με μικρή απόδοση
4. Ταξινόμηση των οργανικών ενώσεων με βάση τις ομόλογες σειρές
Για την απλούστευση και συστηματική μελέτη των οργανικών ενώσεων, οι οργανικές ενώσεις ταξινομούνται σε ομόλογες σειρές.
Ομόλογη σειρά ονομάζεται ένα σύνολο οργανικών ενώσεων, των οποίων τα μέλη (οργανικές ενώσεις) έχουν τα εξής κοινά χαρακτηριστικά:
Έχουν τον ίδιο γενικό μοριακό τύπο.
Όλα τα μέλη έχουν ανάλογη σύνταξη και περιέχουν την ίδια χαρακτηριστική ομάδα.
Έχουν παρόμοιες χημικές ιδιότητες, καθώς η χημική συμπεριφορά τους εξαρτάται από τη σύνταξη του μορίου και τις χαρακτηριστικές ομάδες.
Οι φυσικές τους ιδιότητες μεταβάλλονται ανάλογα με τη σχετική μοριακή τους μάζα (Mr) και τη θέση της χαρακτηριστικής ομάδας.
Έχουν παρόμοιες παρασκευές.
Κάθε μέλος διαφέρει από το προηγούμενο και το επόμενο του κατά την ομάδα -CH2-.
Στον παρακάτω πίνακα δίνονται μερικές από τις σημαντικότερες ομόλογες σειρές.
• H ρίζα -CH2- ονομάζεται μεθυλένιο.
ΠΙΝΑΚΑΣ 6.3 Χαρακτηριστικά παραδείγματα ομολόγων σειρών
Γενικός Μ.Τ. Ομόλογη σειρά Παράδειγμα / όνομα
CνH2ν+2 ΑΛΚΑΝΙΑ ν ?1 CH3CH2CH3 προπάνιο
CνH2ν ΑΛΚΕΝΙΑ ν ?2 CH3CH=CHCH3
2-βουτένιο
CνH2ν-2 ΑΛΚΙΝΙΑ ν ?2 CH3CH2CH2C?CH
1-πεντίνιο
ΑΛΚΑΔΙΕΝΙΑ ν ?3 CH2=CHCH=CH2
1,3-βουταδιένιο
CνH2ν+1Χ ΑΛΚΥΛΑΛΟΓΟΝΙΔΙΑ ν ?1 CH3CH2CH2I
1-ιωδοπροπάνιο
CνH2ν+2O ΚΟΡΕΣΜΕΝΕΣ
ΜΟΝΟΣΘΕΝΕΙΣ
ΑΛΚΟΟΛΕΣ (R-OH) ν ?1 CH3CH2CH(OH)CH3
2-βουτανόλη
ΚΟΡΕΣΜΕΝΟΙ
ΜΟΝΟΑΙΘΕΡΕΣ (R-O-R') ν ?2 CH3-O-CH2CH3
αιθυλομεθυλαιθέρας ή
μεθοξυαιθάνιο
CνH2νO ΚΟΡΕΣΜΕΝΕΣ ΑΛΔΕ?ΔΕΣ
(RCOH) ν ?1 CH3CHO αιθανάλη
ΚΟΡΕΣΜΕΝΕΣ ΚΕΤΟΝΕΣ
(R-CO-R') ν ?3 CH3CH2COCH2CH3
3-πεντανόνη
CνH2νO2 ΚΟΡΕΣΜΕΝΑ
ΜΟΝΟΚΑΡΒΟΞΥΛΙΚΑ
ΟΞΕΑ (RCΟOH) ν ?1 CH3CH2COOH
προπανικό οξύ
ΕΣΤΕΡΕΣ(RCOOR') ν ?2 CH3COOCH3
αιθανικός μεθυλεστέρας
name::
* McsElln.μλ04.κ6.3 Ονοματολογία οργανικών ενώσεων,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL111/394/2612,10257//
Σταθμός στη δημιουργία του διεθνούς συστήματος ονοματολογίας ήταν το συνέδριο που οργάνωσε η IUPAC (International Union of Pure and Applied Chemistry) το 1947. Στο συνέδριο αυτό καθιερώθηκε ένα ενιαίο σύστημα διεθνούς ονοματολογίας των οργανικών ενώσεων, το οποίο ονομάζεται διεθνές σύστημα ονοματολογίας της IUPAC. To έργο της διεθνούς αυτής οργάνωσης (IUPAC) συνεχίζεται μέχρι σήμερα, δίνοντας κάθε τόσο νέες οδηγίες για την εύρυθμη λειτουργία του συστήματος ονοματολογίας που έχει προτείνει (π.χ. ονομασίες νέων οργανικών ενώσεων).
Με το διεθνές σύστημα ονοματολογίας της IUPAC, οι οργανικές ενώσεις ονομάζονται με ονόματα που δείχνουν τη χημική τους σύνταξη. H ονομασία μιας άκυκλης με συνεχή ανθρακική αλυσίδα ένωσης, προκύπτει από το συνδυασμό τριών συνθετικών. To πρώτο συνθετικό δείχνει τον αριθμό των ατόμων άνθρακα της ανθρακικής αλυσίδας, το δεύτερο αν η ένωση είναι κορεσμένη ή ακόρεστη με έναν ή περισσότερους διπλούς ή τριπλούς δεσμούς και το τρίτο σε ποια κατηγορία ενώσεων ανήκει η ένωση.
ΠΙΝΑΚΑΣ 6.4 Βασικοί κανόνες ονοματολογίας
α' συνθετικό β' συνθετικό γ' συνθετικό
1 άτομο C: μεθ- κορεσμένη ένωση :-αν- Υδρογονάνθρακες:
-ιο
2 άτομα C: αιθ- ακόρεστη με 1 δ.δ.:-εν- Αλκοόλες: -ολη
3 άτομα C: προπ- ακόρεστη με 1 τ.δ.:-ιν- Αλδεΰδες: -αλη
4 άτομα C: βουτ- ακόρεστη με 2 δ.δ.:-διεν- Κετόνες: -ονη
5 άτομα C: πεντ- καρβοξυλικά οξέα: -ικό οξύ
6άτομα C: εξ-
κ.ο.κ.
name::
* McsElln.μλ04.κ6.4 Ισομέρεια,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL111/394/2612,10258//
μλ04.ισομέρεια:
Ισομέρεια είναι το φαινόμενο κατά το οποίο δύο ή περισσότερες ενώσεις με τον ίδιο μοριακό τύπο έχουν διαφορές στις ιδιότητες τους (φυσικές ή χημικές). Αυτό οφείλεται, είτε στη διαφορετική διάταξη των ατόμων άνθρακα στο επίπεδο (συντακτική ισομέρεια), είτε στη διαφορετική διάταξη των ατόμων στο χώρο (στερεοϊσομέρεια).
name::
* McsElln.μλ04.κ6.5 Ανάλυση οργανικών ενώσεων,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL111/394/2612,10259//
μλ04.μοριακός_τύπος:
Μοριακός τύπος χημικής ένωσης είναι ο χημικός τύπος που δείχνει τον ακριβή αριθμό των ατόμων των διαφόρων στοιχείων στο μόριο της ένωσης.
Ανακεφαλαίωση
1. Οργανική χημεία ονομάζεται ο κλάδος της χημείας που μελετά όλες τις ενώσεις του άνθρακα εκτός το μονοξείδιο του άνθρακα (CO), το διοξείδιο του άνθρακα (CO2) και τα ανθρακικά άλατα.
2. Οι δεσμοί που σχηματίζει ο C με άλλα στοιχεία ή με άλλα άτομα C είναι ισχυροί, λόγω της ηλεκτρονιακής δομής και της μικρής ατομικής ακτίνας του C.
3. Οι οργανικές ενώσεις διακρίνονται σε κορεσμένες και ακόρεστες καθώς και σε κυκλικές και άκυκλες.
4. Ομόλογη σειρά ονομάζεται ένα σύνολο οργανικών ενώσεων των οποίων τα μέλη έχουν τα εξής κοινά χαρακτηριστικά:
α. ίδιο γενικό μοριακό τύπο
β. ανάλογη σύνταξη και ίδια χαρακτηριστική ομάδα
γ. παρόμοιες χημικές ιδιότητες
δ. οι φυσικές τους ιδιότητες μεταβάλλονται ανάλογα με τη σχετική μοριακή τους μάζα και τη θέση της χαρακτηριστικής ομάδας
ε. παρόμοιες παρασκευές.
στ. κάθε μέλος διαφέρει από το προηγούμενο το επόμενο του κατά -CH2-
5. Οι κορεσμένες μονοσθενείς ρίζες που έχουν γενικό τύπο CvH2ν+1 ονομάζονται αλκύλια και συμβολίζονται με R-.
6. Μερικοί βασικοί κανόνες που έχει θεσπίσει η IUPAC για την ονομασία των άκυκλων οργανικών ενώσεων είναι:
α. Av μία ένωση έχει χαρακτηριστική ομάδα διπλό (ή τριπλό) δεσμό και διακλαδώσεις η αρίθμηση της κύριας αλυσίδας ξεκινά από το άκρο το πλησιέστερο: πρώτα στη χαρακτηριστική ομάδα, μετά στον πολλαπλό δεσμό και μετά στις διακλαδώσεις.
β. Οι ομάδες -COOH και -CH=O καταλαμβάνουν πάντα τη θέση 1 της ανθρακικής αλυσίδας, γι' αυτό δε χρειάζεται ο καθορισμός της θέσης τους
γ. Οι διακλαδώσεις είναι συνήθως αλκύλια. Τα ονόματα των διακλαδώσεων προτάσσονται του κυρίως ονόματος, με αλφαβητική σειρά, με αριθμούς που καθορίζουν τις θέσεις τους
7. Συντακτική ισομέρεια έχουμε, όταν δύο ενώσεις έχουν τον ίδιο μοριακό αλλά διαφορετικό συντακτικό τύπο.
8. Στερεοϊσομέρεια έχουμε, όταν δύο ενώσεις έχουν τον ίδιο συντακτικό αλλά διαφορετικό στερεοχημικό τύπο.
9. H συντακτική ισομέρεια διακρίνεται σε ισομέρεια αλυσίδας, θέσης και ομόλογης σειράς.
10. H χημική στοιχειακή ανάλυση είναι το σύνολο των εργασιών που γίνονται για τον προσδιορισμό της χημικής σύστασης μιας ένωσης και περιλαμβάνει την ποιοτική και ποσοτική στοιχειακή ανάλυση.
11. Για να προσδιορίσουμε το συντακτικό τύπο μιας ένωσης εκτελούμε τις ακόλουθες εργασίες:
α. ποιοτική στοιχειακή ανάλυση
β. ποσοτική στοιχειακή ανάλυση
γ. προσδιορισμός της σχετικής μοριακής μάζας της ένωσης
δ. μελέτη της χημικής συμπεριφοράς της ένωσης.
ΓΕΝΙΚΟ ΜΕΡΟΣ - ΑΣΚΗΣΕΙΣ
Λέξεις Κλειδιά
κορεσμένες ενώσεις στερεοϊσομέρεια
ακόρεστες ενώσεις ποιοτική ανάλυση
άκυκλες ενώσεις ποσοτική ανάλυση
κυκλικές ενώσεις εμπειρικός τύπος
ομόλογη σειρά μοριακός τύπος
συντακτική ισομέρεια συντακτικός τύπος
name::
* McsElln.μλ04.κ7.ΒΙΟΜΟΡΙΑ ΚΑΙ ΑΛΛΑ ΜΟΡΙΑ,
_ΠΕΡΙΕΧΟΜΕΝΑ:
7.1 Υδατάνθρακες
7.2 Λίπη και έλαια
7.3 Πρωτεΐνες
7.4 Πολυμερή («πλαστικά»)
7.5 Υφάνσιμες ίνες
Γνωρίζεις ότι: «Η ανακάλυψη του πολυαιθυλενίου»
Ανακεφαλαίωση
Λέξεις κλειδιά
Ερωτήσεις - Ασκήσεις - Προβλήματα
name::
* McsElln.μλ04.κ7.1 Υδατάνθρακες,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL111/394/2612,10260//
μλ04.Υδατάνθρακας (carbohydrate#cptCore841#):
υδατάνθρακες είναι πολυυδροξυαλδεΰδες ή πολυυδοξυκετόνες ή καλύτερα ενώσεις που υδρολυόμενες δίνουν πολυυδροξυαλδεΰδες ή πολυυδροξυκετόνες.
μλ04.μονοσακxαρίτης:
Έτσι οι υδατάνθρακες οι οποίοι δεν υδρολύονται σε μικρότερους, απλούστερους υδατάνθρακες λέγονται μονοσακχαρίτες.
Υδατάνθρακες όταν υδρολύονται δίνουν ανά μόριό τους δύο μόρια μονοσακχαριτών ονομάζονται δισακχαρίτες. Εκείνοι που δίνουν τρία μόρια τρισακχαρίτες κ.ο.κ. Υδατάνθρακες οι οποίοι υδρολυόμενοι δίνουν 2 έως 10 μόρια μονοσακχαριτών καλούνται επίσης ολιγοσακχαρίτες. Αν δίνουν μεγάλο (>10 ) αριθμό μονοσακχαριτών, χαρακτηρίζονται πολυσακχαρίτες.
name::
* McsElln.μλ04.κ7.2 Λίπη και έλαια,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL111/394/2612,10261//
μλ.λιπιδιο:
Όταν ένας ζωικός ή φυτικός ιστός εκχυλιστεί με ένα μη πολικό διαλύτη (π.χ.αιθέρα, χλωροφόρμιο, βενζόλιο ή κάποιο αλκάνιο), ένα μέρος από τον ιστό αυτό διαλύεται. Τα συστατικά αυτά, τα οποία διαλύονται σε αυτές τις συνθήκες λέγονται λιπίδια.
Τα λιπίδια περιλαμβάνουν μία μεγάλη ποικιλία διαφορετικών ενώσεων όπως καρβοξυλικά οξέα (ή λιπαρά οξέα), τριεστέρες της γλυκερίνης ή τριγλυκερίδια (ή ουδέτερα λίπη), φωσφολιπίδια, γλυκολιπίδια, κηρούς, τερπένια, στεροεϊδή και προσταγλανίνες. Στις παραγράφους που ακολουθούν θα εξεταστούν τα σημαντικότερα θέματα που αφορούν τα λίπη.
... Τα λιπίδια βλέπει κανείς ότι ορίζονται μέσα από την φυσική διαδικασία η οποία χρησιμοποιείται για την απομόνωσή τους και όχι από τη χημική δομή τους, όπως συμβαίνει στους υδατάνθρακες και στις πρωτεΐνες.
μλ.ελαιο, μλ.λιπος:
Εκείνα τα τριγλυκερίδια που είναι υγρά σε θερμοκρασία δωματίου είναι γνωστά ως έλαια, ενώ εκείνα που είναι στερεά ονομάζονται συνήθως λίπη.
name::
* McsElln.μλ04.κ7.3 Πρωτεΐνες,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL111/394/2612,10262//
name::
* McsElln.μλ04.κ7.4 Πολυμερή («πλαστικά»),
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL111/394/2612,10263//
name::
* McsElln.μλ04.κ7.5 Υφάνσιμες ίνες,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL111/394/2612,10264//
Ανακεφαλαίωση
1. Η έρευνα έδειξε ότι τα πολυμερή είναι μεγαλομοριακές ενώσεις οι οποίες αποτελούνται από μία επαναλαμβανόμενη βασική μονάδα. Έτσι π.χ. η κυτταρίνη έχει για βασική μονάδα τη γλυκόζη.
2. Οι υδατάνθρακες θεωρήθηκαν αρχικά ως ενώσεις του C με μόρια νερού. Επίσης ονομάστηκαν και σάκχαρα, γιατί ορισμένες από αυτές έχουν γλυκιά γεύση.
3. Οι υδατάνθρακες με βάση τις περιεχόμενες χαρακτηριστικές ομάδες διακρίνονται σε πολυυδροξυαλδεΰδες και πολυυδροξυκετόνες.
4. Οι υδατάνθρακες με βάση τα προϊόντα υδρόλυσης διακρίνονται σε ολιγοσακχαρίτες (μόνο, δι... σακχαρίτες) και πολυσακχαρίτες, οι οποίοι υδρολυόμενοι δίνουν πάνω από 10 μόρια μονσακχαριτών,
5. Οι μονοσακχαρίτες κατατάσσονται με βάση τη χαρακτηριστική ομάδα σε αλδόζες και κετόζες και με τον αριθμό ατόμων C τα οποία έχουν. Έτσι π.χ. η γλυκόζη είναι μία αλδοεξόζη, ενώ η φρουκτόζη είναι μία κετοεξόζη.
6. Μία από τις χημικές ιδιότητες των μονοσακχαριτών η οποία χρησιμοποιείται για την ταυτοποίησή τους είναι ο αναγωγικός τους χαρακτήρας. Οι αλδόζες και οι αυδροξυκετόζες ανάγουν ήπια οξειδωτικά, όπως τα αντιδραστήρια Fehling και Tol-lens δίνοντας χαρακτηριστικά ιζήματα.
7. Οι υδατάνθρακες συνθέτονται στα πράσινα φυτά με τη φωτοσύνθεση. Αυτή είναι μία πολύπλοκη διαδικασία η οποία χρησιμοποιεί την ηλιακή ενέργεια, για να ανάγει ή να δεσμεύσει το CO2. Οι υδατάνθρακες στα φυτά είναι η κύρια “αποθήκη” της ηλιακής ενέργειας και μέσω αυτών αυτή μεταφέρεται και στα ζώα ως τροφή
8. Ο μεταβολισμός των υδατανθράκων είναι και αυτός με τη σειρά του ένα σύνολο ενζυματικά καταλυομένων αντιδράσεων, στις οποίες κάθε στάδιοβήμα που δίνει ενέργεια (εξώθερμο ή καλύτερα εξωεργονικό) είναι μία οξείδωση. Η απόδοση τους είναι περίπου 4 kcal.g-1
9. Τα λίπη και τα έλαια είναι εστέρες της γλυκερίνης με ανώτερα μονοκαρβονικά οξέα κορεσμένα (λίπη) ακόρεστα (έλαια).
10. Η σαπωνοποίηση των λιπών και των ελαίων είναι η υδρόλυσής τους σε αλκαλικό περιβάλλον. Έτσι παράγονται τα άλατα των οξεών με Na ή Κ τα οποία αποτελούν τους σάπωνες.
11. Η κύρια χρήση των σαπουνιών στηρίζεται στη λεγόμενη απορρυπαντική τους δράση. Ο μηχανισμός με τον οποίο αυτοί απομακρύνουν τους ρύπους είναι ανάλογος με εκείνον της διάλυσής τους. Το αιώρημα του σαπουνιού μπορεί να διαχωρίσει τη «βρωμιά» σε μικρότερα τμήματα, μια και η ανθρακική, υδρόφοβη, αλυσίδα μπορεί να διέλθει από την ελαιώδη επικάλυψή της.
12. Τα συνθετικά απορρυπαντικά δρουν με τον ίδιο τρόπο με τον οποίο δρουν και οι σάπωνες. Από άποψη δομής έχουν και αυτά μία μακριά μη πολική, κορεσμένη,
ανθρακική αλυσίδα με μία πολική ομάδα στο τέλος της. Οι πολικές ομάδες των περισσοτέρων συνθετικών απορρυπαντικών είναι θειικοί ή καλύτερα σουλφονικοί εστέρες ή θειικά άλατα του Na.
13. Ο κυριότερος ρόλος των λιπών στη διατροφή των θηλαστικών είναι ως πηγή χημικής ενέργειας. Αποδίδουν σε μέσο όρο 9 kcal.g-1
14. Οι πρωτεΐνες είναι τα σημαντικότερα βιολογικά πολυαμίδια και οι μονομερείς τους μονάδες είναι περίπου 20 διαφορετικά αμινοξέα. Tα αμινοξέα αυτά συνδέονται με πεπτιδικό δεσμό κάνοντας τις πρωτείνες πολυπεπτίδια.
15. Oι πρωτείνες εκτελούν πολλές αποστολές, όπως να κατασκευάζουν και να συντη-ρούν ιστούς.. Μεταβολίζονται σε ουρία αποδίδοντας περίπου 4 kcal.g-1.
16. Τα πολυμερή προσθήκης είναι ενώσεις οι οποίες συνίστανται από πολύ μεγάλα μόρια τα οποία είναι φτιαγμένα από έναν μεγάλο αριθμό επαναλαμβανομένων υπομονάδων. Η μοριακή αυτή (υπο)μονάδα ονομάζεται μονομερές και οι αντιδράσεις μέσω των οποίων το μονομερές ενώνεται προς το μεγαλομόριο, λέγονται αντιδράσεις πολυμερισμού.
17. Τα πολυμερή συμπύκνωσης παράγονται από αντιδράσεις συμπύκνωσης. Σ? αυτές οι μονομερείς ομάδες ενώνονται με διαμοριακή απόσπαση μικρών μορίων όπως το Η2Ο .
18. Πολυμερή προσθήκης είναι τα πολυαιθυλένιο, πολυπροπυλένιο, πολυβινυλοχλωρίδιο, πολυακρυλονιτρίλιο. Η στερεοδομή του πολυμερούς μπορεί να ελέγχεται με καταλύτες.
19. Τα πλέον σημαντικά πολυμερή συμπύκνωσης είναι τα πολυαμίδια, οι πολυεστέρες και οι ρητίνες της φορμαλδε?δης. Από τα πολυαμίδια σπουδαιότερα είναι τα Nylon και από τους πολυεστέρες ο πολυαιθυλένοτερεφθαλικός Η ουρεθάνη παράγεται από την αντίδραση μιας αλκοόλης με ένα ισοκυανικό ομόλογο. Ο βακελίτης είναι ένα συμπολυμερές φαινόλης κι φορμαλδεΰδης.
20. Υφάνσιμες ύλες είναι εκείνες οι οποίες με κατάλληλη επεξεργασία μπορούν να μετατραπούν σε ίνες από τις οποίες παρασκευάζονται νήματα και υφάσματα. Υφάνσιμες ίνες υπάρχουν: φυσικές (ο αμίαντος από τις ανόργανες ,βαμβάκι, λινάρι, η κάνναβη από φυτικές και το μετάξι από ζωικές), τεχνητές (όπως αναγεννημένη κυτ-ταρίνη ,φυτική και καζεΐνη του γάλακτος ζωική), συνθετικές (πολυαμίδια, πολυεστέρες).
Λέξεις Κλειδιά
μλ04.μεγαλομόρια
μλ04.λιπίδια
μλ04.πλαστικά
μλ04.δομική_μονάδα
μλ04.τριγλυκερίδια
μλ04.πολυμερές
μλ04.υδατάνθρακες
μλ04.λίπη
μλ04.μονομερές
μλ04.σάκxαρα
μλ04.έλαια
μλ04.πολυμερή_προσθήκης
μλ04.πολυυδροξυαλδεΰδες
μλ04.σαπωνοποίηση
μλ04.πολυαιθυλένιο
μλ04.πολυυδροξυκετόνες
μλ04.σάπωνες
μλ04.πολυπροπυλένιο
μλ04.ολιγοσακxαρίτες
μλ04.υδρόφιλο
μλ04.πολυακρυλικό
μλ04.πολυσακxαρίτες
μλ04.υδρόφοβο
μλ04.συμπολυμερισμός
μλ04.μονοσακxαρίτες
μλ04.απορρυπαντικά
μλ04.πολυμερή_συμπύκνωσης
μλ04.αλδόζες
μλ04.αλκυλοσουλφονικά
μλ04.πολυαμίδια
μλ04.κετόζες
μλ04.εξαλάτωση
μλ04.nylon
μλ04.εξόζες
μλ04.μετάξι
μλ04.πολυεστέρες
μλ04.γλυκεριναλδεΰδη
μλ04.βιοπολυμερή
μλ04.πολυουρεθάνες
μλ04.ταυτοποίηση
μλ04.πρωτεΐνες
μλ04.βακελίτης
μλ04.σύνθεση
μλ04.λευκώματα
μλ04.υφάνσιμες_ίνες
μλ04.Fehling
μλ04.ορμόνες
μλ04.μαλλί
μλ04.Benedict
μλ04.ένζυμα
μλ04.οrlon
μλ04.Tollens
μλ04.αμινοξέα
μλ04.φωτοσύνθεση
μλ04.πεπτιδικός_δεσμός
μλ04.μεταβολισμός
μλ04.πολυαμίδια
μλ04.άμυλο
μλ04.πρωτογενής_δομή
μλ04.γλυκογόνο
μλ04.γλυκίνη
μλ04.κυτταρίνη
μλ04.αλανίνη
name::
* McsElln.μθμΛ2.Εισαγωγή-στις-αρχές-της-Επιστήμης-των-ΗΥ,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://exams-repo.cti.gr/category/198-eisagogh-stis-arxes-ths-episthmhs,
name::
* McsElln.ΜθμΛ23.ΕΦΑΡΜΟΓΕΣ-ΥΠΟΛΟΓΙΣΤΩΝ (Β'&Γ' Ενιαίου Λυκείου),
ΔΙΔΑΚΤΕΑ ΥΛΗ:
Επειδή το υπάρχον βιβλίο καλύπτει την ύλη και των δύο μαθημάτων (Εφαρμογές Πληροφορικής και Εφαρμογές Υπολογιστών), προτείνεται (ενδεικτικά) να διδαχθούν τα ακόλουθα κεφάλαια για κάθε τάξη.
1. Εφαρμογές Πληροφορικής, Α΄ Τάξη Κεφάλαια: 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, 9, 10, 16
2. Εφαρμογές Υπολογιστών, Β΄/Γ΄ Τάξη Κεφάλαια: 6, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 17, 18
ΒΙΒΛΙΟ:
κεφ. 15 (σελ. 293-319)
ΕΠΙΔΡΑΣΗ
στη ζωή μας, μία από τις πιο σημαντικές σε σχέση με τις άλλες τεχνολογίες.
ΑΡΝΗΤΙΚΕΣ ΕΠΙΠΤΩΣΕΙΣ:
- ανεργία.
- φακέλωμα προσωπικών στοιχείων.
- ασφάλεια.
ΣΤΗΝ ΕΚΠΑΙΔΕΥΣΗ:
- ιδιαίτερο αντικείμενο μελέτης (το μάθημα πληροφορικής)
- μέσο διδασκαλίας (μελλοντικά).
- τα πολυμέσα δίνουν περισσότερες δυνατότητες μάθησης πέρα από τον παραδοσιακό γραπτό και προφορικό λόγο.
- εκπαιδευτικές εφαρμογές εικονικής πραγματικότητας.
- επικοινωνία με άλλα σχολεία (ιντερνέτ), βιβλιοθήκες, εξ αποστάσεως εκπαίδευση, δια βίου εκπαίδευση.
- ΣΤΑ ΜΑΘΗΜΑΤΙΚΑ: Mathematica, MathCAD,
- ΣΤΗ ΣΤΑΤΙΣΤΙΚΗ: ανάλυση δεδομένων, SPSS,
ΣΤΗΝ ΨΥΧΑΓΩΓΙΑ (ΗΛΕΚΤΡΟΝΙΚΑ ΠΑΙΓΝΙΔΙΑ):
- αρνητικές επιπτώσεις: εθισμός, εγκλεισμός, ιδεολογία.
ΤΗΛΕΜΑΤΙΚΕΣ ΕΦΑΡΜΟΓΕΣ:
- Οι υπηρεσίες αποστολής/λήψης πληροφοριών.
- δίκτυα ΟΤΕ: Hellaspac, Hellascom, Hellastel, ISDN.
- τηλεγραφία (telex). από το 1850.
- τηλεομοιωτυπία (fax).
- τηλεκειμενογραφία (teletext) μέσω τηλεόρασης.
- τηλεηχοπληροφόρηση (audiotext)
- τηλεεικονογραφία (videotext) monitor and modem.
- VideoPhone (εικονοτηλέφωνο).
- Video Conference (τηλεδιάσκεψη).
- Τηλεειδοποίηση (paging)
- mobile communication (κινητή τηλεφωνία)
- ηλεκτρονικό ταχυδρομείο (email)
- telelearning (τηλεεκπαίδευση)
- τηλεργασια (telecommuting).
- teleservice (τηλεξυπερέτηση).
ΓΕΩΓΡΑΦΙΚΑ ΠΛΗΡΟΦΟΡΙΑΚΑ ΣΥΣΤΗΜΑΤΑ (GIS):
- επεξεργασία και παροχή γεωγραφικών πληροφοριών.
- εφαρμογές σε πολεοδομική διαχείριση, κυκλοφορία αυτοκινήτων, γεωργικές καλλιέργειες κλπ.
ΣΧΕΔΙΑΣΗ:
- CAD Computer Aided Design.
ΠΡΟΣΟΜΟΙΩΣΗ (simulation):
- η τεχνική μίμησης ενός συστήματος από άλλο.
- προσωμοίωση πτήσης.
- εκπαιδευτική προσομοίωση
- προσωμοίωση οικονομικών και κοινωνικών μοντέλων.
ΕΝΝΟΙΕΣ:
1) υπερκείμενο/hypertext.
2) υπερμέσα/hypermedia.
3) πολυμέσα/multimedia.
4) αλληλεπιδραστικά πολυμέσα.
ΥΠΕΡΚΕΙΜΕΝΟ είναι εφαρμογές που έχουν κείμενο με συνδέσεις και μπορεί να διαβαστεί μή-σειριακά.
ΥΠΕΡΜΕΣΑ είναι υπερκείμενα με εικόνες, ήχο, κινούμενο σχέδιο, βίντεο.
Κλασσική εφαρμογή είναι οι σελίδες στο ιντερνέτ.
ΠΟΛΥΜΕΣΑ είναι η εφαρμογή που συγκεντρώνει πολλές μορφές πληροφορίας. (γενικά έννοια ασαφής).
ΑΛΛΗΛΕΠΙΔΡΑΣΤΙΚΑ πολυμέσα είναι αυτά που το πρόγραμμα δεν κάνει αποκλιστικά προκαθορισμένες ενέργειες αλλά οι ενέργειές του καθορίζονται από εντολές του χρήστη.
ΒΙΒΛΙΟ: 13.1, 13.2, 13.3, σελ 242-265
ΕΝΝΟΙΕΣ:
1) ιντερνέτ.
2) υπηρεσίες ιντερνέτ.
3) ISP - παροχείς υπηρεσιών ιντερνέτ.
4) κόμβοι.
5) εξυπηρετητές.
6) πρωτόκολλα επικοινωνιας.
7) μορφές σύνδεσης.
Το ΙΝΤΕΡΝΕΤ είναι ένα παγκόσμιο δίκτυο με κομπιούτερ.
ΥΠΗΡΕΣΙΕΣ:
1) Ο παγκόσμιος ιστός - www:
- είναι ο βασικός τρόπος με τον οποίο βλέπουμε παντός είδους πληροφορίες.
- Απαιτείται ειδικό πρόγραμμα browser/φυλλομετρητής.
- Διεύθυνση: http://users.hellasnet.gr/vasillyk.
- URL είναι ο γενικός τρόπος διευθυνσιοδότησης κάθε πληροφορίας στο ιντερνέτ.
2) Ηλεκτρονικό ταχυδρομείο (offline μηνύματα):
- Διεύθυνση: userid@παροχέας. πχ vasillyk@hellasnet.gr
- mail group: ομάδες χρηστών που μοιράζονται γράμματα.
3) Συνομιλίες (chat) (online μηνύματα):
- με κείμενο, φωνή, βίντεο.
4) Μεταφορά αρχείων:
- με ειδικά προγράμματα.
5) Ειδησεογραφικές ομάδες (newsgroup)
- ανάλογα με τα email αλλά έχουν άλλο πρωτόκολλο.
6) Telnet - πρόσβαση από απόσταση σε συστήματα πληροφορικής.
7) Μηχανές Αναζήτησης - Portals (Πύλες).
ΠΑΡΟΧΕΙΣ ΥΠΗΡΕΣΙΩΝ ΙΝΤΕΡΝΕΤ (ISP) είναι εταιρείες που έχουν νοικιάσει τηλεπικοινωνιακές γραμμές (backbones) που συνδέουν χώρες και παρέχουν τις υπηρεσίες του ιντερνέτ στους χρήστες.
ΚΟΜΒΟΙ είναι εξοπλισμός (γραμμές, δρομολογητές, μόντεμς, εξυπηρετητές) που έχουν οι παροχείς σε διάφορες πόλεις για σύνδεση των χρηστών. Απο τις τοποθεσίες αυτές εξαρτάται άν ο χρήστης έχει αστική ή υπεραστική σύνδεση.
ΕΞΥΠΗΡΕΤΗΤΕΣ/SERVERS είναι ειδικά κομπιούτερ που χρειάζονται για τις διάφορες υπηρεσίες.
ΠΡΩΤΟΚΟΛΛΑ ΕΠΙΚΟΙΝΩΝΙΑΣ είναι συμβάσεις/στάνταρντς που χρησιμοποιούνται για την επικοινωνία των πληροφοριών στο διαδίκτυο. Το πιό σημαντικό είναι το TCP/IP.
Αλλα είναι το http για το web, ftp για μεταφορά αρχείων, pop/smtp για mail, telnet για σύνδεση σε απομακρυσμένους υπολογιστές.
ΜΟΡΦΕΣ ΣΥΝΔΕΣΗΣ:
1) ΑΠΛΗ (dialup) η πιό φτηνή.
2) MONIMH (leased line) εταιρίες.
3) ISDN πιό γρήγορη, άρχισε να γίνεται προσιτή.
4) Δημόσια Δίκτυα μεταγωγής Πακέτων (HellasPac) που υποστηρίζει και ιντερνέτ.
ΕΝΝΟΙΕΣ:
1) ιστοσελίδα/web-page,
2) HTML,
3) αρχική κωδικοποίηση,
4) κωδικοποίηση παραγράφων,
5) κωδικοποίηση τίτλων,
6) κωδικοποίηση έντονων/πλάγιων γραμμάτων,
7) κωδικοποίηση εικόνων,
8) κωδικοποίηση συνδέσμων,
9) άλλες τεχνικές,
ΙΣΤΟΣΕΛΙΔΑ/WEB-PAGE είναι αρχείο γραμμένα σε HTML που περιέχει πληροφορίες που βλέπουμε στο www.
HTML είναι μία γλώσσα προγραμματισμού που μαρκάρει/κωδικοποιεί το πώς θα εμφανιστεί ένα κείμενο στο web. ΔΕΝ είναι γλώσσα που κωδικοποιεί ενέργειες όπως είναι οι κλασσικές γλώσσες προγραμματισμού που φτιάχνουν προγράμματα, που αποτελούνται από εντολές που κάνουν διάφορες ενέργειες.
ΚΩΔΙΚΟΠΟΙΗΣΗ ΑΡΧΙΚΗ:
<HTML>
<HEAD>
<TITLE>Γυμνάσιο Βασιλικής</TITLE>
</HEAD>
<BODY>
</BODY>
</HTML>
ΚΩΔΙΚΟΠΟΙΗΣΗ ΠΑΡΑΓΡΑΦΩΝ:
<P> .... </P>
ΚΩΔΙΚΟΠΟΙΗΣΗ ΤΙΤΛΩΝ:
<H1> ... </H1>
<H2> .... </H2>
ΚΩΔΙΚΟΠΟΙΗΣΗ ΕΝΤΟΝΩΝ/ΠΛΑΓΙΩΝ ΓΡΑΜΜΑΤΩΝ:
<B> ....</B>
<I> ... </I>
ΚΩΔΙΚΟΠΟΙΗΣΗ ΕΙΚΟΝΩΝ:
<IMG SRC="http://users.hellasnet.gr/vasillyk/images/school.jpg">
Εμφανίζει στη θέση που βρίσκεται αυτός ο κώδικας την εικόνα που δείχνει το URL.
ΚΩΔΙΚΟΠΟΙΗΣΗ ΣΥΝΔΕΣΜΩΝ:
<A HREF="http://users.hellasnet.gr/vasillyk/school.html">Γυμνάσιο Βασιλικής</A>
ΑΛΛΕΣ ΤΕΧΝΙΚΕΣ εισαγωγής πληροφοριών είναι:
1) Οι πίνακες: Εχουν μεγάλη χρήση στην κατασκευή ιστοσελίδων.
2) Τα πλαίσια/frames: Αυτά χωρίζουν την οθόνη σε κομμάτια.
3) Οι φόρμες: Βοηθούν στην αμφίδρομη επικοινωνία.
4) Image Maps: Είναι εικόνες με συνδέσμους.
κλπ.
Το σύνολο των τεχνικών είναι μεγάλο, αλλά οι απλοί χρήστες μπορούν να κατασκευάσουν ιστοσελίδες ΧΩΡΙΣ ΝΑ ΓΝΩΡΙΖΟΥΝ ΝΑ ΓΡΑΦΟΥΝ ΚΩΔΙΚΑ, με τη βοήθεια ειδικών προγραμμάτων όπως το Front Page της Microsoft και ο Composer της Netscape.
name::
* McsElln.ΤΕΣΤ Α' ΤΕΤΡΑΜΗΝΟΥ (β' λυκείου),
(Μέσα σε παρένθεση είναι η μονάδες κάθε θέματος)
1)(5) Γράψτε ονομαστικά τις 7 υπηρεσίες που παρέχει το Ιντερνέτ.
2)(4) Απαντήστε με σωστό/λάθος στις παρακάτω ερωτήσεις:
α) Το ιντερνέτ είναι ένα δίκτυο με κομπιούτερ.
______ ναι ______όχι
β) Ο web είναι η υπηρεσία μεταφοράς αρχείων.
______ ναι ______όχι
γ) Η vasillyk@hellasnet.gr είναι διεύθυνση του παγκόσμιου ιστού.
______ ναι ______όχι
δ) Πρωτόκολλα είναι τα στάρντατς που χρησιμοποιούνται για την επικοινωνία στο διαδίκτυο.
______ ναι ______όχι
3)(2) Τί είναι οι παροχείς υπηρεσιών ιντερνέτ (ISP);
4)(3) Συνδέστε τους κωδικούς με τις ενέργειες:
κωδικοί:
α) <H1> ...</H1>
β) <A HREF="http://.../school.html"> ... </A>
γ) <IMG SRC="http://.../school.jpg">
ενέργειες:
1) εισαγωγή εικόνας στο κείμενο.
2) τίτλος κειμένου.
3) σύνδεσμος.
4) οριοθέτηση παραγράφου.
name::
* McsElln.ΜθμΛ3.ΑΝΑΠΤΥΞΗ-ΕΦΑΡΜΟΓΩΝ-ΣΕ-ΠΡΟΓΡΑΜΜΑΤΙΣΤΙΚΟ-ΠΕΡΙΒΑΛΛΟΝ,
* McsElln.μλ16.ανάπτυξη-εφαρμογών,
* McsElln.μλ.ανάπτυξη-εφαρμογών,
* McsElln.μλ.ΑΕΠΠ,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* pdf: http://ebooks.edu.gr/ebooks/v/pdf/8547/2560/22-0203-02_Anaptyxi-Efarmogon-se-Programmatistiko-Perivallon_G-Lykeiou-SpOikPlir_Vivlio-Mathiti/
* pdf: http://ebooks.edu.gr/ebooks/v/pdf/8547/5295/22-0260-01_Pliroforiki_G-Lykeiou-SpOikPlir_Sympliromatiko-Ekpaideutiko-Yliko/
* http://ebooks.edu.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL-C101/36/198,1069//
ΟΡΙΣΜΟΣ:
Είναι υποχρεωτικό μάθημα στη Γ' τάξη του Ενιαίου Λυκείου, Τεχνολογικής Κατεύθυνσης, κλάδου Πληροφορικής και Υπηρεσιών.
ΝΟΜΟΘΕΣΙΑ:
** Γ2/4243/22-9-99 (Διευκρινίσεις)
** Γ2/2768/19-5-99 (ΠΣ ΕΛ, ΦΕΚ 1540 τβ 29ιουλ1999, ήρθε με Γ2/2768/19-8-99)
** Γ2/1083/5-3-99 (ΠΣ μαθήματος, ΦΕΚ 345 τβ 13απρ1999, ήρθε με Γ2/2713/18-5-99)
ΔΙΔΑΚΤΙΚΕΣ ΩΡΕΣ (50):
1. Ανάλυση προβλήματος (5)
2. Σχεδίαση αλγορίθμων (20)
3. Υλοποίηση σε προγραμματιστικό περιβάλλον (20)
4. Αξιολόγηση - Τεκμηρίωση (5)
[Γ2/1083]
1. Ανάλυση προβλήματος (3)
2. Σχεδίαση αλγορίθμων (21)
3. Υλοποίηση σε προγραμματιστικό περιβάλλον (22)
4. Αξιολόγηση - Τεκμηρίωση (4)
[Βιβλίο καθηγητή]
ΣΚΟΠΟΣ ΤΟΥ ΜΑΘΗΜΑΤΟΣ:
Γενικός σκοπός του μαθήματος είναι οι μαθητές:
- να αναπτύξουν ΑΝΑΛΥΤΙΚΗ και ΣΥΝΘΕΤΙΚΗ σκέψη
- να αποκτήσουν ικανότητες ΜΕΘΟΔΟΛΟΓΙΚΟΥ χαρακτήρα
- να μπορούν να επιλύουν απλά προβλήματα σε ΠΡΟΓΡΑΜΜΑΤΙΣΤΙΚΟ ΠΕΡΙΒΑΛΛΟΝ.
Ο σκοπός ΔΕΝ είναι η εκμάθηση μιας γλώσσας προγραμματισμού.
ΈΜΦΑΣΗ δίνεται στις ενότητες 'ανάλυση προβλήματος' και 'σχεδίαση αλγορίθμου' ώστε οι μαθητές
- να αναπτύξουν δεξιότητες αλγοριθμικής προσέγγισης, αναλυτικό πνεύμα, αυστηρότητα στην έκφραση
- να μπορούν να διακρίνουν ΠΟΙΑ προβλήματα αντιμετωπίζονται σε προγραμματιστικό περιβάλλον.
[Γ2/1083/5-3-99]
name::
* McsElln.αεσππ'ΕΞΕΤΑΣΤΕΑ-ΥΛΗ,
2014-2015:
* http://www.alfavita.gr/sites/default/files/attachments/exetastea_ili_didktea_gel_201415.pdf,
ΑΝΑΠΤΥΞΗ ΕΦΑΡΜΟΓΩΝ ΣΕ ΠΡΟΓΡΑΜΜΑΤΙΣΤΙΚΟ
ΠΕΡΙΒΑΛΛΟΝ
Από το βιβλίο «Ανάπτυξη Εφαρμογών σε Προγραμματιστικό Περιβάλλον» της Γ΄ τάξης Γενικού Λυκείου Τεχνολογικής Κατεύθυνσης των Α. Βακάλη, Η. Γιαννόπουλου, Ν. Ιωαννίδη, Χ. Κοίλια, Κ. Μάλαμα, Ι. Μανωλόπουλου, Π. Πολίτη, έκδοση 2014.
1. Ανάλυση προβλήματος
1.1 Η έννοια πρόβλημα.
1.2 Κατανόηση προβλήματος.
1.3 Δομή προβλήματος.
1.4 Καθορισμός απαιτήσεων.
1.5 Κατηγορίες προβλημάτων.
1.6 Πρόβλημα και υπολογιστής.
2. Βασικές Έννοιες Αλγορίθμων
2.1 Τι είναι αλγόριθμος.
2.3 Περιγραφή και αναπαράσταση αλγορίθμων.
2.4 Βασικές συνιστώσες/ εντολές ενός αλγορίθμου.
2.4.1 Δομή ακολουθίας.
2.4.2 Δομή Επιλογής.
2.4.3 Διαδικασίες πολλαπλών επιλογών (αφαιρείται η τελευταία πρόταση της σελ. 36 «Αν οι διαφορετικές επιλογές ... στο παράδειγμα που ακολουθεί.», που αναφέρεται στην πολλαπλή επιλογή, καθώς και το Παράδειγμα 5. Επιλογή ορίων, σελ. 37).
2.4.4 Εμφωλευμένες Διαδικασίες.
2.4.5 Δομή Επανάληψης.
3. Δομές Δεδομένων και Αλγόριθμοι
3.1 Δεδομένα
3.2 Αλγόριθμοι + Δομές Δεδομένων =Προγράμματα
3.3 Πίνακες
3.4 Στοίβα
3.5 Ουρά
3.6 Αναζήτηση
3.7 Ταξινόμηση
6. Εισαγωγή στον προγραμματισμό
6.1 Η έννοια του προγράμματος.
6.2 Ιστορική αναδρομή.
6.2.1 Γλώσσες μηχανής.
6.2.2 Συμβολικές γλώσσες ή γλώσσες χαμηλού επι?
πέδου.
6.2.3 Γλώσσες υψηλού επιπέδου.
6.2.4 Γλώσσες 4ης γενιάς.
6.3 Φυσικές και τεχνητές γλώσσες.
6.4 Τεχνικές σχεδίασης προγραμμάτων.
6.4.1 Ιεραρχική σχεδίαση προγράμματος.
6.4.2 Τμηματικός προγραμματισμός.
6.4.3 Δομημένος προγραμματισμός.
6.7 Προγραμματιστικά περιβάλλοντα.
7. Βασικά στοιχεία προγραμματισμού.
7.1 Το αλφάβητο της ΓΛΩΣΣΑΣ.
7.2 Τύποι δεδομένων.
7.3 Σταθερές.
7.4 Μεταβλητές.
7.5 Αριθμητικοί τελεστές.
7.6 Συναρτήσεις.
7.7 Αριθμητικές εκφράσεις.
7.8 Εντολή εκχώρησης.
7.9 Εντολές εισόδου?εξόδου.
7.10 Δομή προγράμματος.
8. Επιλογή και επανάληψη
8.1 Εντολές Επιλογής
8.1.1 Εντολή ΑΝ
8.2 Εντολές επανάληψης
8.2.1 Εντολή ΟΣΟ...ΕΠΑΝΑΛΑΒΕ
8.2.2 Εντολή ΜΕΧΡΙΣ_ΟΤΟΥ
8.2.3 Εντολή ΓΙΑ...ΑΠΟ...ΜΕΧΡΙ
9. Πίνακες
9.1 Μονοδιάστατοι πίνακες.
9.2 Πότε πρέπει να χρησιμοποιούνται πίνακες.
9.3 Πολυδιάστατοι πίνακες.
9.4 Τυπικές επεξεργασίες πινάκων.
10. Υποπρογράμματα
10.1 Τμηματικός προγραμματισμός.
10.2 Χαρακτηριστικά των υποπρογραμμάτων.
10.3 Πλεονεκτήματα του τμηματικού προγραμματι?
σμού.
10.4 Παράμετροι.
10.5 Διαδικασίες και συναρτήσεις.
10.5.1 Ορισμός και κλήση συναρτήσεων.
10.5.2 Ορισμός και κλήση διαδικασιών.
10.5.3 Πραγματικές και τυπικές παράμετροι.
Οι ενότητες 3.4 και 3.5 εξετάζονται μόνο ως θεωρία.
Σημείωση
Οι μαθητές θα μπορούν να διατυπώνουν τις λύσεις των ασκήσεων των εξετάσεων είτε σε οποιαδήποτε μορφή παράστασης αλγορίθμου είτε σε «ΓΛΩΣΣΑ», όπως αυτή ορίζεται και χρησιμοποιείται στο διδακτικό εγχειρίδιο. Ασκήσεις ή παραδείγματα του βιβλίου μαθητή ή του τετραδίου μαθητή που χρησιμοποιούν την ΕΠΙΛΕΞΕ, η οποία έχει εξαιρεθεί, θα αντιμετωπίζονται με τη χρήση άλλης δομής επιλογής.
ΕΞΕΤΑΣΤΕΑ-ΔΙΔΑΚΤΕΑ 2001-2002:
Από το βιβλίο "Ανάπτυξη Εφαρμογών σε Προγραμματιστικό Περιβάλλον" των Α. Βακάλη, Η. Γιαννόπουλου, Ν. Ιωαννίδη, Χ. Κοίλια, Κ. Μάλαμα, Ι. Μανωλόπουλου, Π. Πολίτη, έκδοση Παιδαγωγικού Ινστιτούτου, 1999.
1. Ανάλυση προβλήματος
1.1 Η έννοια πρόβλημα
1.2 Κατανόηση προβλήματος
1.3 Δομή προβλήματος
1.4 Καθορισμός απαιτήσεων
1.5 Κατηγορίες προβλημάτων
1.6 Πρόβλημα και υπολογιστής
2. Βασικές Έννοιες Αλγορίθμων
2.1 Τι είναι αλγόριθμος
2.2 Σπουδαιότητα αλγορίθμων
2.3 Περιγραφή και αναπαράσταση αλγορίθμων
2.4 Βασικές συνιστώσες/εντολές ενός αλγορίθμου
2.4.1 Δομή ακολουθίας
2.4.2 Δομή επιλογής
2.4.3 Διαδικασίες πολλαπλών επιλογών
2.4.4 Εμφωλευμένες Διαδικασίες
2.4.5 Δομή επανάληψης
3. Δομές Δεδομένων και Αλγόριθμοι
3.1 Δεδομένα
3.2 Αλγόριθμοι+Δομές Δεδομένων =Προγράμματα
3.3 Πίνακες
3.4 Στοίβα
3.5 Ουρά
3.6 Αναζήτηση
3.7 Ταξινόμηση
4. Τεχνικές Σχεδίασης Αλγορίθμων
4.1 Ανάλυση προβλημάτων
4.2 Μέθοδοι σχεδίασης αλγορίθμων
6. Εισαγωγή στον προγραμματισμό
6.1 Η έννοια του προγράμματος
6.2 Ιστορική αναδρομή
6.2.1 Γλώσσες Μηχανής
6.2.2 Συμβολικές γλώσσες ή γλώσσες χαμηλού επιπέδου
6.2.3 Γλώσσες υψηλού επιπέδου
6.2.4 Γλώσσες 4ης γενιάς
6.3 Φυσικές και τεχνητές γλώσσες
6.4 Τεχνικές σχεδίασης προγραμμάτων
6.4.1 Ιεραρχική σχεδίαση προγράμματος
6.4.2 Τμηματικός προγραμματισμός
6.4.3 Δομημένος προγραμματισμός
6.5 Αντικειμενοστραφής προγραμματισμός
6.6 Παράλληλος προγραμματισμός
6.7 Προγραμματιστικά περιβάλλοντα
7. Βασικά στοιχεία προγραμματισμού
7.1 Το αλφάβητο της ΓΛΩΣΣΑΣ
7.2 Τύποι Δεδομένων
7.3 Σταθερές
7.4 Μεταβλητές
7.5 Αριθμητικοί τελεστές
7.6 Συναρτήσεις
7.7 Αριθμητικές εκφράσεις
7.8 Εντολή εκχώρησης
7.9 Εντολές εισόδου-εξόδου
7.10 Δομή προγράμματος
8. Επιλογή και επανάληψη
8.1 Εντολές επιλογής
8.1.1 Εντολή ΑΝ
8.1.2 Εντολή ΕΠΙΛΕΞΕ
8.2 Εντολές επανάληψης
8.2.1 Εντολή ΟΣΟ...ΕΠΑΝΑΛΑΒΕ
8.2.2 Εντολή ΜΕΧΡΙΣ_ΟΤΟΥ
8.2.3 Εντολή ΓΙΑ...ΑΠΟ...ΜΕΧΡΙ
9. Πίνακες
9.1 Μονοδιάστατοι πίνακες
9.2 Πότε πρέπει να χρησιμοποιούνται πίνακες
9.3 Πολυδιάστατοι πίνακες
9.4 Τυπικές επεξεργασίες πινάκων
13. Εκσφαλμάτωση προγράμματος
13.1 Κατηγορίες λαθών
13.2 Εκσφαλμάτωση
14. Αξιολόγηση - Τεκμηρίωση
14.3 Κύκλος ζωής λογισμικού
Οι ενότητες 3.4, 3.5 εξετάζονται μόνο ως θεωρία.
ΣΗΜΕΙΩΣΗ: Σύμφωνα με το Πρόγραμμα Σπουδών σκοπός του μαθήματος είναι η αλγοριθμική προσέγγιση στη διαδικασία επίλυσης προβλημάτων και όχι η εκμάθηση μιας γλώσσας προγραμματισμού. Οι μαθητές θα μπορούν να διατυπώνουν τις λύσεις των ασκήσεων των εξετάσεων είτε σε οποιαδήποτε μορφή παράστασης αλγορίθμου είτε σε "ΓΛΩΣΣΑ" είτε σε Pascal είτε σε Basic είτε σε Turbo Pascal είτε σε Quick Basic. Επισημαίνουμε ότι το συντακτικό και το λεξιλόγιο οποιασδήποτε γλώσσας δεν αποτελούν αντικείμενο της εξεταστέας ύλης.
ΕΞΕΤΑΣΤΕΑ-ΔΙΔΑΚΤΕΑ 2000-2001:
Η εξεταστέα- διδακτέα ύλη ορίζεται με βάση το Πρόγραμμα Σπουδών του μαθήματος "Ανάπτυξη Εφαρμογών σε Προγραμματιστικό Περιβάλλον". Για όλες τις ενότητες που προτείνονται στην εξεταστέα - διδακτέα ύλη υπάρχει αναφορά στα νέα σχολικά βιβλία:
1. "Ανάπτυξη Εφαρμογών σε Προγραμματιστικό Περιβάλλον" των Α.Βακάλη, Η. Γιαννόπουλου, Ν. Ιωαννίδη, Χ.Κοίλια, Κ. Μάλαμα, Ι. Μανωλόπουλου, Π. Πολίτη, έκδοση του Παιδαγωγικού Ινστιτούτου, 1999 και
2. "Ανάπτυξη Εφαρμογών σε Προγραμματιστικό Περιβάλλον" των Ν.Αντωνάκου, Ι.Βογιατζή, Ι. Κατωπόδη, Κ.Πατριαρχέα, έκδοση του Παιδαγωγικού Ινστιτούτου, 1999.
Ενότητα 1 - Ανάλυση Προβλήματος
1. Η έννοια πρόβλημα - Κατανόηση προβλήματος - Κατηγορίες προβλημάτων
2. Δομή προβλήματος
3. Καθορισμός απαιτήσεων (Προσδιορισμός δεδομένων - Προσδιορισμός αποτελεσμάτων)
Ενότητα 2 - Σχεδίαση Αλγορίθμων
1. Αλγόριθμοι - Βασικές έννοιες
Ορισμός - Σπουδαιότητα αλγορίθμου -Πληρότητα αλγορίθμου - Περιγραφή και αναπαράσταση αλγορίθμων
2. Μεθοδολογίες σχεδιασμού αλγορίθμων
Μέθοδος "από επάνω προς τα κάτω"
3. Ανάπτυξη αλγορίθμων
Βασικές αλγοριθμικές δομές (ακολουθία, επιλογή, επανάληψη) - Εμφωλιασμένες δομές- Πίνακες - Αναζήτηση στοιχείων πίνακα με τη μέθοδο της σειριακής και της δυαδικής αναζήτησης - Ταξινόμηση στοιχείων με τη μέθοδο της φυσαλίδας
Ενότητα 3 - Υλοποίηση σε προγραμματιστικό περιβάλλον
1. Στοιχεία δομημένου προγραμματισμού
Γενικές αρχές δομημένου προγραμματισμού - Ιεραρχικός και τμηματικός προγραμματισμός - Τύποι δεδομένων - Σταθερές και μεταβλητές - Πράξεις και παραστάσεις - Εντολή εκχώρησης - Εντολές εισόδου και εξόδου - Δομή ακολουθίας - Δομή ελέγχου-επιλογής - Δομή επανάληψης - Αναδρομή - Πίνακες
2. Έλεγχος και εκσφαλμάτωση προγράμματος
Η έννοια της εκσφαλμάτωσης - Κατηγορίες λαθών
Ενότητα 4 - Αξιολόγηση - Τεκμηρίωση
Η έννοια της τεκμηρίωσης προγράμματος - Φάκελος τεκμηρίωσης προγράμματος.
ΣΗΜΕΙΩΣΗ
Σύμφωνα με το πρόγραμμα σπουδών σκοπός του μαθήματος είναι η αλγοριθμική προσέγγιση στη διαδικασία επίλυσης προβλημάτων και όχι η εκμάθηση μιας γλώσσας προγραμματισμού. Οι μαθητές θα μπορούν να διατυπώνουν τις λύσεις των ασκήσεων των εξετάσεων είτε σε οποιαδήποτε μορφή παράστασης αλγορίθμου είτε σε "ΓΛΩΣΣΑ" είτε σε Pascal είτε σε Basic είτε σε Turbo Pascal είτε σε Quick Basic.Επισημαίνουμε ότι το συντακτικό και το λεξιλόγιο οποιασδήποτε γλώσσας δεν αποτελούν αντικείμενο της εξεταστέας ύλης.
ΕΞΕΤΑΣΤΕΑ-ΔΙΔΑΚΤΕΑ 2000-2001:
Η εξεταστέα- διδακτέα ύλη ορίζεται με βάση το Πρόγραμμα Σπουδών του μαθήματος "Ανάπτυξη Εφαρμογών σε Προγραμματιστικό Περιβάλλον". Για όλες τις ενότητες που προτείνονται στην εξεταστέα - διδακτέα ύλη υπάρχει αναφορά στα νέα σχολικά βιβλία:
1. "Ανάπτυξη Εφαρμογών σε Προγραμματιστικό Περιβάλλον" των Α.Βακάλη, Η. Γιαννόπουλου, Ν. Ιωαννίδη, Χ.Κοίλια, Κ. Μάλαμα, Ι. Μανωλόπουλου, Π. Πολίτη, έκδοση του Παιδαγωγικού Ινστιτούτου, 1999 και
2. "Ανάπτυξη Εφαρμογών σε Προγραμματιστικό Περιβάλλον" των Ν.Αντωνάκου, Ι.Βογιατζή, Ι. Κατωπόδη, Κ.Πατριαρχέα, έκδοση του Παιδαγωγικού Ινστιτούτου, 1999.
Ενότητα 1 - Ανάλυση Προβλήματος
1. Η έννοια πρόβλημα - Κατανόηση προβλήματος - Κατηγορίες προβλημάτων
ΑΝΤΩΝΑΚΟΣ: κεφ1, ΒΑΚΑΛΗ: 1.1, 1.2, 1.5, 1.6
2. Δομή προβλήματος
ΑΝΤΩΝΑΚΟΣ: κεφ2, ΒΑΚΑΛΗ: 1.3
3. Καθορισμός απαιτήσεων (Προσδιορισμός δεδομένων - Προσδιορισμός αποτελεσμάτων)
ΑΝΤΩΝΑΚΟΣ: κεφ3, ΒΑΚΑΛΗ: 1.4
Ενότητα 2 - Σχεδίαση Αλγορίθμων
1. Αλγόριθμοι - Βασικές έννοιες
Ορισμός - Σπουδαιότητα αλγορίθμου -Πληρότητα αλγορίθμου - Περιγραφή και αναπαράσταση αλγορίθμων
ΑΝΤΩΝΑΚΟΣ: κεφ4, ΒΑΚΑΛΗ: 2.1, 2.2, 2.3
2. Μεθοδολογίες σχεδιασμού αλγορίθμων
Μέθοδος "από επάνω προς τα κάτω"
ΑΝΤΩΝΑΚΟΣ: κεφ6, ΒΑΚΑΛΗ: 4.1, 4.2, 4.3
3. Ανάπτυξη αλγορίθμων
Βασικές αλγοριθμικές δομές (ακολουθία, επιλογή, επανάληψη) - Εμφωλιασμένες δομές
ΑΝΤΩΝΑΚΟΣ: 5.1, 5.2, 5.3, 5.4, 5.5, 5.6, 5.7, ΒΑΚΑΛΗ: 2.4.1, 2.4.2, 2.4.3, 2.4.4, 2.4.5.
- Πίνακες - Αναζήτηση στοιχείων πίνακα με τη μέθοδο της σειριακής και της δυαδικής αναζήτησης - Ταξινόμηση στοιχείων με τη μέθοδο της φυσαλίδας
ΑΝΤΩΝΑΚΟΣ: 5.9 (σελ 96-103 και 5.9.2.2), ΒΑΚΑΛΗ: 3.3, 3.6, 3.7
Ενότητα 3 - Υλοποίηση σε προγραμματιστικό περιβάλλον
1. Στοιχεία δομημένου προγραμματισμού
Γενικές αρχές δομημένου προγραμματισμού - Ιεραρχικός και τμηματικός προγραμματισμός - Τύποι δεδομένων - Σταθερές και μεταβλητές - Πράξεις και παραστάσεις - Εντολή εκχώρησης - Εντολές εισόδου και εξόδου - Δομή ακολουθίας - Δομή ελέγχου-επιλογής - Δομή επανάληψης - Αναδρομή - Πίνακες
ΑΝΤΩΝΑΚΟΣ: 9.1, 9.2, 9.3, 9.4, 9.5, 9.6, 9.7, ΒΑΚΑΛΗ: 6.4, 7εισ, 7.1, 7.2, 7.3, 7.4, 7.5, 7.6, 7.7, 7.8, 7.9
2. Έλεγχος και εκσφαλμάτωση προγράμματος
Η έννοια της εκσφαλμάτωσης - Κατηγορίες λαθών
ΑΝΤΩΝΑΚΟΣ: κεφ12, ΒΑΚΑΛΗ: κεφ13
Ενότητα 4 - Αξιολόγηση - Τεκμηρίωση
Η έννοια της τεκμηρίωσης προγράμματος - Φάκελος τεκμηρίωσης προγράμματος.
ΑΝΤΩΝΑΚΟΣ: κεφ14, ΒΑΚΑΛΗ: κεφ14.2
ΣΗΜΕΙΩΣΗ
Σύμφωνα με το πρόγραμμα σπουδών σκοπός του μαθήματος είναι η αλγοριθμική προσέγγιση στη διαδικασία επίλυσης προβλημάτων και όχι η εκμάθηση μιας γλώσσας προγραμματισμού. Οι μαθητές θα μπορούν να διατυπώνουν τις λύσεις των ασκήσεων των εξετάσεων είτε σε οποιαδήποτε μορφή παράστασης αλγορίθμου είτε σε "ΓΛΩΣΣΑ" είτε σε Pascal είτε σε Basic είτε σε Turbo Pascal είτε σε Quick Basic.Επισημαίνουμε ότι το συντακτικό και το λεξιλόγιο οποιασδήποτε γλώσσας δεν αποτελούν αντικείμενο της εξεταστέας ύλης.
ΤΕΛΙΚΗ ΕΞΕΤΑΣΤΕΑ ΥΛΗ 1999-2000 Ανάπτυξη Εφαρμογών:
Η εξεταστέα ύλη ορίζεται με βάση το Πρόγραμμα Σπουδών του μαθήματος "Ανάπτυξη Εφαρμογών σε Προγραμματιστικό Περιβάλλον". Για όλες τις ενότητες που προτείνονται στην εξεταστέα ύλη υπάρχει αναφορά στα νέα σχολικά βιβλία:
1. "Ανάπτυξη Εφαρμογών σε Προγραμματιστικό Περιβάλλον" των Α.Βακάλη, Η. Γιαννόπουλου, Ν. Ιωαννίδη, Χ.Κοίλια, Κ. Μάλαμα, Ι. Μανωλόπουλου, Π. Πολίτη, έκδοση του Παιδαγωγικού Ινστιτούτου, 1999 και
2. "Ανάπτυξη Εφαρμογών σε Προγραμματιστικό Περιβάλλον" των Ν.Αντωνάκου, Ι.Βογιατζή, Ι. Κατωπόδη, Κ.Πατριαρχέα, έκδοση του Παιδαγωγικού Ινστιτούτου, 1999.
ΕΝΟΤΗΤΑ 1: ΑΝΑΛΥΣΗ ΠΡΟΒΛΗΜΑΤΟΣ
1) Η έννοια πρόβλημα - Κατηγορίες προβλημάτων
* ΑΝΤΩΝΑΚΟΣ: κεφ1
* ΒΑΚΑΛΗ: 1.1, 1.2, 1.5, 1.6
2) Δομή Προβλήματος
* ΑΝΤΩΝΑΚΟΣ: κεφ2
* ΒΑΚΑΛΗ: 1.3
3) Καθορισμός απαιτήσεων (δεδομένων - ζητουμένων)
* ΑΝΤΩΝΑΚΟΣ: κεφ3
* ΒΑΚΑΛΗ: 1.4
ΕΝΟΤΗΤΑ 2: ΣΧΕΔΙΑΣΗ ΑΛΓΟΡΙΘΜΩΝ
4) Τι είναι αλγόριθμος - Περιγραφή και αναπαράσταση αλγορίθμων
* ΑΝΤΩΝΑΚΟΣ: κεφ4
* ΒΑΚΑΛΗ: 2.1, 2.2, 2.3
5) Βασικές αλγοριθμικές δομές (ακολουθία, επιλογή, επανάληψη)
* ΑΝΤΩΝΑΚΟΣ: 5.2, 5.3, 5.4, 5.4, 5.6
* ΒΑΚΑΛΗ: 2.4
6) Πίνακες
* ΑΝΤΩΝΑΚΟΣ: 5.9 (σελ 96-100)
* ΒΑΚΑΛΗ: 3.3
7) Αναζήτηση στοιχείων πίνακα με τη μέθοδο της σειριακής και της δυαδικής αναζήτησης
* ΑΝΤΩΝΑΚΟΣ: 5.9.1
* ΒΑΚΑΛΗ: 3.6, (4.3 με αναδρομή)
8) Ταξινόμηση στοιχείων με τη μέθοδο της φυσαλίδας
* ΑΝΤΩΝΑΚΟΣ: 5.9.2.2
* ΒΑΚΑΛΗ: 3.7
Εξαιρούνται:
- Δομές δεδομένων (εγγραφές, στοίβα, λίστα, ουρές, δένδρα, γράφοι)
- Η αναδρομή
- Δυναμικός Προγραμματισμός
- Άπληστη μέθοδος
- Πολυπλοκότητα αλγορίθμων
- Παράλληλοι αλγόριθμοι
- Πολυωνυμικοί αλγόριθμοι
- Προσεγγιστικοί αλγόριθμοι
- Ευριστικοί αλγόριθμοι
- Δυσχείριστα προβλήματα.
- Μεθοδολογίες σχεδίασης αλγορίθμων και τεχνικές προγραμματισμού
- έλεγχος αλγορίθμων και ανάλυση
ΕΝΟΤΗΤΑ 3: ΥΛΟΠΟΙΗΣΗ ΣΕ ΠΡΟΓΡ. ΠΕΡΙΒΑΛΛΟΝ
9) Στοιχεία δομημένου προγραμματισμού:
α) γενικές αρχές,
ΑΝΤΩΝΑΚΟΣ: 8.1, 8.2, 8.4, 8.5, 8.6
ΒΑΚΑΛΗ: 6.1, (6.2 σελ 128&129), 6.3, 6.4, 6.5, 6.6, 6.7
β) τύποι δεδομένων, σταθερές και μεταβλητές,
ΑΝΤΩΝΑΚΟΣ: 9.5, 9.6,
ΒΑΚΑΛΗ: 7εισ, 7.1, 7.2, 7.3, 7.4,
γ) εντολές εισόδου και εξόδου,
ΑΝΤΩΝΑΚΟΣ: 9.7, 9.7.1, 9.7.2, 9.7.3,
ΒΑΚΑΛΗ: 7.5, 7.6, 7.7, 7.8, 7.9
δ) δομή ακολουθίας, ελέγχου-επιλογής, επανάληψης,
ΑΝΤΩΝΑΚΟΣ: 9.7.4,
ΒΑΚΑΛΗ: κεφ8
ε) πίνακες,
ΑΝΤΩΝΑΚΟΣ: --
ΒΑΚΑΛΗ: κεφ9
Εξαιρούνται:
- Είδη προγραμματισμού και προγραμματιστικά περιβάλλοντα
- Ιστορική αναδρομή στις γλώσσες προγραμματισμού
- Η αναδρομή
- Σύγχρονα προγραμματιστικά περιβάλλοντα
- Σχεδίαση και υλοποίηση περιβάλλοντος διεπαφής.
- Διαδικασίες - Συναρτήσεις
- Έλεγχος και εκσφαλμάτωση προγράμματος (κατηγορίες λαθών).
ΣΗΜΕΙΩΣΗ:
Σύμφωνα με το πρόγραμμα σπουδών σκοπός του μαθήματος είναι η αλγοριθμική προσέγγιση στη διαδικασία επίλυσης προβλημάτων και όχι η εκμάθηση μιας γλώσσας προγραμματισμού. Οι μαθητές θα μπορούν να διατυπώνουν τις λύσεις των ασκήσεων των εξετάσεων είτε σε οποιαδήποτε μορφή παράστασης αλγορίθμου είτε σε "ΓΛΩΣΣΑ" είτε σε Pascal είτε σε Basic είτε σε Turbo Pascal είτε σε Quick Basic. Επισημαίνουμε ότι το συντακτικό και το λεξιλόγιο οποιασδήποτε γλώσσας δεν αποτελούν αντικείμενο της εξεταστέας ύλης.
ΑΝΑΠΤΥΞΗ ΕΦΑΡΜΟΓΩΝ ΣΕ ΠΠ - ΕΞΕΤΑΣΤΕΑ ΥΛΗ 1999-2000:
Η εξεταστέα ύλη ορίζεται με βάση το Πρόγραμμα Σπουδών του μαθήματος "Ανάπτυξη Εφαρμογών σε Προγραμματιστικό Περιβάλλον". Για όλες τις ενότητες που προτείνονται στην εξεταστέα ύλη υπάρχει αναφορά στα νέα σχολικά βιβλία:
1. "Ανάπτυξη Εφαρμογών σε Προγραμματιστικό Περιβάλλον" των Α.Βακάλη, Η. Γιαννόπουλου, Ν. Ιωαννίδη, Χ.Κοίλια, Κ. Μάλαμα, Ι. Μανωλόπουλου, Π. Πολίτη, έκδοση του Παιδαγωγικού Ινστιτούτου, 1999 και
2. "Ανάπτυξη Εφαρμογών σε Προγραμματιστικό Περιβάλλον" των Ν.Αντωνάκου, Ι.Βογιατζή, Ι. Κατωπόδη, Κ.Πατριαρχέα, έκδοση του Παιδαγωγικού Ινστιτούτου, 1999.
ΕΝΟΤΗΤΑ 1: ΑΝΑΛΥΣΗ ΠΡΟΒΛΗΜΑΤΟΣ
1) Η έννοια πρόβλημα - Κατηγορίες προβλημάτων
* ΑΝΤΩΝΑΚΟΣ: κεφ1
* ΒΑΚΑΛΗ: 1.1, 1.2, 1.5, 1.6
2) Δομή Προβλήματος
* ΑΝΤΩΝΑΚΟΣ: κεφ2
* ΒΑΚΑΛΗ: 1.3
3) Καθορισμός απαιτήσεων (δεδομένων - ζητουμένων)
* ΑΝΤΩΝΑΚΟΣ: κεφ3
* ΒΑΚΑΛΗ: 1.4
ΕΝΟΤΗΤΑ 2: ΣΧΕΔΙΑΣΗ ΑΛΓΟΡΙΘΜΩΝ
4) Τι είναι αλγόριθμος - Περιγραφή και αναπαράσταση αλγορίθμων
* ΑΝΤΩΝΑΚΟΣ: κεφ4
* ΒΑΚΑΛΗ: 2.1, 2.2, 2.3
5) Βασικές αλγοριθμικές δομές (ακολουθία, επιλογή, επανάληψη)
* ΑΝΤΩΝΑΚΟΣ: 5.2, 5.3, 5.4, 5.4, 5.6
* ΒΑΚΑΛΗ: 2.4
6) Δομές δεδομένων (απλή αναφορά, χρησιμότητα)
* ΑΝΤΩΝΑΚΟΣ: 5.10
* ΒΑΚΑΛΗ: 3.1, 3.2, 3.4, 3.5, 3.9
7) Πίνακες
* ΑΝΤΩΝΑΚΟΣ: 5.9 (σελ 96-100)
* ΒΑΚΑΛΗ: 3.3
8) Αναζήτηση στοιχείων πίνακα με τη μέθοδο της σειριακής και της δυαδικής αναζήτησης
* ΑΝΤΩΝΑΚΟΣ: 5.9.1
* ΒΑΚΑΛΗ: 3.6, (4.3 με αναδρομή)
9) Ταξινόμηση στοιχείων με τη μέθοδο της φυσαλίδας
* ΑΝΤΩΝΑΚΟΣ: 5.9.2.2
* ΒΑΚΑΛΗ: 3.7
10) Μεθοδολογίες σχεδίασης αλγορίθμων και τεχνικές προγραμματισμού
* ΑΝΤΩΝΑΚΟΣ: κεφ6
* ΒΑΚΑΛΗ: 4.1, 4.2, 4.3 καλύτερα να μή διαβαστεί καθόλου γιατί θα τα μπερδέψει.
11) Έλεγχος αλγορίθμων και ανάλυση (επίδοση και ορθότητα αλγορίθμων).
* ΑΝΤΩΝΑΚΟΣ: 7.1, 7.2, 7.3 και 7.3.1.
* ΒΑΚΑΛΗ: 5.1, 5.2
Εξαιρούνται:
- Η αναδρομή
- Δυναμικός Προγραμματισμός
- Άπληστη μέθοδος
- Πολυπλοκότητα αλγορίθμων
- Παράλληλοι αλγόριθμοι
- Πολυωνυμικοί αλγόριθμοι
- Προσεγγιστικοί αλγόριθμοι
- Ευριστικοί αλγόριθμοι
- Δυσχείριστα προβλήματα.
ΕΝΟΤΗΤΑ 3: ΥΛΟΠΟΙΗΣΕ ΣΕ ΠΡΟΓΡ. ΠΕΡΙΒΑΛΛΟΝ
12) Είδη προγραμματισμού (απλή αναφορά) και προγραμματιστικά περιβάλλοντα
ΑΝΤΩΝΑΚΟΣ: 8.1, 8.2, 8.4, 8.5, 8.6
ΒΑΚΑΛΗ: 6.1, (6.2 σελ 128&129), 6.3, 6.4, 6.5, 6.6, 6.7
13) Στοιχεία δομημένου προγραμματισμού:
α) γενικές αρχές,
ΑΝΤΩΝΑΚΟΣ: 8.1, 8.2, 8.4, 8.5, 8.6
ΒΑΚΑΛΗ: 6.1, (6.2 σελ 128&129), 6.3, 6.4, 6.5, 6.6, 6.7
β) τύποι δεδομένων, σταθερές και μεταβλητές,
ΑΝΤΩΝΑΚΟΣ: 9.5, 9.6,
ΒΑΚΑΛΗ: 7εισ, 7.1, 7.2, 7.3, 7.4,
γ) εντολές εισόδου και εξόδου,
ΑΝΤΩΝΑΚΟΣ: 9.7, 9.7.1, 9.7.2, 9.7.3,
ΒΑΚΑΛΗ: 7.5, 7.6, 7.7, 7.8, 7.9
δ) δομή ακολουθίας, ελέγχου-επιλογής, επανάληψης,
ΑΝΤΩΝΑΚΟΣ: 9.7.4,
ΒΑΚΑΛΗ: κεφ8
ε) πίνακες,
ΑΝΤΩΝΑΚΟΣ: --
ΒΑΚΑΛΗ: κεφ9
ζ) διαδικασίες,
ΑΝΤΩΝΑΚΟΣ: 9.8, 9.8.1Α, 9.8.3
ΒΑΚΑΛΗ: 10.4, 10.5 μιά ματιά 10.1, 10.2, 10.3
η) συναρτήσεις:
ΑΝΤΩΝΑΚΟΣ: 9.8.1Β, 9.8.2
ΒΑΚΑΛΗ: 10.5.1, 10.6
14) Έλεγχος και εκσφαλμάτωση προγράμματος (κατηγορίες λαθών).
* ΑΝΤΩΝΑΚΟΣ: κεφ12
* ΒΑΚΑΛΗ: κεφ13
Εξαιρούνται:
- Ιστορική αναδρομή στις γλώσσες προγραμματισμού
- Η αναδρομή
- Σύγχρονα προγραμματιστικά περιβάλλοντα
- Σχεδίαση και υλοποίηση περιβάλλοντος διεπαφής.
ΕΝΟΤΗΤΑ 4: ΑΞΙΟΛΟΓΗΣΗ-ΤΕΚΜΗΡΙΩΣΗ
15) Κύκλος ζωής λογισμικού
* ΑΝΤΩΝΑΚΟΣ: κεφ15
* ΒΑΚΑΛΗ: 14.3
ΣΗΜΕΙΩΣΗ:
Σύμφωνα με το πρόγραμμα σπουδών σκοπός του μαθήματος είναι η αλγοριθμική προσέγγιση στη διαδικασία επίλυσης προβλημάτων και όχι η εκμάθηση μιας γλώσσας προγραμματισμού. Οι μαθητές θα μπορούν να διατυπώνουν τις λύσεις των ασκήσεων των εξετάσεων είτε σε οποιαδήποτε μορφή παράστασης αλγορίθμου είτε σε "ΓΛΩΣΣΑ" είτε σε Pascal είτε σε Basic είτε σε Turbo Pascal είτε σε Quick Basic. Επισημαίνουμε ότι το συντακτικό και το λεξιλόγιο οποιασδήποτε γλώσσας δεν αποτελούν αντικείμενο της εξεταστέας ύλης.
Να διατηρηθεί μέχρι ................
ΕΛΛΗΝΙΚΗ ΔΗΜΟΚΡΑΤΙΑ
ΔΙΑ ΒΙΟΥ ΜΑΘΗΣΗΣ ΚΑΙ ΘΡΗΣΚΕΥΜΑΤΩΝ
Βαθμός Ασφαλείας ...................
Μαρούσι 14-04-2011
Αριθ. Πρωτ. 46285/Γ2
Βαθ. Προτερ. …………………..
ΕΝΙΑΙΟΣ ΔΙΟΙΚΗΤΙΚΟΣ ΤΟΜΕΑΣ
Π/ΘΜΙΑΣ ΚΑΙ Δ/ΘΜΙΑΣ ΕΚΠ/ΣΗΣ
Δ/ΝΣΗ ΣΠΟΥΔΩΝ Δ/ΘΜΙΑΣ ΕΚΠ/ΣΗΣ
• Διευθύνσεις και Γραφεία Δ/θμιας Εκπ/
σης
• Γραφεία Σχολικών Συμβούλων
• Ημερήσια και Εσπερινά Γενικά Λύκεια
(μέσω των Δ/νσεων και Γραφείων Δ/
θμιας Εκπ/σης) ΠΡΟΣ :
Ταχ. Δ/νση: Ανδρέα Παπανδρέου 37
ΚΟΙΝ.:
• Περιφερειακές Δ/νσεις Εκπ/
σης
• Παιδαγωγικό Ινστιτούτο
ΘΕΜΑ: Οδηγία για το μάθημα «Ανάπτυξη Εφαρμογών σε Προγραμματιστικό
Περιβάλλον» της Γ΄ τάξης Γενικού Λυκείου και Δ΄ τάξης Εσπερινού Γενικού Λυκείου για
Μετά από σχετική εισήγηση του Τμήματος Δευτεροβάθμιας Γενικής Εκπαίδευσης του
Παιδαγωγικού Ινστιτούτου (Πράξη 6/2011), σας αποστέλλουμε την παρακάτω οδηγία για το
πανελλαδικά εξεταζόμενο μάθημα «Ανάπτυξη Εφαρμογών σε Προγραμματιστικό Περιβάλλον»
της Γ΄ τάξης Γενικού Λυκείου και Δ΄ τάξης Εσπερινού Γενικού Λυκείου για το σχολικό έτος 2010-
«1.- Η χρήση λογικών τελεστών εισάγεται στο κεφάλαιο 8 «Επιλογή και Επανάληψη»
του βιβλίου μαθητή προκειμένου να αξιοποιηθούν στη σύνταξη των δομών επιλογής και
επανάληψης. Στους δε διδακτικούς στόχους του εν λόγω κεφαλαίου αναφέρεται ότι ο μαθητής
είναι σε θέση «Να σχηματίζει λογικές εκφράσεις, απλές και σύνθετες».
2. -Στη σελίδα 166 του βιβλίου μαθητή αναφέρεται η χρήσιμη πληροφορία: «Όταν αριθμητικοί
και συγκριτικοί τελεστές συνδυάζονται σε μια έκφραση, οι αριθμητικές πράξεις εκτελούνται
πρώτες. Ακόμη, οι λογικοί τελεστές έχουν χαμηλότερη ιεραρχία από τους συγκριτικούς».
3.- Στη σελίδα 77 (8.3 Συμβουλές – υποδείξεις) του τετραδίου μαθητή αναφέρεται:
«Όταν χρησιμοποιείς σύνθετες λογικές εκφράσεις, να προσέχεις την ιεραρχία των τελεστών.
Είναι καλύτερο να χρησιμοποιείς πάντα παρενθέσεις, έστω και αν δεν είναι απαραίτητο, σε
προφυλάσσει από πιθανά λάθη και αβλεψίες, ενώ ταυτόχρονα κάνει το πρόγραμμα πιο εύκολο
Με βάση τα παραπάνω και τον επιπρόσθετο λόγο ότι σκοπός του μαθήματος δεν είναι η
διδασκαλία της άλγεβρας Boole, θα πρέπει να ακολουθούνται τα αναφερόμενα στο διδακτικό
πακέτο του μαθήματος Ανάπτυξη Εφαρμογών σε Προγραμματιστικό Περιβάλλον και ιδιαίτερα
η χρήση παρενθέσεων ώστε να προφυλάσσονται οι μαθητές και οι μαθήτριες από πιθανές
[https://docs.google.com/viewer?url=http%3A%2F%2Fdide.ioa.sch.gr%2Fsp%2Fwp-content%2Fuploads%2F2011%2F04%2FOdigia_gia_anaptixi_efarmogwn_se_programmatistiko_perivallon.doc]
name::
* McsElln.αεσππ'ΛΑΘΗ-ΒΙΒΛΙΟΥ,
Επειδή σύμφωνα με το πρόγραμμα σπουδών σκοπός του μαθήματος είναι οι μαθητές "... να αναπτύξουν δεξιότητες αλγοριθμικής προσέγγισης, αναλυτικό πνεύμα, ΑΥΣΤΗΡΟΤΗΤΑ ΣΤΗΝ ΕΚΦΡΑΣΗ ..." (Γ2/1083/5-3-99) θα είθελα να κάνω τις παρακάτω παρατηρήσεις στην έκφραση των εννοιών του βιβλίου:
1) ΑΝΑΠΑΡΑΣΤΑΣΗ ΑΛΓΟΡΙΘΜΟΥ:
2) ΜΕΤΑΒΛΗΤΕΣ/ΣΤΑΘΕΡΕΣ ΑΛΓΟΡΙΘΜΟΥ:
3) ΠΛΗΡΟΦΟΡΙΑ/ΔΕΔΟΜΕΝΑ:
ΛΑΘΗ ΒΙΒΛΙΟΥ όπως τα έστειλα στον Π.Πολίτη:
From: "Nikos Kasselouris" <nikkas@otenet.gr> To: "Panagiotis Politis" <ppol@hol.gr> Subject: Παρατηρήσεις στο Ανάπτυξη Εφαρμογών Date: Δευτέρα, 24 Σεπτεμβρίου 2001 12:09 πμ
Γειά σου Παναγιώτη
Το email σου το έχω πάρει από τον κουμπάρο μου τον Κώστα τον Ζαχάρο (έτσι πήρα το θάρρος να σε προσφωνήσω με το μικρό σου όνομα).
Είναι η τρίτη χρονιά που θα διδάξω το μάθημα (Βασιλική και Νυδρί Λευκάδας) και είπα να στείλω μερικές σκέψεις μου σχετικά με το βιβλίο σας. Τις στέλνω σε σένα σαν φιλος του φίλου μου του Κώστα.
1) σελ 8: Κλασσική περίπτωση ορισμού 'φαύλου-κύκλου': ΠΛΗΡΟΦΟΡΙΑ είναι ότι προέρχεται απο ΕΠΕΞΕΡΓΑΣΙΑ-ΔΕΔΟΜΕΝΩΝ. ΕΠΕΞΕΡΓΑΣΙΑ-ΔΕΔΟΜΕΝΩΝ είναι ο μηχανισμός που παράγει ΠΛΗΡΟΦΟΡΙΑ. Καλλίτερα να παραληφθεί ο ξεπερασμένος ορισμός ότι πληροφορία είναι το αποτέλεσμα επεξεργασίας δεδομένων.
2) σελ 28: αναπαράσταση αλγορίθμων: α) Η διόρθωση στο τι είναι κωδικοποίηση, χρησιμοποιεί την έννοια "προγραμματιστικό-περιβάλλον" που ορίζεται πολύ παρακάτω. Βασικός διδακτικός κανόνας: δεν επικοινωνούμε γνώση με τη χρήση άγνωστων ορολογιών. β) Ένα 'πρόγραμμα' ΔΕΝ είναι αναπαράσταση ενός αλγορίθμου. Μεταξύ αλγορίθμου και προγράμματος υπάρχει σχέση αντιστοιχίας (mapping). Η βασική ιδιότητα κάθε προγράμματος είναι ότι εκτελείται από μηχάνημα. Επομένως οι αλγόριθμοι ΑΝΑΠΑΡΑΣΤΑΙΝΟΝΤΑΙ με 'ψευδοκώδικα' (με τη χρήση ψευδογλώσσας), ελεύθερο κείμενο, κείμενο με βήματα και διαγράμματα. Η αναπαράσταση του αλγορίθμου με ψευδοκώδικα μας βοηθάει να φτιάξουμε το αντίστοιχο πρόγραμμα πολύ εύκολα. Τέλος οι 2 μορφές αναπαράστασης αλγορίθμων με ψευδοκώδικα που έχει το βιβλίο α) αλγόριθμος <όνομα> ... τέλος <όνομα> και β) σε 'γλώσσα', προκαλούν σύγχιση. Μία είναι υπεραρκετή. Το βιβλίο των Αντωνάκου κα που είχε μία (pascal τύπου) τα κατάφερνε μια χαρά.
3) σελ 47: δεδομένα / αποτελέσματα: Με τον όρο 'δεδομένα' εννοείται 2 πράγματα και προκαλούν σύγχυση. α) σελ 47, σαν δεδομένα θεωρούνται μόνο τα δεδομένα-εσόδου σε αντίθεση με τα αποτελέσματα. (παρένθεση: 'αποτελέσματα εξόδου', τί είναι αυτό; υπάρχουν και αποτελέσματα εισόδου ή βοηθητικά;) β) σελ 8, εννοείται κάθε στοιχείο (αλήθεια τί είναι στοιχείο;;;) που γίνεται αντιληπτό, δηλαδή η αγγλική έννοια data. Επίσης στη σελ 31 στον ορισμό της μεταβλητής που παρασταίνει ένα 'στοιχείο δεδομένου' εννοείται κάθε δεδομένο είτε εισόδου είτε εξόδου. Κατά τη γνώμη μου, η ποιό σωστή ορολογία είναι 'δεδομένα-εισόδου' και 'δεδομένα-εξόδου' ή πληροφορίες εισόδου/εξόδου και όχι δεδομένα/αποτελέσματα. Για άλλη μία φορά η διάκριση δεδομένων/πληροφορίας της σελ 8 δεν χωράει εδώ. Τέλος απο τη διδακτική μου πείρα, ΑΝ οι μαθητές ξεχωρίσουν σέναν αλγόριθμο τις πληροφορίες εισόδου και εξόδου και ορίσουν τις αντίστοιχες μεταβλητές έχουν λύσει τον αλγόριθμο κατά 50%. Η ορολογία που προτείνω επίσης βοηθά στο να καταλαβαίνουν καλύτερα το τί ψάχνουν.
4) σελ 31: ΜΕΤΑΒΛΗΤΕΣ (Από τις σημαντικότερες έννοιες του μαθήματος): Λέτε ότι οι μεταβλητές είναι 'γλωσσικό αντικείμενο'. Τι είναι αυτό; Πιστεύω εννοείται 'όνομα'. Οι Αντωνάκος κ.α. λένε ότι είναι 'μέγεθος'. Πρώτο: άλλο πράγμα μεταβλητές-αλγορίθμου και άλλο μεταβλητές-προγράμματος. Δεύτερο: Ενας αλγόριθμος μπορεί να μήν έχει μεταβλητές, ένα πρόγραμμα υποχρεωτικά πρέπει να έχει λόγω της κατασκευής του κομπιούτερ. Μεταβλητές-προγράμματος είναι ονόματα ΘΕΣΕΩΝ της μνήμης RAM όπου ο υπολογιστής βάζει διαφορετικές πληροφορίες που επεξεργάζεται (οι θέσεις με πληροφορίες που δεν αλλάζουν λέγονται σταθερές). Τρίτο: Οι αλγόριθμοι που θέλουμε να γίνουν προγράμματα, πρέπει και αυτοί να έχουν το αντίστοιχο των μεταβλητών των προγραμμάτων. Ετσι μεταβλητές-αλγορίθμων είναι ονόματα ΚΑΤΑΧΩΡΗΤΩΝ επεξεργαζόμενων πληροφοριών που αλλάζουν περιεχόμενο. Τέταρτο: Από διδακτική άποψη, τα παιδιά δυσκολεύονται να καταλάβουν τί είναι μεταβλητές-αλγορίθμων. Καταλαβαίνουν όμως τί είναι μεταβλητές-προγράμματος και γιατί ένα πρόγραμμα έχει υποχρεωτικά μεταβλητές. Ετσι πρώτα διδάσκουμε τις μεταβλητές-προγράμματος και μετά λέμε ότι και οι αλγόριθμοι που θα γίνουν προγράμματα πρέπει να έχουν μεταβλητές, που είναι καταχωρητές πληροφοριών με όνομα.
Τέλος, ποτέ δεν θεωρώ ότι ΠΑΝΤΑ οι απόψεις είναι οι σωστές.
Nikos Kasselouris http://users.otenet.gr/~nikkas nikkas@otenet.gr
name::
* McsElln.αεσππ'2020-2021,
name::
* McsElln.αεσππ'εξεταστέα-ύλη,
https://edu.klimaka.gr/panelladikes/exetastea-ylh-lykeiou/88-exetastea-ylh-anaptyxh-efarmogwn-programmatistiko-perivallon
αεσππ:
Από το βιβλίο: «Ανάπτυξη Εφαρμογών σε Προγραμματιστικό Περιβάλλον», Βιβλίο Μαθητή, Γ' Γενικού Λυκείου των Α. Βακάλη, Η. Γιαννόπουλου, Ν. Ιωαννίδη, Χ. Κοίλια, Κ. Μάλαμα, 1 . Μανωλόπουλου, Π. Πολίτη, έκδοση (Ι.Τ.Υ.Ε.) «Διόφαντος».
πγλδ:
Από το βιβλίο: «Πληροφορική», Γ' Τάξη Γενικού Λυκείου, Βιβλίο Μαθητή, Συμπληρωματικό Εκπαιδευτικό Υλικό, Έκδοση (Ι.Τ.Υ.Ε.) «Διόφαντος»
Σημείωση: Οι μαθητές να διατυπώνουν τις λύσεις των ασκήσεων των εξετάσεων σε «ΓΛΩΣΣΑ», όπως αυτή ορίζεται και χρησιμοποιείται στα ανωτέρω διδακτικά εγχειρίδια, εκτός και αν η εκφώνηση της άσκησης αναφέρεται και ζητά άλλη μορφή αναπαράστασης του αλγορίθμου, όπως περιγράφεται στην παράγραφο 2.3 του βιβλίου: «Ανάπτυξη Εφαρμογών σε Προγραμματιστικό Περιβάλλον», Βιβλίο Μαθητή, Γ΄ Γενικού Λυκείου των κ.κ.: Α. Βακάλη, Η. Γιαννόπουλου, Ν. Ιωαννίδη, Χ. Κοίλια, Κ. Μάλαμα, Ι. Μανωλόπουλου, Π. Πολίτη, έκδοση (Ι.Τ.Υ.Ε.) «Διόφαντος».
name::
* McsElln.αεσππ'κεφ01-Ανάλυση-προβλήματος,
ΕΝΝΟΙΕΣ:
1) πρόβλημα,
2) παράγοντες κατανόησης προβλήματος,
3) δεδομένα, πληροφορία,
4) δομή προβλήματος,
5) δεδομένα και ζητούμενα προβλήματος (= καθορισμός απαιτήσεων)
6) στάδια αντιμετώπισης προβλήματος,
name::
* McsElln.αεσππ'1.1-Η-έννοια-πρόβλημα,
μλ16.πρόβλημα:
είναι μια ΚΑΤΑΣΤΑΣΗ που απαιτεί λύση, η δε λύση της δεν είναι γνωστή, ούτε προφανής.
name::
* McsElln.αεσππ'1.2-Κατανόηση-προβλήματος,
μλ16.παράγοντες_κατανόησης_προβλήματος:
Η ΚΑΤΑΝΟΗΣΗ-ΠΡΟΒΛΗΜΑΤΟΣ εξαρτάται από
α) τη σωστή διατύπωση εκ μέρους του δημιουργού του προβλήματος (άστοχη ορολογία, λαθος σύνταξη) και
β) από τη σωστή ερμηνεία εκείνου που καλείται να το αντιμετωπίσει.
μλ16.δεδομένο:
κάθε ΣΤΟΙΧΕΙΟ που μπορεί-να-γίνει αντιληπτό από έναν-παρατηρητή με τις-αισθήσεις του.
[μλ16σ19]
μλ16.πληροφορία:
κάθε ΓΝΩΣΙΑΚΟ-ΣΤΟΙΧΕΙΟ αποτέλεσμα επεξεργασίας-δεδομένων.
[μλ16σ19]
μλ16.επεξεργασία-δεδομένων:
η-διαδικασία που δέχεται δεδομένα, τα επεξεργάζεται με προκαθορισμένο τρόπο και αποδίδει πληροφορία.
[μλ16σ19]
name::
* McsElln.αεσππ'1.3-Δομή-προβλήματος,
μλ16.δομή_προβλήματος:
είναι τα συστατικά μέρη του προβλήματος ΚΑΙ το τρόπος που είναι συνδεδεμένα.
[μλ16σ19]
name::
* McsElln.αεσππ'1.4-Καθορισμός-απαιτήσεων,
μλ16.καθορισμός_απαιτήσεων_προβλήματος:
είναι ο επακριβής προσδιορισμός των δεδομένων και ζητουμένων του προβλήματος.
[μλ16σ21]
μλ16.στάδια_αντιμετώπισης_προβλήματος:
- η κατανόηση, όπου απαιτείται η αποσαφήνηση δεδομένων/ζητουμένων,
- η ανάλυση, όπου το αρχικό διασπάται σε απλούστερα,
- η επίλυση, που γίνεται μέσω της επίλυσης των επιμέρους προβλημάτων.
[μλ16σ25]
name::
* McsElln.αεσππ'κεφ02-βασικές-έννοιες-αλγορίθμων,
ΕΝΝΟΙΕΣ:
1) αλγόριθμος,
2) ιδιότητες αλγορίθμων,
3) σκοπιές μελέτης αλγορίθμων από την πληροφορική,
4) παράσταση αλγορίθμων,
5) εντολές (συνιστώσες, δομές, διαδικασίες) αλγορίθμου,
6) σταθερές,
7) μεταβλητές,
8) τελεστές,
9) έκφραση,
10) ψευδογλώσσα παράστασης αλγορίθμου,
11) εντολή εκχώρησης τιμής,
12) εντολή εισόδου,
13) εντολή εξόδου,
14) δομή ακολουθίας,
15) δομή επιλογής (απλή, σύνθετη, πολλαπλή),
16) εμφωλευμένες δομές,
17) δομή επανάληψης,
name::
* McsElln.αεσππ'2.1-Τι-είναι-αλγόριθμος,
μλ16.αλγόριθμος:
είναι μια σειρά ΠΕΠΕΡΑΣΜΕΝΩΝ ΕΝΕΡΓΕΙΩΝ, αυστηρά καθορισμένων και εκτελέσιμων σε πεπερασμένο χρόνο, που στοχεύουν στην επίλυση ενός προβλήματος.
[μλ16σ33]
===
αλγόριθμος είναι η-ΜΕΘΟΔΟΣ (= πληροφορία έκφρασης διαδικασίας) επίλυσης προβλήματος.
(το λέει πριν τον-ορισμό!)
μλ16.xαρακτηριστικά_αλγορίθμου:
- είσοδος: οι πληροφορίες που θα δώσει ο χρήστης στον αλγόριθμο προς επεξεργασία.
- έξοδος: τα αποτελέσματα τις επεξεργασίας που θα δοθούν στον χρήστη.
- καθοριστικότητα (definiteness): τίποτα να μην είναι αόριστα διατυπωμένο, τα-πάντα ορισμένα.
- περατότητα: άν δεν τελειώνει η διαδικασία δεν είναι αλγόριθμος.
- αποτελεσματικότητα: κάθε εντολή να είναι εκτελέσιμη.
[μλ16σ33]
name::
* McsElln.αεσππ'2.2-Σπουδαιότητα-αλγορίθμων,
μλ16.σκοπιές_μελέτης_αλγορίθμων από την πληροφορική:
- υλικού: επηρεάζει την ταχύτητα εκτέλεσης του αλγορίθμου.
- γλώσσες προγραμματισμού: επηρεάζουν την ταχύτητα, δεν υποστηρίζουν όλες τις ίδιες λειτουργίες.
- θεωρητική: εύρεση αποδοτικότερου αλγορίθμου.
- αναλυτική: η μελέτη των υπολογιστικών πόρων που απαιτούνται, πχ χρόνοι εισόδου/εξόδου, μέγεθος μνήμης κλπ.
[μλ16σ34]
name::
* McsElln.αεσππ'2.3-Περιγραφή-και-αναπαράσταση-αλγορίθμων,
μλ16.αναπαράσταση_αλγορίθμου:
- ελεύθερο κείμενο.
- διαγραμματικές τεχνικές: παράδειγμα το διάγραμμα-ροής.
- φυσική γλώσσα με βήματα.
- κωδικοποίηση.
[μλ16σ35]
name::
* McsElln.αεσππ'2.4-Βασικές-συνιστώσες-εντολές-ενός-αλγορίθμου,
μλ16.εντολή_αλγορίθμου, μλ16.συνιστώσα_αλγορίθμου, μλ16.δομή_αλγορίθμου, μλ16.διαδικασία_αλγορίθμου:
είναι οι ΕΝΕΡΓΕΙΕΣ που έχει κάθε αλγόριθμος.
[μλ16σ35]
[είναι οι-ΠΡΟΤΑΣΕΙΣ που ΔΗΛΩΝΟΥΝ διαδικασίες]
μλ16.διάγραμμα_ροής:
είναι ΜΕΘΟΔΟΣ γραφής αλγορίθμου με σχήματα.
* έλλειψη (αρχή/τέλος)
* ρόμβος (ερώτηση/συνθήκη)
* ορθογώνιο ( διαδικασίες)
* πλάγιο-παραλληλόγραμμο ( είσοδο / έξοδο)
[μλ16σ36]
μλ16.σταθερά_αλγορίθμου:
είναι προκαθορισμένες ΤΙΜΕΣ που παραμένουν αμετάβλητες σε όλη τη διάρκεια της εκτέλεσης ενός αλγορίθμου. Ταξινομούνται σε
- αριθμητικές πχ 123, -1, +3,5,
- αλφαριθμητικές πχ "κατάσταση αποτελεσμάτων", "δώσε αριθμό",
- λογικές: είναι δύο: αληθής, ψευδής,
[Σταθερές είναι ΟΝΟΜΑΤΑ πληροφοριών που παραμένουν σταθερά σε όλη την επεξεργασία πχ π=3,14]
[μλ16σ37]
μλ16.μεταβλητή_αλγορίθμου:
είναι ένα ΓΛΩΣΣΙΚΟ-ΑΝΤΙΚΕΙΜΕΝΟ, που χρησιμοποιείται για να παραστήσει ένα στοιχείο δεδομένου.
[μλ16σ37]
[είναι ΟΝΟΜΑΤΑ πληροφοριών που αλλάζουν μέσα στην επεξεργασία].
Ταξινομούνται σε αριθμητικές, αλφαριθμητικές και λογικές ανάλογα με τις πληροφορίες που δέχονται.
μλ16.τελεστής_αλγορίθμου:
λέγονται τα-σύμβολα των-πράξεων που χρησιμοποιούνται στις εντολές.
- αριθμητικοί, λογικοί, συγκριτικοί.
[μλ16σ37]
μλ16.έκφραση_αλγορίθμου:
είναι οι-παραστάσεις που δημιουργούνται με συνδιασμούς τελεστών#ql:μλ16.τελεστής_αλγορίθμου#, μεταβλητών και σταθερών.
- είναι μέρος εντολών.
[μλ16σ37]
μλ16.ψευδοκώδικας_αλγορίθμου, μλ16.ψευδογλώσσα:
διατυπωμένος από μία ψευδογλώσσα έχει τη μορφή:
Αλγόριθμος <όνομα>
Δεδομένα // <μεταβλητές εισόδου> //
<εντολές>
! σχόλια ...
Αποτελέσματα // <μεταβλητές εξόδου> //
Τέλος <όνομα>
[μλ16σ37]
[μλ16σ49]
μλ16.εντολή_εκxώρησης_τιμής:
είναι η εντολή με την οποία ο προγραμματιστής βάζει μια τιμή[πληροφορία] σε μια μεταβλητή.
Σε ψευδογλώσσα έχει τη μορφή:
Μεταβλητή <-- Έκφραση
ΔΕΝ είναι εξίσωση.
μλ16.εντολή_εισόδου:
είναι η εντολή με την οποία ο χρήστης αλγορίθμου δίνει τιμή σε μεταβλητή. Σε ψευδογλώσσα έχει τη μορφή:
Διάβασε χ
μλ16.εντολή_εξόδου:
είναι η εντολή με την οποία ο αλγόριθμος εμφανίζει στον χρήστη το περιεχόμενο μιας μεταβλητής. Σε ψευδογλώσσα έχει τη μορφή:
Εκτύπωσε χ
name::
* McsElln.αεσππ'2.4.1-Δομή-ακολουθίας,
μλ16.δομή_ακολουθίας, μλ16.ακολουθιακή_δομή_εντολών, μλ16.σειριακή_δομή:
είναι εντολές σε σειρά.
[ΔΟΜΗ ΑΚΟΛΟΥΘΙΑΣ είναι η ΣΥΝΘΕΤΗ-ΕΝΤΟΛΗ αλγορίθμου που αποτελείται από μια σειρά άλλων εντολών.]
name::
* McsElln.αεσππ'2.4.2-Δομή-επιλογής,
μλ16.δομή_επιλογής:
Η ΔΟΜΗ/ΔΙΑΔΙΚΑΣΙΑ ΕΠΙΛΟΓΗΣ περιλαμβάνει τον έλεγχο κάποιας συνθήκης που μπορεί να έχει δύο τιμές (Αληθής ή Ψευδής) και ακολουθεί η απόφαση εκτέλεσης κάποιας ενέργειας με βάση την τιμή της λογικής αυτής συνθήκης.
α) ΑΠΛΗ ΕΠΙΛΟΓΗ:
Αν <συνθήκη> τότε <εντολή>
ή
Αν <συνθήκη> τότε
<εντολή_1>
<εντολή_2>
...
Τέλος_άν
β) ΣΥΝΘΕΤΗ ΕΠΙΛΟΓΗ:
Αν <συνθήκη> τότε
<εντολές>
αλλιώς
<εντολές>
Τέλος_αν
name::
* McsElln.αεσππ'2.4.3-Διαδικασίες-πολλαπλών-επιλογών,
γ) ΠΟΛΛΑΠΛΗ ΕΠΙΛΟΓΗ:
Αν <συνθήκη> τότε
<εντολές>
αλλιώς_αν <συνθήκη> τότε
<εντολές>
...
αλλιώς
<εντολές>
Τέλος_αν
ή
Επίλεξε <συνθήκη>
Περίπτωση <τιμή1>
<εντολές1>
Περίπτωση <τιμή2>
<εντολές2>
...
Περίπτωση αλλιώς
<εντολές_αλλιώς>
Τέλος_επιλογών
name::
* McsElln.αεσππ'2.4.4-Εμφωλευμένες-Διαδικασίες,
μλ16.εμφωλευμένη_δομή, μλ16.εμφωλευμένη_διαδικασία,
ΕΜΦΩΛΕΥΜΕΝΕΣ-ΔΟΜΕΣ είναι οι δομές που στις εντολές τους περιλαμβάνουν άλλες δομές.
name::
* McsElln.αεσππ'2.4.5-Δομή-επανάληψης,
μλ16.δομή_επανάληψης:
[ΔΟΜΗ ΕΠΑΝΑΛΗΨΗΣ είναι η σύνθετη-εντολή που επαναλαμβάνει ένα σύνολο εντολών, που λέγεται βρόχος, βάσει μιάς συνθήκης ή με κάποιο μετρητή.]
α) επανάληψη με αληθή συνθήκη:
Όσο <συνθήκη> επανάλαβε
<εντολές>
Τέλος_επανάληψης
β) επανάληψη με ψευδή συνθήκη:
Αρχή_επανάληψης
<εντολές>
Μέχρις_ότου <συνθήκη>
γ) επανάληψη γνωστών επαναλήψεων:
Για <μετρητής> από <τιμή1> μέχρι <τιμή2>
<εντολές>
Τέλος_επανάληψης
ή
Για <μετρητής> από <τιμή1> μέχρι <τιμή2> με_βήμα <τιμή3>
<εντολές>
Τέλος_επανάληψης
name::
* McsElln.ΤΕΣΤ Α' ΤΕΤΡΑΜΗΝΟΥ (ανάπτυξη εφαρμογών γ' λυκείου),
θέμα 1ο) 20 μονάδες:
Απαντήστε με σωστό/λάθος:
1) Με την εντολή "Αρχή_επανάληψης...Μέχρις_ότου..." υπάρχει ένας βρόχος που θα εκτελεσθεί οπωσδήποτε τουλάχιστο μια φορά.
2) Οι μεταβλητές αλλάζουν όνομα κατά τη διάρκεια εκτέλεσης των αλγορίθμων.
3) Οι επαναληπτικές διαδικασίες εμπεριέχουν πάντοτε και συνθήκες επιλογών.
Συμπληρώστε με όσες λέξεις χρειάζεται τα κενά:
4) Τα κριτήρια που πρέπει να ικανοποιεί ένας αλγόριθμος είναι: αποτελεσματικότητα, καθοριστικότητα, ____________________________________________.
Διάλεξε το σωστό:
5) Ποιά από τα παρακάτω αποτελούν εντολές της ψευδογλώσσας των αλγορίθμων:
α) Α+Β=10, β) Α<--Β*3, γ) Α+Β<--12, δ) Α<--2*Β<--22.
θέμα 2ο) 40 μονάδες:
Η αξία του λογαριασμού της ΔΕΗ υπολογίζεται ως εξής:
- υπάρχει πάγια χρέωση 12.000 δρχ.
- οι πρώτες 800 kwh χρεώνονται 20 δρχ η kwh.
- οι επόμενες 800 kwh χρεώνονται 25 δρχ η kwh.
- κοι οι υπόλοιπες χρεώνονται 30 δρχ η kwh.
Να γράψετε αλγόριθμο που να υπολογίζει την αξία ενός λογαριασμού της ΔΕΗ.
θέμα 3ο) 40 μονάδες:
Πηγαίνεις σε ένα πολυκατάστημα και παρατηρείς τις παρακάτω τιμές για 4 διαφορετικά είδη γάλακτος.
Είδος Τιμή Ποσότητα
Γάλα_1 195 δρχ 300ml
Γάλα_2 205 δρχ 400ml
Γάλα_3 400 δρχ 500ml
Γάλα_4 450 δρχ 550ml
Να γράψεις έναν αλγόριθμο που θα υπολογίζει και θα εμφανίζει το είδος γάλακτος που έχει την πλέον συμφέρουσα τιμή.
θέμα 1ο) 20 μονάδες:
Απαντήστε με σωστό/λάθος:
1) Με την εντολή "Αρχή_επανάληψης...Μέχρις_ότου..." υπάρχει ένας βρόχος που θα εκτελεσθεί οπωσδήποτε τουλάχιστο μια φορά.
2) Οι μεταβλητές αλλάζουν όνομα κατά τη διάρκεια εκτέλεσης των αλγορίθμων.
3) Οι επαναληπτικές διαδικασίες εμπεριέχουν πάντοτε και συνθήκες επιλογών.
Συμπληρώστε με όσες λέξεις χρειάζεται τα κενά:
4) Τα κριτήρια που πρέπει να ικανοποιεί ένας αλγόριθμος είναι: αποτελεσματικότητα, καθοριστικότητα, ____________________________________________.
Διάλεξε το σωστό:
5) Ποιά από τα παρακάτω αποτελούν εντολές της ψευδογλώσσας των αλγορίθμων:
α) Α+Β=10, β) Α<--Β*3, γ) Α+Β<--12, δ) Α<--2*Β<--22.
ΛΥΣΗ:
Σ, Λ, Λ, περατότητα-είσοδο-έξοδο, β.
θέμα 2ο) 40 μονάδες:
Η αξία του λογαριασμού της ΔΕΗ υπολογίζεται ως εξής:
- υπάρχει πάγια χρέωση 12.000 δρχ.
- οι πρώτες 800 kwh χρεώνονται 20 δρχ η kwh.
- οι επόμενες 800 kwh χρεώνονται 25 δρχ η kwh.
- κοι οι υπόλοιπες χρεώνονται 30 δρχ η kwh.
Να γράψετε αλγόριθμο που να υπολογίζει την αξία ενός λογαριασμού της ΔΕΗ.
ΛΥΣΗ:
Αλγόριθμος ΔΕΗ
Δεδομένα // Κ ακέραιος // ! οι kwh που έκαψε ο καταναλωτής.
Διάβασε Κ
Επίλεξε Κ
περίπτωση 0
Α<--12000
περίπτωση <=800
Α<--12000+Κ*20
περίπτωση <=1600
Α<--12000+800*20+(Κ-800)*25
περίπτωση >1600
Α<--12000+800*20+800*25+(Κ-1600)*30
Τέλος_επιλογών
Εμφάνισε Α
Αποτελέσματα // Α // !η αξία του ρεύματος που έκαψε ο καταναλωτής.
Τέλος ΔΕΗ
ΛΥΣΗ Β:
Αλγόριθμος ΔΕΗ
Δεδομένα // Κ ακέραιος //
! οι kwh που έκαψε ο καταναλωτής.
Διάβασε Κ
Επίλεξε Κ
περίπτωση <=800
Α<--Κ*20
περίπτωση <=1600
Α<--800*20+(Κ-800)*25
περίπτωση >1600
Α<--800*20+800*25+(Κ-1600)*30
Τέλος_επιλογών
Α<--Α+12000
Εμφάνισε Α
Αποτελέσματα // Α //
!η αξία του ρεύματος που έκαψε ο καταναλωτής.
Τέλος ΔΕΗ
θέμα 3ο) 40 μονάδες:
Πηγαίνεις σε ένα πολυκατάστημα και παρατηρείς τις παρακάτω τιμές για 4 διαφορετικά είδη γάλακτος.
Είδος Τιμή Ποσότητα
Γάλα_1 195 δρχ 300ml
Γάλα_2 205 δρχ 400ml
Γάλα_3 400 δρχ 500ml
Γάλα_4 450 δρχ 550ml
Να γράψεις έναν αλγόριθμο που θα υπολογίζει και θα εμφανίζει το είδος γάλακτος που έχει την πλέον συμφέρουσα τιμή.
ΛΥΣΗ:
Αλγόριθμος γάλα
Δεδομένα // Γ αλφαριθμητική, Τ,Π ακέραιοι //
! Γ=το είδος γάλατος, Τ=η τιμή του, Π= η ποσότητά του.
! Επειδή οι ποσότητες είναι διαφορετικές, πρέπει να τα συγκρίνουμε στο ένα γραμμάριο.
Διάβασε Γ,Τ,Π
ΣΤ<--Τ/Π
ΣΓ<--Γ
! Τ/Π είναι το κόστος ενός γραμμαρίου γάλατος.
! ΣΓ=περιέχει το είδος του γάλατος και η ΣΤ=περιέχει το κόστος του 1 γρ.
Για κ Από 1 Μέχρι 3
Διάβασε Γ,Τ,Π
Αν Τ/Π<ΣΤ Τότε
ΣΤ<--Τ/Π
ΣΓ<--Γ
Τέλος-αν
Τέλος_επανάληψης
Εκτύπωσε ΣΓ
Αποτελέσματα // ΣΓ //
Τέλος γάλα
ΛΥΣΗ Β:
Αλγόριθμος γάλα
Δεδομένα // Γ1,Γ2,Γ3,Γ4 αλφαριθμητική, Τ1,Τ2,Τ3,Τ4,Π1,Π2,Π3,Π4 ακέραιοι //
Διάβασε Γ1,Τ1,Π1
ΣΤ<--Τ1/Π1
ΣΓ<--Γ1
Διάβασε Γ2,Τ2,Π2
Αν Τ2/Π2<ΣΤ Τότε
ΣΤ<--Τ2/Π2
ΣΓ<--Γ2
Τέλος-αν
Διάβασε Γ3,Τ3,Π3
Αν Τ3/Π3<ΣΤ Τότε
ΣΤ<--Τ3/Π3
ΣΓ<--Γ3
Τέλος-αν
Διάβασε Γ4,Τ4,Π4
Αν Τ4/Π4<ΣΤ Τότε
ΣΤ<--Τ4/Π4
ΣΓ<--Γ4
Τέλος-αν
Εκτύπωσε ΣΓ
Αποτελέσματα // ΣΓ //
Τέλος γάλα
name::
* McsElln.αεσππ'κεφ03-Δομές-Δεδομένων-και-Αλγόριθμοι,
name::
* McsElln.αεσππ'3.1-Δεδομένα,
μλ16.δεδεμένο_εξέταση_από_Πληροφορική:
α) σκοπιά υλικου,
β) σκοπιά γλώσσας-προγραμματισμού
γ) δομή-δεδομένων,
δ) ανάλυσης δεδομένων,
[μλ16σ55]
name::
* McsElln.αεσππ'3.2-Αλγόριθμοι+Δομές-Δεδομένων=Προγράμματα,
μλ16.δομή_δεδομένων, μλ.δδ:
είναι ένα σύνολο αποθηκευμένων δεδομένων που δέχονται επεξεργασία από ένα σύνολο λειτουργιών.
[μλ16σ56]
[= τα είδη των πληροφοριών/μεταβλητών που χρησιμοποιούμε στα προγάμματα]
μλ16.δδ_κόμβος:
τα μέρη
[μλ16σ56]
μλ16.δδ_λειτουργίες:
Οι βασικές ΛΕΙΤΟΥΡΓΙΕΣ που κάνουμε στις δομές-δεδομένων είναι:
Προσπέλαση, εισαγωγή, διαγραφή, αναζήτηση, ταξινόμηση, αντιγραφή, συγχώνευση, διαχωρισμός.
- κάποιες λειτουργίες είναι πιο αποδοτικές σε κάποιες δδ.
[μλ16σ56]
μλ16.πρόγραμμα_κατά_Wirth (Δημιουργός της Pascal):
Πρόγραμμα = Αλγόριθμος + Δομές-δεδομένων.
μλ16.δδ_είδη:
α) ως προς το μέγεθος της απαιτούμενης μνήμης:
* ΣΤΑΤΙΚΕΣ: είναι οι δομές-δεδομένων που το ακριβές μέγεθος της απαιτούμενης κύριας μνήμης καθορίζεται κατα τον προγραμματισμό και όχι κατά την εκτέλεση του προγράμματος. Τα στοιχεία αποθηκεύονται σε συνεχόμενες θέσεις.
* ΔΥΝΑΜΙΚΕΣ: είναι οι δομές που δεν έχουν σταθερό μέγεθος μνήμης αλλά το μέγεθός τους αυξομειώνεται ανάλογα με την εισαγωγή ή διαγραφή δεδομένων.
[μλ16σ57]
[β) ως προς τη συνθετότητα:
* ΑΠΛΕΣ: ακέραιες, πραγματικές, αλφαριθμητικές, λογικές.
* ΣΥΝΘΕΤΕΣ: Πίνακας, Στοίβα, Ουρά, κλπ.]
name::
* McsElln.αεσππ'3.3-Πίνακες,
μλ16.πίνακας:
είναι η-δομή-δεδομένων#ql:μλ16.δομή_δεδομένων# που περιέχει ΣΤΟΙΧΕΙΑ [τιμές|πληροφορίες] του ίδιου τύπου.
- ΔΙΑΣΤΑΣΗ ΠΙΝΑΚΑ είναι το ΠΛΗΘΟΣ των δεικτών που χρειάζονται για να προσδιορίσουμε κάθε στοιχείο του.
- ΣΥΜΒΟΛΙΣΜΟΣ ΠΙΝΑΚΑ: Α[12]=μονοδιάστατος 12 στοιχείων, Α[3,5]= διδιάστατος με 3 γραμμές και 5 στήλες.
- ΣΥΜΒΟΛΙΣΜΟΣ ΣΤΟΙΧΕΙΟΥ ΠΙΝΑΚΑ: Α[7]= το στοιχείο μονοδιάστατου-πίνακα με όνομα "Α" και δείκτη 7. Βαθμός[1,7]= το στοιχείο διδιάστατου-πίνακα με όνομα "Βαθμός" και δείκτες γραμμή=1 και στήλη=7.
- ΔΗΛΩΣΗ ΠΙΝΑΚΑ σε ψευδοκώδικα: Β[10] ακέραιος = μονοδιάστατος πίνακας 6 ακέραιων στοιχείων. Α[5, 7] πραγματικός = διδιάστατος πίνακας 35 πραγματικών στοιχείων.
- ΧΡΗΣΙΜΟΤΗΤΑ: Όλες οι γλώσσες προγραμματισμού υποστηρίζουν πίνακες. Με τη χρήση τους, μειώνονται δραματικά το πλήθος των μεταβλητών (και οι εντολές) που χρειάζεται ένας αλγόριθμος.
- ΠΑΡΑΔΕΙΓΜΑΤΑ:
* Ο ψευδοκώδικας που ο χρήστης τοποθετεί στοιχεία σε μονοδιάστατου πίνακα Α[7]
για κ από 1 μέχρι 7
διάβασε Α[κ]
τέλος_επανάληψης
* Ο ψευδοκώδικας που ο χρήστης δίνει τιμές σε διδιάστατο Α[5, 14] είναι:
για κ από 1 μέχρι 5
για λ από 1 μέχρι 4
διάβασε Α[κ,λ];
τέλος_επανάληψης
τέλος_επανάληψης
name::
* McsElln.αεσππ'3.4-Στοίβα,
πγλδ'1.1 Στοίβα
1.1.1 Παραδείγματα υλοποίησης στοίβας με χρήση μονοδιάστατου πίνακα
1.1.2 Ερωτήσεις - Ασκήσεις
μλ16.στοίβα:
είναι η δομή-δεδομένων στην οποία η είσοδος/έξοδος των δεδομέων γίνεται με τη μορφή LIFO (τελευταίο μέσα, πρώτο έξω).
- Οι βασικές λειτουργίες πάνω στη στοίβα είναι η ώθηση (push|είσοδος) και η απώθηση (pop|έξοδος).
name::
* McsElln.αεσππ'3.5-Ουρά,
πγλδ'1.2 Ουρά
1.2.1 Παραδείγματα υλοποίησης ουράς με χρήση μονοδιάστατου πίνακα
1.2.2 Ερωτήσεις - Ασκήσεις
μλ16.ουρά:
είναι η δομή-δεδομένων στην οποία η είσοδος/έξοδος των δεδομένων γίνεται με τη μορφή FIFO (πρώτο μέσα, πρώτο έξω).
- Οι βασικές λειτουργίες πάνω στην ουρά είναι η εισαγωγή στοιχείου (στο πίσω άκρο) και η εξαγωγή στοιχείου (από το εμπρός άκρο).
name::
* McsElln.αεσππ'3.6-Αναζήτηση,
μλ16.σειριακή_αναζήτηση_στοιxείων_πίνακα:
είναι ο αλγόριθμος που ψάχνει να βρεί ένα στοιχείο σε πίνακα, ψάχνοντας ένα ένα όλα τα στοιχεία του πίνακα.
Είναι η λιγότερο αποτελεσματική μέθοδο αναζήτησης.
[μλ16σ63]
name::
* McsElln.αεσππ'3.7-Ταξινόμηση,
μλ16.δδ_διάταξη, μλ16.δδ_ταξινόμηση:
είναι η-τακτοποίση (σε σειρά) των-κόμβων δδ.
μλ16.ταξινόμηση_ευθείας_ανταλλαγής, μλ16.ταξινόμηση_φυσσαλίδας:
είναι η ταξινόμηση των στοιχείων πίνακα με σύγκριση και ανταλλαγή γειτονικών ζευγών στοιχείων.
[μλ16σ66]
name::
* McsElln.αεσππ'κεφ04-Τεxνικές-Σxεδίασης-Αλγορίθμων,
name::
* McsElln.αεσππ'4.1-Ανάλυση-προβλημάτων,
πγλδ'2.1 Μέθοδος Διαίρει και Βασίλευε. [σ67]
ΕΝΝΟΙΕΣ:
1) Τα μέρη της ανάλυσης προβλήματος,
2) Ιδιότητες τεχνικών σχεδίασης αλγορίθμων,
3) Είδη τεχνικών.
μλ16.αλγορίθμου_στόxος:
Η επίλυση προβλήματος.
μλ16.προβλήματος_ανάλυσης_μέρη:
α) καταγραφή της υπάρχουσας ΠΛΗΡΟΦΟΡΙΑ.
β) αναγνώριση των ΙΔΙΑΙΤΕΡΟΤΗΤΩΝ του προβλήματος.
γ) καταγραφή των συνθηκών και ΠΡΟΫΠΟΘΕΣΕΩΝ υλοποίησςη του προβλήματος.
δ) ΣΧΕΔΙΑΣΗ ΑΛΓΟΡΙΘΜΟΥ. Καταγραφή της της πλέον αποδοτικής μεθόδου επίλυσης του προβλήματος.
ε) επιλογή ψευδογλώσσας παράστασης του αλγορίθμου και επιλογή γλώσσας προγραμματισμού για την ΥΛΟΠΟΙΗΣΗ του αλγορίθμου.
μλ16.προβλήματος_μέθοδος_επίλυσης:
ΔΕΝ ΥΠΑΡΧΕΙ ένας ενιαίος κανόνας (μέθοδος), μία γενική φόρμουλα που να αναφέρεται στην επίλυση ΟΛΩΝ των προβλημάτων.
name::
* McsElln.αεσππ'κεφ06-Εισαγωγή-στον-προγραμματισμό,
ΕΝΝΟΙΕΣ:
1) Πρόγραμμα,
2) Γλώσσα Προγραμματισμού,
3) Είδη Γλωσσών Προγραμματισμού,
4) Στοιχεία Γλωσσών,
5) Τεχνικές Σχεδίασης Προγραμμάτων,
6) Προγραμματιστικό Περιβάλλον,
7) Συντάκτης (editor),
8) Μεταφραστής,
9) Βιβλιοθήκη,
10) Συνδέτης-Φορτωτής
11) πηγαίο, αντικείμενο, εκτελέσιμο πρόγραμμα,
name::
* McsElln.αεσππ'6.1-Η-έννοια-του-προγράμματος,
μλ16.ΠΡΟΓΡΑΜΜΑ:
είναι ένα σύνολο ΕΝΤΟΛΩΝ που δίνεται στον υπολογιστή ώστε να υλοποιηθεί ένας αλγόριθμος που επιλύει κάποιο πρόβλημα.
[μλ16σ105]
[ΓΛΩΣΣΑ-ΠΡΟΓΡΑΜΜΑΤΙΣΜΟΥ είναι οι ΚΑΝΟΝΕΣ και τα σύμβολα που χρησιμοποιούμε για να γράψουμε τις εντολές ενός προγράμματος.]
Οι γλώσσες προγραμματισμού με κριτήριο την ΕΞΕΛΙΞΗ τους ταξινομούνται σε:
- γλώσσες μηχανής (τα προγράμματά τους τα γράφουν με 0 και 1),
- συμβολικές (χρησιμοποιούν λέξεις αλλά εξαρτώνται απο το μηχάνημα),
- υψηλού επιπέδου (πιο κοντά στον άνθρωπο, "ανεξάρτητες" από μηχάνημα),
- 4ης γεννιάς (ο ΧΡΗΣΤΗΣ μπορεί να αλλάξει το πρόγραμμα).
Οι γλώσσες προγραμματισμού με κριτήριο τις ΤΕΧΝΙΚΕΣ που ακολουθούν ταξινομούνται σε:
- Διαδικασιακές (η πλειοψηφία)
- Μή διαδικασιακές,
- Συναρτησιακές,
- Αντικειμενοστραφείς (αντί να περιγράφει "ενέργειες", παίρνει τα "δεδομένα" ως πρωτεύοντα δομικά στοιχεία πάνω στα οποία ορίζει ιδιότητες και ενέργειες).
- παράλληλες,
- ερωταπαντήσεων.
Οι γλώσσες με κριτήριο τη ΧΡΗΣΗ ταξινομούνται σε:
- Γενικής χρήσης,
- Ειδικής χρήσης,
- Εμπορικής κατεύθυνσης,
- Επιστημονικής κατεύθυνσης,
- τεχνητής νοημοσύνης,
- προγραμματισμού συστημάτων,
name::
* McsElln.αεσππ'6.3-Φυσικές-και-τεχνητές-γλώσσες,
γλώσσα_προγραμματισμού
είναι τεχνητή-γλώσσα και ακολουθεί τις βασικές αρχές της-γλωσσολογίας.
[μλ16σ115]
μλ16.γλώσσας_προσδιορισμοί:
Τα ΣΤΟΙΧΕΙΑ μιας γλώσσας είναι: το αλφάβητο, το λεξιλόγιο, η γραμματική (τυπικό, συντακτικό), η σημασιολογία.
[μλ16σ115]
μλ16.αλφάβητο_γλώσσας:
τα-σύμβολα που χρησιμοποιεί για να φτιάξει 'το-κείμενό' της.
[μλ16σ115]
μλ16.λεξιλόγιο_γλώσσας:
το-σύνολο των-λέξεων που χρησιμοποιεί
[μλ16σ115]
μλ16.γραμματική_γλώσσας:
α) τυπικό είναι σύνολο των-κανόνων που ορίζει τις αποδεκτές μορφές των-λέξεων.
β) συντακτικό είναι το-σύνολο των-κανόνων που ορίζει το-συνδυασμό των-λέξεων.
[μλ16σ115]
μλ16.σημασιολογία_γλώσσας:
το-σύνολο των-κανόνων που ορίζει τη-σημασία των-λέξεων προτάσεων|εντολών.
[μλ16σ115]
μλ16.διαφορά_φυσικών_τεxνητών_γλωσσών:
Η βασική ΔΙΑΦΟΡΑ φυσικών και τεχνητών γλωσσών είναι ότι οι τεχνητές χαρακτηρίζονται από ΣΤΑΣΙΜΟΤΗΤΑ ενώ οι-φυσικές εξελίσσονται.
[μλ16σ116]
name::
* McsElln.αεσππ'6.4-Τεχνικές-σχεδίασης-προγραμμάτων,
Οι ΤΕΧΝΙΚΕΣ σχεδίασης προγραμμάτων είναι:
- Ο ιεραρχικός προγραμματισμός (συνεχης διαίρεση του προβλήματος)
- Ο τμηματικός προγραμματισμός (υλοποίηση του ιεραρχικού)
- Ο δομημένος προγραμματισμός (χρησιμοποιεί μόνο τις δομές [σύνθετες εντολές] της ακολουθίας, επιλογής και επανάληψης [όχι την εντολή goto] με μία είσοδο και μία έξοδο).
[μλ16σ116]
name::
* McsElln.αεσππ'6.4.1-Ιεραρχική-σχεδίαση-προγράμματος,
μλ16.ιεραρxικός_προγραμματισμός, μλ16.ιεραρxική_σxεδίαση_προγράμματος:
- η-σχεδίαση και επίλυση από πάνω προς τα κάτω.
- συνεχης διαίρεση του προβλήματος
- χρησιμοποιούνται διαγραμματικές τεχνικές.
[μλ16σ116]
name::
* McsElln.αεσππ'6.4.2-Τμηματικός-προγραμματισμός,
μλ16.τμηματικός_προγραμματισμός:
- υλοποίηση της ιεραρχικής-σχεδίασης
[μλ16σ116]
name::
* McsElln.αεσππ'6.4.3-Δομημένος-προγραμματισμός,
μλ16.δομημένος_προγραμματισμός:
- χρησιμοποιεί μόνο τις δομές [σύνθετες εντολές] της ακολουθίας, επιλογής και επανάληψης [όχι την εντολή goto] με μία είσοδο και μία έξοδο).
[μλ16σ116]
Τα ΠΛΕΟΝΕΚΤΗΜΑΤΑ του δομημένου προγραμματισμού είναι:
- εύκολη ανάγνωση και κατανόηση του προγράμματος από τρίτους.
- εύκολη διόρθωση και συντήρηση.
- περιορισμός των λαθών στην ανάπτυξη.
- δημιουργία απλούστερων προγραμμάτων.
- άμεση μεταφορά αλγορίθμου σε πρόγραμμα.
- διευκόλυνση ανάλυσης του προγράμματος σε τμήματα.
[μλ16σ119]
name::
* McsElln.αεσππ'6.5-Αντικειμενοστραφής-προγραμματισμός,
μλ16.αντικειμενοστραφής_προγραμματισμός:
- παίρνει σαν πρωτεύοντα δομικά-στοιχεία τα-δεδομένα και όχι τις ενέργειες και δημιουργεί αντικείμενα.
- χρησιμοποιεί όλες τις προηγούμενες τεχνικές.
[μλ16σ120]
name::
* McsElln.αεσππ'6.7-Προγραμματιστικά-περιβάλλοντα,
μλ16.μεταφραστής:
είναι το πρόγραμμα που μετατρέπει το πρόγραμμα απο λέξεις σε 0 και 1.
από γλώσσα-υψηλού-επιπέδου σε γλώσσα-μηχανής.
μλ16.ΜΕΤΑΓΛΩΤΤΙΣΤΗΣ (compiler) μεταφράζει ολόκληρο το πρόγραμμα.
μλ16.ΔΙΕΡΜΗΝΕΥΤΗΣ (interpreter) μεταφράζει μία μία τις εντολές και τις εκτελεί.
Οι μεταφραστές βρίσκουν τα ΣΥΝΤΑΚΤΙΚΑ λάθη που έχει ένα πρόγραμμα.
Το μειονέκτημα του Μεταγλωττιστή είναι ότι πρέπει να τελειώσεις το πρόγραμμα για να βρείς τα λάθη του.
Το μειονέκτημα του Διερμηνευτή είναι ότι η εκτέλεση ενός προγράμματος είναι αργή.
[μλ16σ120]
μλ16.πηγαίο_πρόγραμα:
είναι το πρόγραμμα που γράφει ο προγραμματιστής.
[μλ16σ121]
μλ16.αντικείμενο_πρόγραμμα:
είναι το αυτό που δημιουργεί ο μεταφραστής.
[μλ16σ121]
μλ16.εκτελέσιμο_πρόγραμμα:
είναι το τελικό πρόγραμμα μετά τη σύνδεσή του με τις βιβλιοθήκες.
[μλ16σ121]
μλ16.ΒΙΒΛΙΟΘΗΚΕΣ είναι ΕΤΟΙΜΑ τμήματα προγραμμάτων που έχουν οι γλώσσες προγραμματισμού.
[μλ16σ121]
μλ16.συνδέτης_φορτωτής:
είναι το πρόγραμμα που συνδέει το μεταφρασμένο πρόγραμμα με τις βιβλιοθήκες.
[μλ16σ121]
μλ16.λάθη_προγράμματος:
α) λογικά εμφανίζονται στην εκτέλεση
β) συντακτικά βρίσκονται στο στάδιο της μετάφρασης
μλ16.ολοκληρωμένου_προγραμματιστικό_περιβάλλον:
(ΟΛΟΚΛΗΡΩΜΕΝΟ) ΠΡΟΓΡΑΜΜΑΤΙΣΤΙΚΟ ΠΕΡΙΒΑΛΛΟΝ είναι ένα ΣΥΝΟΛΟ προγραμμάτων που χρησιμοποιούμε για να φτιάξουμε εκτελέσουμε και διορθώσουμε ένα πρόγραμμα.
[μλ16σ]
μλ16.ΣΥΝΤΑΚΤΗΣ (editor) είναι το πρόγραμμα με το οποίο γράφουμε τον κώδικα (το πρόγραμμα).
[μλ16σ122]
1. Βάλτε στη σωστή σειρά τα παρακάτω:
β) 1.Σύνδεση-Φόρτωση, 2.Εκτέλεση, 3.Μεταγλώττιση, 4. Σύνταξη,
γ) 1.Διερμηνεία, 2.Σύνταξη, 3.Εκτέλεση
2. Συμπληρώστε τις παρακάτω φράσεις:
1) Το πρόγραμμα που γράφεται σε ένα συντάκτη λέγεται .....................................
2) Το πρόγραμμα σε μορφή γλώσσας μηχανής καλείται ..........................................
3) Η σύνδεση του κώδικα με τις βιβλιοθήκες γίνεται από τον .....................................
4) Η μετάφραση ενός προγράμματος γίνεται από τους ....................................... ή τους ..................................
3. Απαντήστε με σωστό/λάθος
1. Ο μεταγλωττιστής μας επιτρέπει να συντάσσουμε ένα πρόγραμμα.
_______ σωστό ________λάθος
2. Μια βιβλιοθήκη περιέχει υποπρογάμματα κοινής χρήσης.
_______ σωστό ________λάθος
3. Ο compiler (μεταγλωττιστής) εκτελεί το πρόγραμμα εντολή προς εντολή ενώ ο interpreter (διερμηνέας) μεταφράζει ολόκληρο το πρόγραμμα σε γλώσσα μηχανής.
_______ σωστό ________λάθος
4. Ολοκληρωμένο Προγραμματιστικό Περιβάλλον είναι ΕΝΑ πρόγραμμα που περιέχει τα περισσότερα εργαλεία που χρειαζόμαστε για να γράψουμε και εκτελέσουμε ένα πρόγραμμα.
_______ σωστό ________λάθος
5. Χαρακτηριστικό του οπτικού προγραμματισμού είναι γραφική δημιουργία του περιβάλλοντος.
_______ σωστό ________λάθος
6. Μειονέκτημα των διερμηνευόμενων γλωσσών προγραμματισμού είναι η αδυναμία δημιουργίας αντικειμενικού κώδικα με αποτέλεσμα αδυναμία προώθησης του προγράμματος στην αγορά.
_______ σωστό ________λάθος
7. Πρόγραμμα = αλγόριθμος + δεδομένα.
_______ σωστό ________λάθος
8. Τα λογικά λάθη ενός προγράμματος εμφανίζονται κατά τη μεταγλώττιση.
_______ σωστό ________λάθος
9. Η Basic είναι κατάλληλη για εφαρμογές τεχνητής νοημοσύνης.
_______ σωστό ________λάθος
name::
* McsElln.αεσππ'κεφ07-Βασικές-έννοιες-προγραμματισμού,
μλ16.ΓΛΩΣΣΑ:
είναι γλώσσα-προγραμματισμού για εκπαιδευτικούς σκοπούς.
[μλ16σ127]
name::
* McsElln.αεσππ'7.1-Το-αλφάβητο-της-ΓΛΩΣΣΑΣ,
μλ16.αλφάβητο_ΓΛΩΣΣΑΣ:
* γράμματα ελληνικού και λατινικού αλφαβήτου
* ψηφια
* ειδικά-σύμβολα: + -* / = ( ) . , ' | & ^ κενό
[μλ16σ127]
name::
* McsElln.αεσππ'7.2-Τύποι-Δεδομένων,
μλ16.τύπος_ΓΛΩΣΣΑΣ:
είναι ΕΙΔΟΣ πληροφορίας προς επεξεργασία.
* ακέραιος: 34, -22,
* πραγματικός: 3.14, -1.2,
* χαρακτήρας|αλφαριμητικός: 'κείμενο'
* λογικός: ΑΛΗΘΗΣ ΨΕΥΔΗΣ
[μλ16σ128]
name::
* McsElln.αεσππ'7.3-Σταθερές,
μλ16.σταθερά_ΓΛΩΣΣΑΣ:
ΠΙ = 3.14
[μλ16σ127]
μλ16.όνομα_ΓΛΩΣΣΑΣ:
* αρχίζει με γράμμα (πρώτο κεφαλαίο σ127)
* ακολουθούν γράμματα, ψηφία, _
* μη αποδεκτά ονόματα:100α, Μέση τιμή, κόστος$,
μλ16.δεσμευμένες_λέξεις:
αυτές που χρησιμοποιεί η ίδια, ΟΧΙ τα-ονόματα.
name::
* McsElln.αεσππ'7.4-Μεταβλητές,
μλ16.μεταβλητή_ΓΛΩΣΣΑΣ:
όνομα πληροφορίας που αλλάζει
[μλ16σ129]
name::
* McsElln.αεσππ'7.5-Αριθμητικοί-τελεστές,
μλ16.αριθμητικός_τελεστής_ΓΛΩΣΣΑΣ:
+ πρόσθεση
-
*
/ διαίρεση
^ δύναμη
DIV ακέραια διαίρεση ( 7 DIV 2 = 3)
MOD υπόλοιπ ακέραιας διαίρεσης (7 MOD 2 = 1)
[μλ16σ131]
name::
* McsElln.αεσππ'7.6-Συναρτήσεις,
μλ16.συνάρτηση:
έτοιμες|υποστηριζόμενες πράξεις:
ΗΜ(Χ)
ΣΥΝ(Χ)
ΕΦ(Χ)
Τ_Ρ(Χ) τετραγωνική-ρίζα
Ε(Χ) e^x
Α_Μ(Χ) ακέραιο μέρος
Α_Τ(χ) απόλυτη-τιμή
ΛΟΓ(χ)
[μλ16σ131]
name::
* McsElln.αεσππ'7.7-Αριθμητικές-εκφράσεις,
μλ16.αριθμητική_έκφραση_ΓΛΩΣΣΑΣ:
παράσταση που υπολογίζει ΤΙΜΗ
[μλ16σ131]
name::
* McsElln.αεσππ'7.8-Εντολή-εκxώρησης,
μλ16.εντολή_εκxώρησης_ΓΛΩΣΣΑΣ:
ο-προγραμματιστής δίνει τιμή σε μεταβλητή
Μεταβλητή <- τιμή
[μλ16σ132]
name::
* McsElln.αεσππ'7.9-Εντολές-εισόδου-εξόδου,
μλ16.εντολή_εισόδου_ΓΛΩΣΣΑΣ:
Ο-ΧΡΗΣΤΗΣ δίνει πληροφορία σε μεταβλητή
μλ16.ΔΙΑΒΑΣΕ Μεταβλητή
[μλ16σ133]
μλ16.εντολή_εξόδου_ΓΛΩΣΣΑΣ:
ο-ΥΠΟΛΟΓΙΣΤΗΣ δίνει πληροφορία στο χρήστη
μλ16.ΓΡΑΨΕ Μεταβλητή
ΓΡΑΨΕ 'σχόλιο'
ΓΡΑΨΕ Π[ι],'σχολιο'
[μλ16σ133]
name::
* McsElln.αεσππ'7.10-Δομή-προγράμματος,
μλ16.δομή_προγράμματος_ΓΛΩΣΣΑΣ:
ΠΡΟΓΡΑΜΜΑ όνομα
! σχόλιο
ΣΤΑΘΕΡΕΣ
ΦΠΑ=0.18 (έπρεπε <-)
ΜΕΤΑΒΛΗΤΕΣ
ΑΚΕΡΑΙΕΣ:
ΠΡΑΓΜΑΤΙΚΕΣ:
ΑΡΧΗ
! σχόλιο
...
ΤΕΛΟΣ_ΠΡΟΓΡΑΜΜΑΤΟΣ
[μλ16σ127]
name::
* McsElln.αεσππ'κεφ08-Επιλογή-και-επανάληψη,
name::
* McsElln.αεσππ'8.1-Εντολές-επιλογής,
μλ16.λογική_έκφραση, μλ16.συνθήκη, μλ16.λογική_παράσταση:
είναι η-έκφραση#ql:μλ16.έκφραση_αλγ*# με αποτέλεσμα τις-λογικές-τιμές ΑΛΗΘΗΣ, ΨΕΥΔΗΣ.
[μλ16σ139]
μλ16.συγκριτικός_τελεστής:
= ισότητα
<> ανισότητα|διαφορετικό
>
>=
<
<=
σύγκριση αλφαριθμητικών-δεδομένων|τιμών γίνεται ως προς χαρακτήρες κ<λ
σύγκριση λογικών-δεδομένων έχει νόημα για = και <>
* αριθμητικοί-τελεστές εκτελούνται πρώτοι, μετά οι-συγκριτικοί και μετά οι-λογικοί (ιεραρχία μεγαλυτερη έχουν οι-αριθμητικοί)
[μλ16σ139]
μλ16.λογικός_τελεστής:
ΟΧΙ
ΚΑΙ
Ή
οι-λογικοί-τελεστές εκτελούνται ΜΕΤΑ τους αριθμητικούς
[μλ16σ140]
name::
* McsElln.αεσππ'8.1.1-Εντολή-ΑΝ,
μλ16.ΑΝ_ΤΟΤΕ:
ΑΝ συνθήκη ΤΟΤΕ
εντολές
ΤΕΛΟΣ_ΑΝ
[μλ16σ140]
μλ16.ΑΝ_ΤΟΤΕ_ΑΛΛΙΩΣ:
ΑΝ συνθήκη ΤΟΤΕ
εντολές
ΑΛΛΙΩΣ
εντολές
ΤΕΛΟΣ_ΑΝ
[μλ16σ141]
μλ16.ΑΝ_ΤΟΤΕ_ΑΛΛΙΩΣ_ΑΝ:
ΑΝ συνθήκη ΤΟΤΕ
εντολές
ΑΛΛΙΩΣ_ΑΝ συνθήκη ΤΟΤΕ
εντολές
ΑΛΛΙΩΣ_ΑΝ ...
ΑΛΛΙΩΣ
εντολές
ΤΕΛΟΣ_ΑΝ
[μλ16σ142]
name::
* McsElln.αεσππ'8.1.2-Εντολή-ΕΠΙΛΕΞΕ,
πγλδ'3.1 Εντολή ΕΠΙΛΕΞΕ
3.1.1 Παραδείγματα με χρήση της εντολής ΕΠΙΛΕΞΕ
3.1.2 Ερωτήσεις - Ασκήσεις
μλ16.ΕΠΙΛΕΞΕ:
* όταν έχουμε έκφραση με πολλές τιμές
* έχει πλεονεκτήματα
ΕΠΙΛΕΞΕ έκφραση
ΠΕΡΙΠΤΩΣΗ λίστα_τιμών_1
εντολές
ΠΕΡΙΠΤΩΣΗ λίστα_τιμών_2
εντολές
...
ΠΕΡΙΠΤΩΣΗ ΑΛΛΙΩΣ
εντολές
ΤΕΛΟΣ_ΕΠΙΛΟΓΩΝ
[μλ16σ144]
name::
* McsElln.αεσππ'8.2-Εντολές-επανάληψης,
μλ16.εντολή_επανάληψης, μλ16.βρόxος:
εκτελούν πολλές φορές μια ομάδα εντολών, βάση συνθήκης.
* ΟΣΟ
* ΜΕΧΡΙΣ_ΟΤΟΥ
* ΓΙΑ
[μλ16σ145]
name::
* McsElln.αεσππ'8.2.1-Εντολή-ΟΣΟ-ΕΠΑΝΑΛΑΒΕ,
μλ16.εντολή_ΟΣΟ, μλ16.ΟΣΟ:
ΟΣΟ συνθήκη ΕΠΑΝΑΛΑΒΕ
εντολές
ΤΕΛΟΣ_ΕΠΑΝΑΛΗΨΗΣ
* η-συνθήκη είναι στην αρχή
* οι-επαναλήψεις είναι άγνωστες.
[μλ16σ145]
μλ16.πρόγραμμα_άθροισμα:
ΠΡΟΓΡΑΜΜΑ Άθρ
ΜΕΤΑΒΛΗΤΕΣ
ΑΚΕΡΑΙΕΣ: Χ, Άθροισμα, Πλήθος
ΠΡΑΓΜΑΤΙΚΕΣ: ΜΟ
ΑΡΧΗ
Πλήθος <- 0
Άθροισμα <- 0
ΓΡΑΨΕ 'Δώσε Αριθμό'
ΔΙΑΒΑΣΕ Χ
ΟΣΟ Χ <> 0 ΕΠΑΝΑΛΑΒΕ
Άθροισμα <- Άθροισμα + Χ
Πλήθος <- Πλήθος + 1
ΓΡΑΨΕ 'Δώσε Αριθμό'
ΔΙΑΒΑΣΕ Χ
ΤΕΛΟΣ_ΕΠΑΝΑΛΗΨΗΣ
ΑΝ Πλήθος > 0 ΤΟΤΕ
ΜΟ <- Άθροισμα/Πλήθος
ΓΡΑΨΕ 'Το Άθροισμα είναι : ', Άθροισμα
ΓΡΑΨΕ 'Ο Μέσος όρος είναι : ', ΜΟ
ΑΛΛΙΩΣ
ΓΡΑΨΕ 'Δεν δόθηκαν στοιχεία'
ΤΕΛΟΣ_ΑΝ
ΤΕΛΟΣ_ΠΡΟΓΡΑΜΜΑΤΟΣ
name::
* McsElln.αεσππ'8.2.2-Εντολή-ΜΕΧΡΙΣ-ΟΤΟΥ,
μλ16.εντολή_ΜΕXΡΙΣ_ΟΤΟΥ, μλ16.ΜΕXΡΙΣ_ΟΤΟΥ, μλ16.ΑΡXΗ_ΕΠΑΝΑΛΗΨΗΣ:
ΑΡΧΗ_ΕΠΑΝΑΛΗΨΗΣ
εντολές
ΜΕΧΡΙΣ_ΟΤΟΥ λογική_΄εκφραση
* όταν θέλουμε υποχρεωτικά μία επανάληψη
[μλ16σ147]
name::
* McsElln.αεσππ'8.2.3-Εντολή-ΓΙΑ-ΑΠΟ-ΜΕΧΡΙ,
μλ16.εντολή_ΓΙΑ, μλ16.ΓΙΑ:
ΓΙΑ μεταβλητή ΑΠΟ τ1 ΜΕΧΡΙ τ2 ΜΕ ΒΗΜΑ τ3
εντολές
ΤΕΛΟΣ_ΕΠΑΝΑΛΗΨΗΣ
* οι-επαναλήψεις γνωστές από την-αρχή.
[μλ16σ145]
μλ16.πρόγραμμα_προπαίδεια:
ΠΡΟΓΡΑΜΜΑ Προπαίδεια
!Πρόγραμμα εκτύπωσης της προπαίδειας των αριθμών 1 έως 10
ΜΕΤΑΒΛΗΤΕΣ
ΑΚΕΡΑΙΕΣ: Α, Β, Γ
!A:Πολλαπλασιαστέος
!Β:Πολαπλασιαστής
!Γ:Γινόμενο
ΑΡΧΗ
ΓΙΑ Α ΑΠΟ 1 ΜΕΧΡΙ 10
ΓΙΑ Β ΑΠΟ 1 ΜΕΧΡΙ 10
Γ <- Α*Β
ΓΡΑΨΕ Α, 'X', Β, '=', Γ
ΤΕΛΟΣ_ΕΠΑΝΑΛΗΨΗΣ
ΓΡΑΨΕ !Εισαγωγή κενής γραμμής στην εκτύπωση
ΤΕΛΟΣ_ΕΠΑΝΑΛΗΨΗΣ
ΤΕΛΟΣ_ΠΡΟΓΡΑΜΜΑΤΟΣ
name::
* McsElln.αεσππ'κεφ09-Πίνακες,
έννοια-πίνακας#ql:μλ16.πίνακας#:
μεταβλητές με δείκτες από την-άλγεβρα
[μλ16σ154]
name::
* McsElln.αεσππ'9.1-Μονοδιάστατοι-πίνακες,
μλ16.πίνακας.μονοδιάστατος:
πίνακας με ένα-δείκτη
[μλ16σ156]
μλ16.πίνακα_στοιxείο:
κάθε ένα από τα-ΑΝΤΙΚΕΙΜΕΝΑ που απαρτίζουν τον πίνακα!
[μλ16σ156]
name::
* McsElln.αεσππ'9.2-Πότε-πρέπει-να-χρησιμοποιούνται-πίνακες,
μλ16.πίνακα_xρήση:
μόνο άν τα-δεδομένα πρέπει να διατηρούνται μέχρι το-τέλος της-εκτέλεσης του-προγράμματος.
[μλ16σ160]
μλ16.πίνακα_μειονέκτητα:
α) απαιτούν μνήμη στον υπολογιστή (που δεσμεύεται από την-αρχή)
β) περιορίζουν τη-δυνατότητα του-προγράμματος (στατικές δομές)
[μλ16σ160]
name::
* McsElln.αεσππ'9.4-Τυπικές-επεξεργασίες-πινάκων,
μλ16.πίνακα_επεξεργασίες:
α) υπολογισμός αθροισμάτων
β) εύρεση μέγιστου|ελάχιστου
γ) ταξινόμηση
δ) αναζήτηση (σειριακή-μη-ταξινομημένος, δυαδική-ταξινομημένος)
ε) συγχώνευση
[μλ16σ165]
μλ16.πρόγραμμα_φυσσαλίδα:
ΠΡΟΓΡΑΜΜΑ φυσσαλίδα
ΜΕΤΑΒΛΗΤΕΣ
ΑΚΕΡΑΙΕΣ: Π[9], ι, κ, Πρ
ΑΡΧΗ
! δωσε στοιχεία πίνακα
Π[1] <- 52
Π[2] <- 12
Π[3] <- 71
Π[4] <- 56
Π[5] <- 5
Π[6] <- 10
Π[7] <- 19
Π[8] <- 90
Π[9] <- 45
ΓΙΑ ι ΑΠΟ 1 ΜΕΧΡΙ 9
ΓΡΑΨΕ Π[ι], ','
ΤΕΛΟΣ_ΕΠΑΝΑΛΗΨΗΣ
! ταξινόμηση
ΓΙΑ ι ΑΠΟ 2 ΜΕΧΡΙ 9
ΓΙΑ κ ΑΠΟ 9 ΜΕΧΡΙ ι ΜΕ ΒΗΜΑ -1
ΑΝ Π[κ - 1] > Π[κ] ΤΟΤΕ
Πρ <- Π[κ - 1]
Π[κ - 1] <- Π[κ]
Π[κ] <- Πρ
ΤΕΛΟΣ_ΑΝ
ΤΕΛΟΣ_ΕΠΑΝΑΛΗΨΗΣ
ΤΕΛΟΣ_ΕΠΑΝΑΛΗΨΗΣ
ΓΡΑΨΕ
ΓΡΑΨΕ
ΓΙΑ ι ΑΠΟ 1 ΜΕΧΡΙ 9
ΓΡΑΨΕ Π[ι], ','
ΤΕΛΟΣ_ΕΠΑΝΑΛΗΨΗΣ
ΤΕΛΟΣ_ΠΡΟΓΡΑΜΜΑΤΟΣ
name::
* McsElln.αεσππ'κεφ10-υποπρογράμματα,
name::
* McsElln.αεσππ'10.1-τμηματικός-προγραμματισμός,
τμηματικός-προγραμματισμός#ql:μλ16.τμηματικός_προγραμματισμός#:
είναι η-σχεδίαση και ανάπτυξη προγραμμάτων σαν ένα-σύνολο από απλούστερα υποπρογράμματα.
[μλ16σ171]
- υλοποίηση της ιεραρχικής-σχεδίασης
[μλ16σ116]
name::
* McsElln.αεσππ'10.2-xαρακτηριστικά-υποπρογραμμάτων,
μλ16.υποπρογραμμάτων_xαρακτηριστικά:
α) μία είσοδο και μία έξοδο
β) ανεξάρτητο από άλλα
γ) να είναι απλό (όχι πολύ μεγάλο)
[μλ16σ173]
name::
* McsElln.αεσππ'10.3-πλεονεκτήματα-τμηματικού-προγραμματισμού,
name::
* McsElln.αεσππ'10.5-διαδικασίες-και-συναρτήσεις,
name::
* McsElln.αεσππ'10.5.1-ορισμός-και-κλήση-συναρτήσεων,
name::
* McsElln.αεσππ'10.5.2-ορισμός-και-κλήση-διαδικασιών,
name::
* McsElln.αεσππ'10.5.3-πραγματικές-και-τυπικές-παράμετροι,
μλ16.παράμετρος.πραγματική (parameter):
του κυρίου προγράμματος
[μλ16σ181]
μλ16.παράμετρος.τυπική (argument):
του υποπρογράμματος
[μλ16σ181]
name::
* McsElln.αεσππ'10.6-εμβέλεια-μεταβλητών-σταθερών,
name::
* McsElln.αεσππ'κεφ13-Εκσφαλμάτωση-προγράμματος,
name::
* McsElln.αεσππ'13.1-Κατηγορίες-λαθών,
πγλδ'5.1 Κατηγορίες Λαθών
5.1.1 Συντακτικά λάθη
5.1.2 Λάθη που οδηγούν σε αντικανονικό τερματισμό του προγράμματος
5.1.3 Λογικά λάθη
μλ16.λάθη.κατηγορίες:
α) Συντακτικά λάθη
β) Λάθη που οδηγούν σε αντικανονικό τερματισμό του προγράμματος
γ) Λογικά λάθη
[μλ16σ115-συμπλήρωμα]
μλ16.λάθος.συντακτικό:
δεν εκτελείται το πρόγραμμα (στη μετάφραση)
[μλ16σ115-συμπλήρωμα]
μλ16.λάθος.τερματισμού_αντικανονικού:
στην εκτέλεση
- διαίρεση με μηδέν
- δώσει ο-χρήστης αριθμό με γράμμα.
[μλ16σ115-συμπλήρωμα]
μλ16.λάθος.λογικό:
ο-προγραμματιστής έγραψε λάθος ενέργεια
[μλ16σ115-συμπλήρωμα]
name::
* McsElln.αεσππ'13.2-Εκσφαλμάτωση,
πγλδ'5.2 Εκσφαλμάτωση
5.2.1 Εκσφαλμάτωση λογικών λαθών στις δομές επιλογής
5.2.2 Εκσφαλμάτωση λογικών λαθών στις δομές επανάληψης
5.2.3 Εκσφαλμάτωση λογικών λαθών σε πίνακες
5.2.4 Εκσφαλμάτωση λογικών λαθών στα υποπρογράμματα
5.2.5 Μέθοδος ελέγχου «Μαύρο Κουτί»
5.3 Ερωτήσεις - Ασκήσεις
name::
* McsElln.αεσππ'2001-2002-ΔΙΔΑΣΚΑΛΙΑ,
name::
* McsElln.1) κεφ1. Ανάλυση προβλήματος (2δίωρα),
ΘΕΩΡΙΑ:
1.1 Η έννοια πρόβλημα
1.2 Κατανόηση προβλήματος
1.3 Δομή προβλήματος
1.4 Καθορισμός απαιτήσεων
1.5 Κατηγορίες προβλημάτων
1.6 Πρόβλημα και υπολογιστής
ΕΝΝΟΙΕΣ:
1) πρόβλημα,
2) παράγοντες κατανόησης προβλήματος,
3) δεδομένα, πληροφορία,
4) δομή προβλήματος,
5) δεδομένα και ζητούμενα προβλήματος (= καθορισμός απαιτήσεων)
6) στάδια αντιμετώπισης προβλήματος,
7) κατηγορίες προβλημάτων,
8) προβλήματα που επιλύουν οι υπολογιστές,
ΠΡΟΒΛΗΜΑ είναι μια ΚΑΤΑΣΤΑΣΗ που απαιτεί λύση, η δε λύση της δεν είναι γνωστή, ούτε προφανής.
Η ΚΑΤΑΝΟΗΣΗ-ΠΡΟΒΛΗΜΑΤΟΣ εξαρτάται από α) τη σωστή διατύπωση εκ μέρους του δημιουργού του προβλήματος και β) από τη σωστή ερμηνεία εκείνου που καλείται να το αντιμετωπίσει.
ΔΟΜΗ ΠΡΟΒΛΗΜΑΤΟΣ είναι τα συστατικά μέρη του προβλήματος ΚΑΙ το τρόπος που είναι συνδεδεμένα.
ΚΑΘΟΡΙΣΜΟΣ ΑΠΑΙΤΗΣΕΩΝ προβλήματος είναι ο επακριβής προσδιορισμός των δεδομένων και ζητουμένων του προβλήματος.
Τα ΣΤΑΔΙΑ ΑΝΤΙΜΕΤΩΠΙΣΗΣ προβλήματος είναι:
- η κατανόηση, όπου απαιτείται η αποσαφήνηση δεδομένων/ζητουμένων,
- η ανάλυση, όπου το αρχικό διασπάται σε απλούστερα,
- η επίλυση, που γίνεται μέσω της επίλυσης των επιμέρους προβλημάτων.
Ομάδες προβλημάτων ως προς τη δυνατότητα επίλυσής τους:
- επιλύσιμα (γνωστή λύση),
- ανοικτά (δεν έχει βρεθεί λύση, αλλά ΔΕΝ αποδείχθηκε ότι δεν υπάρχει λύση)
- άλυτα (έχουμε φτάσει στην παραδοχή ότι δεν υπάρχει λύση).
Ομάδες επιλύσιμων προβλημάτων ως προς το βαθμό δόμησης της λύσης:
- δομημένα (αυτοματοποιημένη διαδικασία επίλυσης)
- ημιδομημένα (παραπάνω από μία πιθανές λύσεις)
- αδόμητα (δεν υπάρχει προδιατυπωμένος τρόπος λύσης)
Ομάδες προβλημάτων ως προς το είδος επίλυσης:
- απόφασης (απάντηση σε ερώτημα),
- υπολογιστικά (ζητάτε ο υπολογισμός τιμής),
- βελτιστοποίησης (ζητάτε βέλτιστο αποτέλεσμα).
Τα προβλήματα που ΕΠΙΛΥΟΥΝ ΤΑ ΚΟΜΠΙΟΥΤΕΡ σχετίζονται με:
- πολύπλοκους υπολογισμούς,
- επαναληπτικές διαδικασίες,
- ταχύτητα εκτέλεσης πράξεων,
- μεγάλο πλήθος δεδομένων,
name::
* McsElln.2) κεφ2. Βασικές Έννοιες Αλγορίθμων (4 δίωρα),
ΘΕΩΡΙΑ:
2.1 Τι είναι αλγόριθμος
2.2 Σπουδαιότητα αλγορίθμων
2.3 Περιγραφή και αναπαράσταση αλγορίθμων
2.4 Βασικές συνιστώσες/εντολές ενός αλγορίθμου
2.4.1 Δομή ακολουθίας
2.4.2 Δομή επιλογής
2.4.3 Διαδικασίες πολλαπλών επιλογών
2.4.4 Εμφωλευμένες Διαδικασίες
2.4.5 Δομή επανάληψης
ΕΝΝΟΙΕΣ:
1) αλγόριθμος,
2) ιδιότητες αλγορίθμων,
3) σκοπιές μελέτης αλγορίθμων από την πληροφορική,
4) παράσταση αλγορίθμων,
5) εντολές (συνιστώσες, δομές, διαδικασίες) αλγορίθμου,
6) σταθερές,
7) μεταβλητές,
8) τελεστές,
9) έκφραση,
10) ψευδογλώσσα παράστασης αλγορίθμου,
11) εντολή εκχώρησης τιμής,
12) εντολή εισόδου,
13) εντολή εξόδου,
14) δομή ακολουθίας,
15) δομή επιλογής (απλή, σύνθετη, πολλαπλή),
16) εμφωλευμένες δομές,
17) δομή επανάληψης,
ΑΛΓΟΡΙΘΜΟΣ είναι μια σειρά ΠΕΠΕΡΑΣΜΕΝΩΝ ΕΝΕΡΓΕΙΩΝ, αυστηρά καθορισμένων και εκτελέσιμων σε πεπερασμένο χρόνο, που στοχεύουν στην επίλυση ενός προβλήματος.
Οι ιδιότητες/χαρακτηριστικά ενός αλγορίθμου είναι:
- είσοδος: οι πληροφορίες που θα δώσει ο χρήστης στον αλγόριθμο προς επεξεργασία.
- έξοδος: τα αποτελέσματα τις επεξεργασίας που θα δοθούν στον χρήστη.
- καθοριστικότητα (definiteness): τίποτα να μην είναι αόριστα διατυπωμένο.
- περατότητα: άν δεν τελειώνει η διαδικασία δεν είναι αλγόριθμος.
- αποτελεσματικότητα: κάθε εντολή να είναι εκτελέσιμη.
ΣΚΟΠΙΕΣ ΜΕΛΕΤΗΣ των αλγορίθμων από την πληροφορική:
- υλικού: επηρεάζει την ταχύτητα εκτέλεσης του αλγορίθμου.
- γλώσσες προγραμματισμού: επηρεάζουν την ταχύτητα, δεν υποστηρίζουν όλες τις ίδιες λειτουργίες.
- θεωρητική: εύρεση αποδοτικότερου αλγορίθμου.
- αναλυτική: η μελέτη των υπολογιστικών πόρων που απαιτούνται, πχ χρόνοι εισόδου/εξόδου, μέγεθος μνήμης κλπ.
ΤΡΟΠΟΙ ΑΝΑΠΑΡΑΣΤΑΣΗΣ ΑΛΓΟΡΙΘΜΟΥ:
- ελεύθερο κείμενο.
- διαγραμματικές τεχνικές: παράδειγμα το διάγραμμα-ροής.
- φυσική γλώσσα με βήματα.
- κωδικοποίηση.
ΕΝΤΟΛΕΣ ΑΛΓΟΡΙΘΜΟΥ (συνιστώσες, δομές, διαδικασίες) είναι οι ΕΝΕΡΓΕΙΕΣ που έχει κάθε αλγόριθμος.
ΣΤΑΘΕΡΕΣ ΑΛΓΟΡΙΘΜΟΥ είναι προκαθορισμένες ΤΙΜΕΣ που παραμένουν αμετάβλητες σε όλη τη διάρκεια της εκτέλεσης ενός αλγορίθμου. Ταξινομούνται σε
- αριθμητικές πχ 123, -1, +3,5,
- αλφαριθμητικές πχ "κατάσταση αποτελεσμάτων", "δώσε αριθμό",
- λογικές: είναι δύο: αληθής, ψευδής,
[Σταθερές είναι ονόματα καταχωρητών συγκεκριμένων/σταθερών πληροφοριών που επεξεργάζεται και παράγει ένα αλγόριθμος και δεν είναι οι πληροφορίες/τιμές που καταχωρούμε σε αυτές που λέγονται literals]
ΜΕΤΑΒΛΗΤΕΣ ΑΛΓΟΡΙΘΜΟΥ είναι ένα γλωσσικό αντικείμενο, που χρησιμοποιείται για να παραστήσει ένα στοιχείο δεδομένου. [είναι ονόματα καταχωρητών των πληροφοριών που επεξεργάζεται και παράγει ένας αλγόριθμος]. Ταξινομούνται σε αριθμητικές, αλφαριθμητικές και λογικές ανάλογα με τις πληροφορίες που δέχονται.
ΤΕΛΕΣΤΕΣ ΑΛΓΟΡΙΘΜΟΥ λέγονται τα σύμβολα των πράξεων που χρησιμοποιούνται στις εντολές.
ΕΚΦΡΑΣΕΙΣ είναι οι παραστάσεις που δημιουργούνται με συνδιασμούς τελεστών, μεταβλητών και σταθερών.
Ο ψευδοκώδικας ενός αλγορίθμου διατυπωμένος από μία ψευδογλώσσα έχει τη μορφή:
Αλγόριθμος <όνομα>
Δεδομένα // <μεταβλητές εισόδου> //
<εντολές>
! σχόλια ...
Αποτελέσματα // <μεταβλητές εξόδου> //
Τέλος <όνομα>
ΕΝΤΟΛΗ ΕΚΧΩΡΗΣΗΣ ΤΙΜΗΣ είναι η εντολή με την οποία ο προγραμματιστής βάζει μια τιμή[πληροφορία] σε μια μεταβλητή. Σε ψευδογλώσσα έχει τη μορφή:
Μεταβλητή <-- Έκφραση
ΕΝΤΟΛΗ ΕΙΣΟΔΟΥ είναι η εντολή με την οποία ο χρήστης αλγορίθμου δίνει τιμή σε μεταβλητή. Σε ψευδογλώσσα έχει τη μορφή:
Διάβασε χ
ΕΝΤΟΛΗ ΕΞΟΔΟΥ είναι η εντολή με την οποία ο αλγόριθμος εμφανίζει στον χρήστη το περιεχόμενο μιας μεταβλητής. Σε ψευδογλώσσα έχει τη μορφή:
Εκτύπωσε χ
[ΔΟΜΗ ΑΚΟΛΟΥΘΙΑΣ είναι η ΣΥΝΘΕΤΗ-ΕΝΤΟΛΗ αλγορίθμου που αποτελείται από μια σειρά άλλων εντολών.]
Η ΔΟΜΗ/ΔΙΑΔΙΚΑΣΙΑ ΕΠΙΛΟΓΗΣ περιλαμβάνει τον έλεγχο κάποιας συνθήκης που μπορεί να έχει δύο τιμές (Αληθής ή Ψευδής) και ακολουθεί η απόφαση εκτέλεσης κάποιας ενέργειας με βάση την τιμή της λογικής αυτής συνθήκης.
α) ΑΠΛΗ ΕΠΙΛΟΓΗ:
Αν <συνθήκη> τότε <εντολή>
ή
Αν <συνθήκη> τότε
<εντολή_1>
<εντολή_2>
...
Τέλος_άν
β) ΣΥΝΘΕΤΗ ΕΠΙΛΟΓΗ:
Αν <συνθήκη> τότε
<εντολές>
αλλιώς
<εντολές>
Τέλος_αν
γ) ΠΟΛΛΑΠΛΗ ΕΠΙΛΟΓΗ:
Αν <συνθήκη> τότε
<εντολές>
αλλιώς_αν <συνθήκη> τότε
<εντολές>
...
αλλιώς
<εντολές>
Τέλος_αν
ή
Επίλεξε <συνθήκη>
Περίπτωση <τιμή1>
<εντολές1>
Περίπτωση <τιμή2>
<εντολές2>
...
Περίπτωση αλλιώς
<εντολές_αλλιώς>
Τέλος_επιλογών
ΕΜΦΩΛΕΥΜΕΝΕΣ-ΔΟΜΕΣ είναι οι δομές που στις εντολές τους περιλαμβάνουν άλλες δομές.
[ΔΟΜΗ ΕΠΑΝΑΛΗΨΗΣ είναι η σύνθετη-εντολή που επαναλαμβάνει ένα σύνολο εντολών, που λέγεται βρόχος, βάσει μιάς συνθήκης ή με κάποιο μετρητή.]
α) επανάληψη με αληθή συνθήκη:
Όσο <συνθήκη> επανάλαβε
<εντολές>
Τέλος_επανάληψης
β) επανάληψη με ψευδή συνθήκη:
Αρχή_επανάληψης
<εντολές>
Μέχρις_ότου <συνθήκη>
γ) επανάληψη γνωστών επαναλήψεων:
Για <μετρητής> από <τιμή1> μέχρι <τιμή2>
<εντολές>
Τέλος_επανάληψης
ή
Για <μετρητής> από <τιμή1> μέχρι <τιμή2> με_βήμα <τιμή3>
<εντολές>
Τέλος_επανάληψης
name::
* McsElln.ΤΕΣΤ Α' ΤΕΤΡΑΜΗΝΟΥ (ανάπτυξη εφαρμογών γ' λυκείου),
θέμα 1ο) 20 μονάδες:
Απαντήστε με σωστό/λάθος:
1) Με την εντολή "Αρχή_επανάληψης...Μέχρις_ότου..." υπάρχει ένας βρόχος που θα εκτελεσθεί οπωσδήποτε τουλάχιστο μια φορά.
2) Οι μεταβλητές αλλάζουν όνομα κατά τη διάρκεια εκτέλεσης των αλγορίθμων.
3) Οι επαναληπτικές διαδικασίες εμπεριέχουν πάντοτε και συνθήκες επιλογών.
Συμπληρώστε με όσες λέξεις χρειάζεται τα κενά:
4) Τα κριτήρια που πρέπει να ικανοποιεί ένας αλγόριθμος είναι: αποτελεσματικότητα, καθοριστικότητα, ____________________________________________.
Διάλεξε το σωστό:
5) Ποιά από τα παρακάτω αποτελούν εντολές της ψευδογλώσσας των αλγορίθμων:
α) Α+Β=10, β) Α<--Β*3, γ) Α+Β<--12, δ) Α<--2*Β<--22.
θέμα 2ο) 40 μονάδες:
Η αξία του λογαριασμού της ΔΕΗ υπολογίζεται ως εξής:
- υπάρχει πάγια χρέωση 12.000 δρχ.
- οι πρώτες 800 kwh χρεώνονται 20 δρχ η kwh.
- οι επόμενες 800 kwh χρεώνονται 25 δρχ η kwh.
- κοι οι υπόλοιπες χρεώνονται 30 δρχ η kwh.
Να γράψετε αλγόριθμο που να υπολογίζει την αξία ενός λογαριασμού της ΔΕΗ.
θέμα 3ο) 40 μονάδες:
Πηγαίνεις σε ένα πολυκατάστημα και παρατηρείς τις παρακάτω τιμές για 4 διαφορετικά είδη γάλακτος.
Είδος Τιμή Ποσότητα
Γάλα_1 195 δρχ 300ml
Γάλα_2 205 δρχ 400ml
Γάλα_3 400 δρχ 500ml
Γάλα_4 450 δρχ 550ml
Να γράψεις έναν αλγόριθμο που θα υπολογίζει και θα εμφανίζει το είδος γάλακτος που έχει την πλέον συμφέρουσα τιμή.
θέμα 1ο) 20 μονάδες:
Απαντήστε με σωστό/λάθος:
1) Με την εντολή "Αρχή_επανάληψης...Μέχρις_ότου..." υπάρχει ένας βρόχος που θα εκτελεσθεί οπωσδήποτε τουλάχιστο μια φορά.
2) Οι μεταβλητές αλλάζουν όνομα κατά τη διάρκεια εκτέλεσης των αλγορίθμων.
3) Οι επαναληπτικές διαδικασίες εμπεριέχουν πάντοτε και συνθήκες επιλογών.
Συμπληρώστε με όσες λέξεις χρειάζεται τα κενά:
4) Τα κριτήρια που πρέπει να ικανοποιεί ένας αλγόριθμος είναι: αποτελεσματικότητα, καθοριστικότητα, ____________________________________________.
Διάλεξε το σωστό:
5) Ποιά από τα παρακάτω αποτελούν εντολές της ψευδογλώσσας των αλγορίθμων:
α) Α+Β=10, β) Α<--Β*3, γ) Α+Β<--12, δ) Α<--2*Β<--22.
ΛΥΣΗ:
Σ, Λ, Λ, περατότητα-είσοδο-έξοδο, β.
θέμα 2ο) 40 μονάδες:
Η αξία του λογαριασμού της ΔΕΗ υπολογίζεται ως εξής:
- υπάρχει πάγια χρέωση 12.000 δρχ.
- οι πρώτες 800 kwh χρεώνονται 20 δρχ η kwh.
- οι επόμενες 800 kwh χρεώνονται 25 δρχ η kwh.
- κοι οι υπόλοιπες χρεώνονται 30 δρχ η kwh.
Να γράψετε αλγόριθμο που να υπολογίζει την αξία ενός λογαριασμού της ΔΕΗ.
ΛΥΣΗ:
Αλγόριθμος ΔΕΗ
Δεδομένα // Κ ακέραιος // ! οι kwh που έκαψε ο καταναλωτής.
Διάβασε Κ
Επίλεξε Κ
περίπτωση 0
Α<--12000
περίπτωση <=800
Α<--12000+Κ*20
περίπτωση <=1600
Α<--12000+800*20+(Κ-800)*25
περίπτωση >1600
Α<--12000+800*20+800*25+(Κ-1600)*30
Τέλος_επιλογών
Εμφάνισε Α
Αποτελέσματα // Α // !η αξία του ρεύματος που έκαψε ο καταναλωτής.
Τέλος ΔΕΗ
ΛΥΣΗ Β:
Αλγόριθμος ΔΕΗ
Δεδομένα // Κ ακέραιος //
! οι kwh που έκαψε ο καταναλωτής.
Διάβασε Κ
Επίλεξε Κ
περίπτωση <=800
Α<--Κ*20
περίπτωση <=1600
Α<--800*20+(Κ-800)*25
περίπτωση >1600
Α<--800*20+800*25+(Κ-1600)*30
Τέλος_επιλογών
Α<--Α+12000
Εμφάνισε Α
Αποτελέσματα // Α //
!η αξία του ρεύματος που έκαψε ο καταναλωτής.
Τέλος ΔΕΗ
θέμα 3ο) 40 μονάδες:
Πηγαίνεις σε ένα πολυκατάστημα και παρατηρείς τις παρακάτω τιμές για 4 διαφορετικά είδη γάλακτος.
Είδος Τιμή Ποσότητα
Γάλα_1 195 δρχ 300ml
Γάλα_2 205 δρχ 400ml
Γάλα_3 400 δρχ 500ml
Γάλα_4 450 δρχ 550ml
Να γράψεις έναν αλγόριθμο που θα υπολογίζει και θα εμφανίζει το είδος γάλακτος που έχει την πλέον συμφέρουσα τιμή.
ΛΥΣΗ:
Αλγόριθμος γάλα
Δεδομένα // Γ αλφαριθμητική, Τ,Π ακέραιοι //
! Γ=το είδος γάλατος, Τ=η τιμή του, Π= η ποσότητά του.
! Επειδή οι ποσότητες είναι διαφορετικές, πρέπει να τα συγκρίνουμε στο ένα γραμμάριο.
Διάβασε Γ,Τ,Π
ΣΤ<--Τ/Π
ΣΓ<--Γ
! Τ/Π είναι το κόστος ενός γραμμαρίου γάλατος.
! ΣΓ=περιέχει το είδος του γάλατος και η ΣΤ=περιέχει το κόστος του 1 γρ.
Για κ Από 1 Μέχρι 3
Διάβασε Γ,Τ,Π
Αν Τ/Π<ΣΤ Τότε
ΣΤ<--Τ/Π
ΣΓ<--Γ
Τέλος-αν
Τέλος_επανάληψης
Εκτύπωσε ΣΓ
Αποτελέσματα // ΣΓ //
Τέλος γάλα
ΛΥΣΗ Β:
Αλγόριθμος γάλα
Δεδομένα // Γ1,Γ2,Γ3,Γ4 αλφαριθμητική, Τ1,Τ2,Τ3,Τ4,Π1,Π2,Π3,Π4 ακέραιοι //
Διάβασε Γ1,Τ1,Π1
ΣΤ<--Τ1/Π1
ΣΓ<--Γ1
Διάβασε Γ2,Τ2,Π2
Αν Τ2/Π2<ΣΤ Τότε
ΣΤ<--Τ2/Π2
ΣΓ<--Γ2
Τέλος-αν
Διάβασε Γ3,Τ3,Π3
Αν Τ3/Π3<ΣΤ Τότε
ΣΤ<--Τ3/Π3
ΣΓ<--Γ3
Τέλος-αν
Διάβασε Γ4,Τ4,Π4
Αν Τ4/Π4<ΣΤ Τότε
ΣΤ<--Τ4/Π4
ΣΓ<--Γ4
Τέλος-αν
Εκτύπωσε ΣΓ
Αποτελέσματα // ΣΓ //
Τέλος γάλα
name::
* McsElln.3) κεφ3. Δομές Δεδομένων και Αλγόριθμοι,
ΘΕΩΡΙΑ:
3.1 Δεδομένα
3.2 Αλγόριθμοι+Δομές Δεδομένων =Προγράμματα
3.3 Πίνακες
3.4 Στοίβα (μόνο θεωρία)
3.5 Ουρά (μόνο θεωρία)
3.6 Αναζήτηση
3.7 Ταξινόμηση
ΕΝΝΟΙΕΣ:
1) Δομή δεδομένων,
2) Βασικές λειτουργίες επί των δομών-δεδομένων,
3) Στατικές και δυναμικές δομές-δεδομένων,
4) Πίνακας,
5) Στοίβα,
6) Λειτουργίες σε στοίβα,
7) Ουρά,
8) Λειτουργίες σε ουρά,
9) Σειριακή αναζήτηση πίνακα,
10) Ταξινόμηση πίνακα ευθείας ανταλαγής ή ταξινόμηση φυσσαλίδας.
ΔΟΜΗ ΔΕΔΟΜΕΝΩΝ είναι ένα σύνολο αποθηκευμένων δεδομένων που δέχονται επεξεργασία από ένα σύνολο λειτουργιών.
[= τα είδη των πληροφοριών/μεταβλητών που χρησιμοποιούμε στα προγάμματα]
Οι βασικές ΛΕΙΤΟΥΡΓΙΕΣ που κάνουμε στις δομές-δεδομένων είναι:
Προσπέλαση, εισαγωγή, διαγραφή, αναζήτηση, ταξινόμηση, αντιγραφή, συγχώνευση, διαχωρισμός.
Wirth (Δημιουργός της Pascal):
Πρόγραμμα = Αλγόριθμος + Δομές-δεδομένων.
ΕΙΔΗ ΔΟΜΩΝ-ΔΕΔΟΜΕΝΩΝ:
α) ως προς το μέγεθος της απαιτούμενης μνήμης:
* ΣΤΑΤΙΚΕΣ: είναι οι δομές-δεδομένων που το ακριβές μέγεθος της απαιτούμενης κύριας μνήμης καθορίζεται κατα τον προγραμματισμό και όχι κατά την εκτέλεση του προγράμματος. Τα στοιχεία αποθηκεύονται σε συνεχόμενες θέσεις.
* ΔΥΝΑΜΙΚΕΣ: είναι οι δομές που δεν έχουν σταθερό μέγεθος μνήμης αλλά το μέγεθός τους αυξομειώνεται ανάλογα με την εισαγωγή ή διαγραφή δεδομένων.
[β) ως προς τη συνθετότητα:
* ΑΠΛΕΣ: ακέραιες, πραγματικές, αλφαριθμητικές, λογικές.
* ΣΥΝΘΕΤΕΣ: Πίνακας, Στοίβα, Ουρά, κλπ.]
ΠΙΝΑΚΑΣ είναι η δομή-δεδομένων που περιέχει ΣΤΟΙΧΕΙΑ [πληροφορίες] του ίδιου τύπου.
- ΔΙΑΣΤΑΣΗ ΠΙΝΑΚΑ είναι το ΠΛΗΘΟΣ των δεικτών που χρειάζονται για να προσδιορίσουμε κάθε στοιχείο του.
- ΣΥΜΒΟΛΙΣΜΟΣ ΠΙΝΑΚΑ: Α[12]=μονοδιάστατος 12 στοιχείων, Α[3,5]= διδιάστατος με 3 γραμμές και 5 στήλες.
- ΣΥΜΒΟΛΙΣΜΟΣ ΣΤΟΙΧΕΙΟΥ ΠΙΝΑΚΑ: Α[7]= το στοιχείο μονοδιάστατου-πίνακα με όνομα "Α" και δείκτη 7. Βαθμός[1,7]= το στοιχείο διδιάστατου-πίνακα με όνομα "Βαθμός" και δείκτες γραμμή=1 και στήλη=7.
- ΔΗΛΩΣΗ ΠΙΝΑΚΑ σε ψευδοκώδικα: Β[10] ακέραιος = μονοδιάστατος πίνακας 6 ακέραιων στοιχείων. Α[5, 7] πραγματικός = διδιάστατος πίνακας 35 πραγματικών στοιχείων.
- ΧΡΗΣΙΜΟΤΗΤΑ: Όλες οι γλώσσες προγραμματισμού υποστηρίζουν πίνακες. Με τη χρήση τους, μειώνονται δραματικά το πλήθος των μεταβλητών (και οι εντολές) που χρειάζεται ένας αλγόριθμος.
- ΠΑΡΑΔΕΙΓΜΑΤΑ:
* Ο ψευδοκώδικας που ο χρήστης τοποθετεί στοιχεία σε μονοδιάστατου πίνακα Α[7]
για κ από 1 μέχρι 7
διάβασε Α[κ]
τέλος_επανάληψης
* Ο ψευδοκώδικας που ο χρήστης δίνει τιμές σε διδιάστατο Α[5, 14] είναι:
για κ από 1 μέχρι 5
για λ από 1 μέχρι 4
διάβασε Α[κ,λ];
τέλος_επανάληψης
τέλος_επανάληψης
ΣΤΟΙΒΑ είναι η δομή-δεδομένων στην οποία η είσοδος/έξοδος των δεδομέων γίνεται με τη μορφή LIFO (τελευταίο μέσα, πρώτο έξω).
- Οι βασικές λειτουργίες πάνω στη στοίβα είναι η ώθηση (είσοδος) και η απώθηση (έξοδος).
ΟΥΡΑ είναι η δομή-δεδομένων στην οποία η είσοδος/έξοδος των δεδομένων γίνεται με τη μορφή FIFO (πρώτο μέσα, πρώτο έξω).
- Οι βασικές λειτουργίες πάνω στην ουρά είναι η εισαγωγή στοιχείου (στο πίσω άκρο) και η εξαγωγή στοιχείου (από το εμπρός άκρο).
ΣΕΙΡΙΑΚΗ ΑΝΑΖΗΤΗΣΗ ΣΤΟΙΧΕΙΩΝ ΠΙΝΑΚΑ είναι ο αλγόριθμος που ψάχνει να βρεί ένα στοιχείο σε πίνακα, ψάχνοντας ένα ένα όλα τα στοιχεία του πίνακα.
Είναι η λιγότερο αποτελεσματική μέθοδο αναζήτησης.
ΤΑΞΙΝΟΜΗΣΗ ΕΥΘΕΙΑΣ ΑΝΤΑΛΛΑΓΗΣ ή ΦΥΣΣΑΛΙΔΑΣ είναι η ταξινόμηση των στοιχείων πίνακα με σύγκριση και ανταλλαγή γειτονικών ζευγών στοιχείων.
name::
* McsElln.4) κεφ4. Τεχνικές Σχεδίασης Αλγορίθμων,
ΘΕΩΡΙΑ:
4.1 Ανάλυση προβλημάτων
4.2 Μέθοδοι σχεδίασης αλγορίθμων
ΕΝΝΟΙΕΣ:
1) Τα μέρη της ανάλυσης προβλήματος,
2) Ιδιότητες τεχνικών σχεδίασης αλγορίθμων,
3) Είδη τεχνικών.
ΣΤΟΧΟΣ ΑΛΓΟΡΙΘΜΟΥ:
Η επίλυση προβλήματος.
ΤΑ ΜΕΡΗ ΤΗΣ ΑΝΑΛΥΣΗΣ ΠΡΟΒΛΗΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΙΝΑΙ:
α) καταγραφή της υπάρχουσας ΠΛΗΡΟΦΟΡΙΑ.
β) αναγνώριση των ΙΔΙΑΙΤΕΡΟΤΗΤΩΝ του προβλήματος.
γ) καταγραφή των συνθηκών και ΠΡΟΫΠΟΘΕΣΕΩΝ υλοποίησςη του προβλήματος.
δ) ΣΧΕΔΙΑΣΗ ΑΛΓΟΡΙΘΜΟΥ. Καταγραφή της της πλέον αποδοτικής μεθόδου επίλυσης του προβλήματος.
ε) επιλογή ψευδογλώσσας παράστασης του αλγορίθμου και επιλογή γλώσσας προγραμματισμού για την ΥΛΟΠΟΙΗΣΗ του αλγορίθμου.
ΔΕΝ ΥΠΑΡΧΕΙ ένας ενιαίος κανόνας (μέθοδος), μία γενική φόρμουλα που να αναφέρεται στην επίλυση ΟΛΩΝ των προβλημάτων.
ΙΔΙΟΤΗΤΕΣ ΤΕΧΝΙΚΩΝ:
α) να αντιμετωπίζει με δικό της τρόπο τα δεδομένα.
β) να έχει τη δική της ακολουθία εντολών.
γ) να διαθέτει τη δική της αποδοτικότητα.
ΕΙΔΗ ΤΕΧΝΙΚΩΝ:
α) μέθοδος διαίρει και βασίλευε.
β) μέθοδος δυναμικού προγραμματισμού.
γ) άπληστη μέθοδος.
name::
* McsElln.5) κεφ6. Εισαγωγή στον προγραμματισμό,
ΘΕΩΡΙΑ:
6.1 Η έννοια του προγράμματος
6.2 Ιστορική αναδρομή
6.2.1 Γλώσσες Μηχανής
6.2.2 Συμβολικές γλώσσες ή γλώσσες χαμηλού επιπέδου
6.2.3 Γλώσσες υψηλού επιπέδου
6.2.4 Γλώσσες 4ης γενιάς
6.3 Φυσικές και τεχνητές γλώσσες
6.4 Τεχνικές σχεδίασης προγραμμάτων
6.4.1 Ιεραρχική σχεδίαση προγράμματος
6.4.2 Τμηματικός προγραμματισμός
6.4.3 Δομημένος προγραμματισμός
6.5 Αντικειμενοστραφής προγραμματισμός
6.6 Παράλληλος προγραμματισμός
6.7 Προγραμματιστικά περιβάλλοντα
ΕΝΝΟΙΕΣ:
1) Πρόγραμμα,
2) Γλώσσα Προγραμματισμού,
3) Είδη Γλωσσών Προγραμματισμού,
4) Στοιχεία Γλωσσών,
5) Τεχνικές Σχεδίασης Προγραμμάτων,
6) Προγραμματιστικό Περιβάλλον,
7) Συντάκτης (editor),
8) Μεταφραστής,
9) Βιβλιοθήκη,
10) Συνδέτης-Φορτωτής
11) πηγαίο, αντικείμενο, εκτελέσιμο πρόγραμμα,
ΠΡΟΓΡΑΜΜΑ είναι ένα σύνολο ΕΝΤΟΛΩΝ που δίνεται στον υπολογιστή ώστε να υλοποιηθεί ένας αλγόριθμος που επιλύει κάποιο πρόβλημα.
[ΓΛΩΣΣΑ-ΠΡΟΓΡΑΜΜΑΤΙΣΜΟΥ είναι οι ΚΑΝΟΝΕΣ και τα σύμβολα που χρησιμοποιούμε για να γράψουμε τις εντολές ενός προγράμματος.]
Οι γλώσσες προγραμματισμού με κριτήριο την ΕΞΕΛΙΞΗ τους ταξινομούνται σε:
- γλώσσες μηχανής (τα προγράμματά τους τα γράφουν με 0 και 1),
- συμβολικές (χρησιμοποιούν λέξεις αλλά εξαρτώνται απο το μηχάνημα),
- υψηλού επιπέδου (πιο κοντά στον άνθρωπο, "ανεξάρτητες" από μηχάνημα),
- 4ης γεννιάς (ο ΧΡΗΣΤΗΣ μπορεί να αλλάξει το πρόγραμμα).
Οι γλώσσες προγραμματισμού με κριτήριο τις ΤΕΧΝΙΚΕΣ που ακολουθούν ταξινομούνται σε:
- Διαδικασιακές (η πλειοψηφία)
- Μή διαδικασιακές,
- Συναρτησιακές,
- Αντικειμενοστραφείς (αντί να περιγράφει "ενέργειες", παίρνει τα "δεδομένα" ως πρωτεύοντα δομικά στοιχεία πάνω στα οποία ορίζει ιδιότητες και ενέργειες).
- παράλληλες,
- ερωταπαντήσεων.
Οι γλώσσες με κριτήριο τη ΧΡΗΣΗ ταξινομούνται σε:
- Γενικής χρήσης,
- Ειδικής χρήσης,
- Εμπορικής κατεύθυνσης,
- Επιστημονικής κατεύθυνσης,
- τεχνητής νοημοσύνης,
- προγραμματισμού συστημάτων,
ΔΕΝ υπάρχει καλύτερη γλώσσα προγραμματισμού.
Τα ΣΤΟΙΧΕΙΑ μιας γλώσσας είναι: το αλφάβητο, το λεξιλόγιο, η γραμματική (τυπικό, συντακτικό), η σημασιολογία.
Η βασική ΔΙΑΦΟΡΑ φυσικών και τεχνητών γλωσσών είναι ότι οι τεχνητές χαρακτηρίζονται από ΣΤΑΣΙΜΟΤΗΤΑ.
Οι ΤΕΧΝΙΚΕΣ σχεδίασης προγραμμάτων είναι:
- Ο ιεραρχικός προγραμματισμός (συνεχης διάρεση του προβλήματος)
- Ο τμηματικός προγραμματισμός (υλοποίηση του ιεραρχικού)
- Ο δομημένος προγραμματισμός (χρησιμοποιεί μόνο τις δομές [σύνθετες εντολές] της ακολουθίας, επιλογής και επανάληψης [όχι την εντολή goto] με μία είσοδο και μία έξοδο).
Τα ΠΛΕΟΝΕΚΤΗΜΑΤΑ του δομημένου προγραμματισμού είναι:
- εύκολη ανάγνωση και κατανόηση του προγράμματος από τρίτους.
- εύκολη διόρθωση και συντήρηση.
- περιορισμός των λαθών στην ανάπτυξη.
- δημιουργία απλούστερων προγραμμάτων.
- άμεση μεταφορά αλγορίθμου σε πρόγραμμα.
- διευκόλυνση ανάλυσης του προγράμματος σε τμήματα.
(ΟΛΟΚΛΗΡΩΜΕΝΟ) ΠΡΟΓΡΑΜΜΑΤΙΣΤΙΚΟ ΠΕΡΙΒΑΛΛΟΝ είναι ένα ΣΥΝΟΛΟ προγραμμάτων που χρησιμοποιούμε για να φτιάξουμε εκτελέσουμε και διορθώσουμε ένα πρόγραμμα.
ΣΥΝΤΑΚΤΗΣ (editor) είναι το πρόγραμμα με το οποίο γράφουμε τον κώδικα (το πρόγραμμα).
ΜΕΤΑΦΡΑΣΤΗΣ είναι το πρόγραμμα που μετατρέπει το πρόγραμμα απο λέξεις σε 0 και 1.
Ο ΜΕΤΑΓΛΩΤΤΙΣΤΗΣ (compiler) μεταφράζει ολόκληρο το πρόγραμμα.
Ο ΔΙΕΡΜΗΝΕΥΤΗΣ (interpreter) μεταφράζει μία μία τις εντολές και τις εκτελεί.
Οι μεταφραστές βρίσκουν τα ΣΥΝΤΑΚΤΙΚΑ λάθη που έχει ένα πρόγραμμα.
Το μειονέκτημα του Μεταγλωττιστή είναι ότι πρέπει να τελειώσεις το πρόγραμμα για να βρείς τα λάθη του.
Το μειονέκτημα του Διερμηνευτή είναι ότι η εκτέλεση ενός προγράμματος είναι αργή.
ΒΙΒΛΙΟΘΗΚΕΣ είναι ΕΤΟΙΜΑ τμήματα προγραμμάτων που έχουν οι γλώσσες προγραμματισμού.
ΣΥΝΔΕΤΗΣ-ΦΟΡΤΩΤΗΣ είναι το πρόγραμμα που συνδέει το μεταφρασμένο πρόγραμμα με τις βιβλιοθήκες.
ΠΗΓΑΙΟ ΠΡΟΓΡΑΜΜΑ είναι το πρόγραμμα που γράφει ο προγραμματιστής.
ΑΝΤΙΚΕΙΜΕΝΟ ΠΡΟΓΡΑΜΜΑ είναι το αυτό που δημιουργεί ο μεταφραστής.
ΕΚΤΕΛΕΣΙΜΟ ΠΡΟΓΡΑΜΜΑ είναι το τελικό πρόγραμμα μετά τη σύνδεσή του με τις βιβλιοθήκες.
1. Βάλτε στη σωστή σειρά τα παρακάτω:
β) 1.Σύνδεση-Φόρτωση, 2.Εκτέλεση, 3.Μεταγλώττιση, 4. Σύνταξη,
γ) 1.Διερμηνεία, 2.Σύνταξη, 3.Εκτέλεση
2. Συμπληρώστε τις παρακάτω φράσεις:
1) Το πρόγραμμα που γράφεται σε ένα συντάκτη λέγεται .....................................
2) Το πρόγραμμα σε μορφή γλώσσας μηχανής καλείται ..........................................
3) Η σύνδεση του κώδικα με τις βιβλιοθήκες γίνεται από τον .....................................
4) Η μετάφραση ενός προγράμματος γίνεται από τους ....................................... ή τους ..................................
3. Απαντήστε με σωστό/λάθος
1. Ο μεταγλωττιστής μας επιτρέπει να συντάσσουμε ένα πρόγραμμα.
_______ σωστό ________λάθος
2. Μια βιβλιοθήκη περιέχει υποπρογάμματα κοινής χρήσης.
_______ σωστό ________λάθος
3. Ο compiler (μεταγλωττιστής) εκτελεί το πρόγραμμα εντολή προς εντολή ενώ ο interpreter (διερμηνέας) μεταφράζει ολόκληρο το πρόγραμμα σε γλώσσα μηχανής.
_______ σωστό ________λάθος
4. Ολοκληρωμένο Προγραμματιστικό Περιβάλλον είναι ΕΝΑ πρόγραμμα που περιέχει τα περισσότερα εργαλεία που χρειαζόμαστε για να γράψουμε και εκτελέσουμε ένα πρόγραμμα.
_______ σωστό ________λάθος
5. Χαρακτηριστικό του οπτικού προγραμματισμού είναι γραφική δημιουργία του περιβάλλοντος.
_______ σωστό ________λάθος
6. Μειονέκτημα των διερμηνευόμενων γλωσσών προγραμματισμού είναι η αδυναμία δημιουργίας αντικειμενικού κώδικα με αποτέλεσμα αδυναμία προώθησης του προγράμματος στην αγορά.
_______ σωστό ________λάθος
7. Πρόγραμμα = αλγόριθμος + δεδομένα.
_______ σωστό ________λάθος
8. Τα λογικά λάθη ενός προγράμματος εμφανίζονται κατά τη μεταγλώττιση.
_______ σωστό ________λάθος
9. Η Basic είναι κατάλληλη για εφαρμογές τεχνητής νοημοσύνης.
_______ σωστό ________λάθος
name::
* McsElln.6) κεφ7. Βασικά στοιχεία προγραμματισμού,
ΘΕΩΡΙΑ:
7.1 Το αλφάβητο της ΓΛΩΣΣΑΣ
7.2 Τύποι Δεδομένων
7.3 Σταθερές
7.4 Μεταβλητές
7.5 Αριθμητικοί τελεστές
7.6 Συναρτήσεις
7.7 Αριθμητικές εκφράσεις
7.8 Εντολή εκχώρησης
7.9 Εντολές εισόδου-εξόδου
7.10 Δομή προγράμματος
name::
* McsElln.7) κεφ8. Επιλογή και επανάληψη,
ΘΕΩΡΙΑ:
8.1 Εντολές επιλογής
8.1.1 Εντολή ΑΝ
8.1.2 Εντολή ΕΠΙΛΕΞΕ
8.2 Εντολές επανάληψης
8.2.1 Εντολή ΟΣΟ...ΕΠΑΝΑΛΑΒΕ
8.2.2 Εντολή ΜΕΧΡΙΣ_ΟΤΟΥ
8.2.3 Εντολή ΓΙΑ...ΑΠΟ...ΜΕΧΡΙ
name::
* McsElln.8) κεφ9. Πίνακες,
ΘΕΩΡΙΑ:
9.1 Μονοδιάστατοι πίνακες
9.2 Πότε πρέπει να χρησιμοποιούνται πίνακες
9.3 Πολυδιάστατοι πίνακες
9.4 Τυπικές επεξεργασίες πινάκων
name::
* McsElln.αεσππ'Ασκήσεις,
ΑΣΚΗΣΕΙΣ:
1) Μετατροπή κελσίου σε φαρενάιτ (απλές εντολές)
2) Ο μεγαλύτερος 3 αριθμών (απλή επιλογή)
* δυσκολία σε είσοδο/έξοδο:
3) Κ2ΔΣ9 Προσφορές εκδήλωσης (απλή επιλογή - δύσκολη είσοδο/έξοδο)
* πολλαπλή-επιλογή με/χωρίς προσθετικό υπολογισμό:
4) Κ2ΔΤ7 Εισφορές από μισθό (πολλαπλή-επιλογή - όχι προσθετικός υπολογ.)
5) Υπολογισμός φόρου (πολλαπλή-επιλογή - προσθετικός υπολογισμός)
* παράδειγμα πολλαπλών λύσεων:
6) Κ8ΔΕ1-αξιολόγηση μαθητή (με όλες τις μορφές επιλογής)
* εμφωλευμένες εντολές:
7) Σχέση 2 αριθμών (απλή - εμφωλευμένες επιλογές)
8) Δευτεροβάθμια εξίσωση (εμφωλευμένες επιλογές)
9) Μόλυνση (απλή - έξοδος μήνυμα) από κ2δτ5
10) τηλεφωνική χρέωση - εξετάσεις 2000 (πολλαπλή επιλογή)
* επανάληψης:
11) εμφάνιση τιμών συνάρτησης
12) ο μικρότερος κ αριθμών.
13) κ2δτ8 μικρ 10 αριθμών
* αντίστροφη πορεία, τιμές-μεταβλητών:
14) Αντίστροφη πορεία, τι κάνει ψευδοκώδικας
* διαγώνισμα:
15) ΔΕΗ
16) Συμφέρον γάλα.
ΠΑΡΑΤΗΡΗΣΕΙΣ ΣΤΙΣ ΑΣΚΗΣΕΙΣ:
1) πως λύνουμε μια άσκηση:
α) Διαβάζουμε με προσοχή την ΕΚΦΩΝΗΣΗ και ξεκαθαρίζουμε τί πληροφορίες δίνει ο ΧΡΗΣΤΗΣ στον αλγόριθμο και τί παίρνει από τον αλγόριθμο. Επίσης ξεκαθαρίζουμε τί πληροφορίες ξέρει ο προγραμματιστής.
β) Φτιάχνουμε τον πίνακα ΠΛΗΡΟΦΟΡΙΩΝ-ΜΕΤΑΒΛΗΤΩΝ. Δηλαδή δηλώνουμε (ορίζουμε) τις αντίστοιχες μεταβλητές που θα δεχτούν τις πληροφορίες εισόδου-εξόδου και των βοηθητικών που θα δημιουργηθούν στη διαδικασία. Προσέχουμε τα ονόματα των μεταβλητών να μας λένε τί πληροφορίες δέχονται.
γ) ΑΡΧΙΚΟΠΟΙΟΥΜΕ τις μεταβλητές όπου χρειάζεται. Μια μεταβλητή που δέχεται άθροισμα πάντα αρχικοποιείται με 0. Μία μεταβλητή που μετράει επαναλήψεις συνήθως αρχικοποιείται με 1 κλπ.
δ) Βρίσκουμε τον ΑΛΓΟΡΙΘΜΟ. Δηλαδή λύνουμε το πρόβλημα στο μυαλό μας. Δηλαδή ξεκαθαρίζουμε τα βήματα που χρειάζονται για την επεξεργασία των πληροφοριών. ΑΝ δεν βρούμε τη σωστή διαδικασία επεξεργασίας των πληροφοριών, εννοείται ότι και το τελικό πρόγραμμα που θα φτιάξουμε θα είναι λάθος, θα κάνει άλλα 'ντ'άλλων.
ε) ΠΑΡΑΣΤΑΙΝΟΥΜΕ τον αλγόριθμο με ψευδοκώδικα. Γράφουμε δηλ. τις αντίστοιχες εντολές ψευδοκώδικα που εκπληρώνουν τα βήματα επεξεργασίας του αλγορίθμου.
στ) Γράφουμε το ΠΡΟΓΡΑΜΜΑ. Δηλαδή τις διαδικασίες που έχει ο αλγόριθμος τις αντιστοιχούμε με εντολές που καταλαβαίναι ένα κομπιούτερ. Αυτό το βήμα ΔΕΝ το κάνουμε στις εξετάσεις.
2) μεταβλητές:
α) ΟΝΟΜΑΤΑ: Πρέπει να είναι μία λέξη και να μήν έχουν ΔΕΙΚΤΕΣ, εκθέτες και ειδικά σύμβολα.
β) ΠΟΤΕ δε μπερδεύουμε στη ροή του προγράμματος ποιές πληροφορίες πάνε σε ποιές μεταβλητές. ΠΟΤΕ δε βάζουμε σε μεταβλητή πληροφορία άλλου τύπου πχ σε πραγματική μεταβλητή ποτέ δε βάζουμε λέξεις.
γ) Σε μεταβλητή-εισόδου δεν έχει νόημα να εκχωρήσει ο προγραμματιστής πληροφορία.
δ) Δεν "εκτυπώνουμε" μεταβλητή που δεν έχει μέσα πληροφορία.
ε) Δεν αλλάζουμε το όνομα μιας μεταβλητής μέσα στον αλγόριθμο.
ζ) Στις μεταβλητές-εισόδου (δεδομένα) βάζουμε και τον τύπο τους.
στ) Για τις μεταβλητές που υπάρχουν στα "Δεδομένα" πρέπει να υπάρχει και αντίστοιχο "Διάβασε".
3) εντολές:
α) ΣΥΝΤΑΞΗ:
- πρέπει να προσέχουμε οι εντολές να έχουν ΑΚΡΙΒΩΣ τις λέξεις-κλειδιά που περιέχουν.
- Δε χρησιμοποιούμε άλλες λέξεις (πέρα από τα μηνύματα) στις εντολές.
- Η χρήση ΕΣΟΧΩΝ στις εντολές προδιαθέτει το βαθμολογητή θετικά.
β) ΧΡΗΣΗ:
- να έχουμε απόλυτο έλεγχο κάθε εντολή που γράφουμε τι διαδικασία εκτελεί και αντίστροφα, μια διαδικασία (επεξεργασίας πληροφορίας) που θέλουμε να κάνουμε πια εντολή πρέπει να χρησιμοποιήσουμε.
- οι εντολές με τις οποίες βάζουμε πληροφορίες στις μεταβλητές είναι 2: "Διάβασε" με την οποία βάζουμε πληροφορία από το ΧΡΗΣΤΗ και "εκχώρησης" με την οποία βάζει πληροφορία ο προγραμματιστής.
- Στην πολλαπλή-επιλογή ΔΕ μπορεί να έχουμε 2 περιπτώσεις ίδιες.
4) όνομα αλγορίθμου: Να είναι μία λέξη.
5) σχόλια:
- Καλό είναι να βάζουμε σχόλια που επεξηγούν τι κάνουμε.
- Για κάθε μεταβλητή που χρησιμοποιούμε να βάζουμε και σχόλιο τι πληροφορίες δέχεται.
- Τα σχόλια προδιαθέτουν το βαθμολογητή θετικά.
6) είσοδο/έξοδο:
- Τις πληροφορίες εισόδου τις καταλαβαίνουμε από τις λέξεις 'διαβάζει', 'δέχεται'.
- Τις πληροφορίες εξόδου τις καταλαβαίνουμε από τις λέξεις 'υπολογίζει', 'εμφανίζει', 'εκτυπώνει', 'βρίσκει'.
7) μετρητές επανάληψης: Οι μετρητές στις επαναλήψεις με αληθή και ψευδή συνθήκη πρέπει ΠΑΝΤΑ να αρχικοποιούντα.
8) λογικές συνθήκες: Η λογική-συνθήκη δεν μπορεί να έχει κόμμα. Δεν μπορεί να έχει μόνο αριθμούς γιατί τότε η τιμή της είναι γνωστή άρα δεν έχουμε να ΕΠΙΛΕΞΟΥΜΕ το τί θα κάνουμε.
1) απλές εντολές.
Να γραφεί αλγόριθμος που μετατρέπει βαθμούς Κελσίου σε Φαρενάιτ άν C=5(F-32)/9.
ΛΥΣΗ
Αλγόριθμος CtoF
Δεδομένα // C πραγματικός //
Διάβασε C
F<--9/5*C+32
Εκτύπωσε F
Αποτελέσματα // F //
Τέλος CtoF
PASCAL:
program ctof;
var c,f:real;
begin
read(c);
f:=(9*c/5)+32;
writeln (f);
end.
BASIC:
INPUT "give celcious=",C
F=9/5*C+32
PRINT "farenait=",F
2) απλή-επιλογή.
Να γραφεί αλγόριθμος που να διαβάζει 3 αριθμούς και να εκτυπώνει το μεγαλύτερο.
ΛΥΣΗ:
Αλγόριθμος max
Δεδομένα // Α,Β,Γ πραγματικός //
Διάβασε Α,Β,Γ
ΜΑΧ<--Α
Αν ΜΑΧ<Β Τότε ΜΑΧ<--Β
Αν ΜΑΧ<Γ Τότε ΜΑΧ<--Γ
Εκτύπωσε ΜΑΧ
Αποτελέσματα // ΜΑΧ //
Τέλος max
BASIC:
INPUT "give number=",A
INPUT "give number=",B
INPUT "give number=",C
MAX=A
IF MAX<B THEN MAX=B
IF MAX<C THEN MAX=C
PRINT "max=",MAX
3) (Κ2ΔΣ9 δύσκολη στη σύλληψη - απλή επιλογή)
Έστω ότι θέλεις να οργανώσεις μια εκδήλωση για την παγκόσμια ημέρα περιβάλλοντος και έχεις τη χωρητικότητα (σε αριθμό ατόμων) και τις τιμές που θα κοστίσει η ενοικίαση χώρου από χώρου από 3 διαφορετικούς χώρους στους οποίους μπορεί να γίνει η εκδήλωση. Επιπλέον έχεις προσφορές από 5 διαφορετικούς χορηγούς που διαθέτουν χρήματα για την υποστήριξη της εκδήλωσης. Να γραφεί αλγόριθμος που υπολογίζει πόσοι χορηγοί μπορούν να καλύψουν το κόστος της αίθουσας με τη δυνατή μεγαλύτερη χωρητικότητα.
ΛΥΣΗ:
Αλγόριθμος εκδήλωση
Δεδομένα // Χ1,Χ2,Χ3,Τ1,Τ2,Τ3,ΠΡ1,ΠΡ2,ΠΡ3,ΠΡ4,ΠΡ5 πραγμ. //
! Θα βρούμε το κόστος της αίθουσας με μεγαλύτερη χωρητικότητα.
Διάβασε Χ1,Τ1
ΜΑΧ<--Χ1
ΚΟΣΤΟΣ<--Τ1
Διάβασε Χ2,Τ2
Αν ΜΑΧ<Χ2 Τότε
ΜΑΧ<--Χ2
ΚΟΣΤΟΣ<--Τ2
Τέλος_αν
Διάβασε Χ3,Τ3
Αν ΜΑΧ<Χ3 Τότε
ΜΑΧ<--Χ3
ΚΟΣΤΟΣ<--Τ3
Τέλος_αν
! Τώρα η μεταβλητή ΚΟΣΤΟΣ έχει την τιμή της μεγαλύτερης αίθουσας.
! Κατόπιν θα μετρήσουμε πόσες προσφορές καλύπτουν αυτό το κόστος.
Διάβασε ΠΡ1,ΠΡ2,ΠΡ3,ΠΡ4,ΠΡ5
ΜΕΤΡΗΤΗΣ<--0
Αν ΠΡ1>=ΚΟΣΤΟΣ Τότε ΜΕΤΡΗΤΗΣ<--ΜΕΤΡΗΤΗΣ+1
Αν ΠΡ2>=ΚΟΣΤΟΣ Τότε ΜΕΤΡΗΤΗΣ<--ΜΕΤΡΗΤΗΣ+1
Αν ΠΡ3>=ΚΟΣΤΟΣ Τότε ΜΕΤΡΗΤΗΣ<--ΜΕΤΡΗΤΗΣ+1
Αν ΠΡ4>=ΚΟΣΤΟΣ Τότε ΜΕΤΡΗΤΗΣ<--ΜΕΤΡΗΤΗΣ+1
Αν ΠΡ5>=ΚΟΣΤΟΣ Τότε ΜΕΤΡΗΤΗΣ<--ΜΕΤΡΗΤΗΣ+1
Εκτύπωσε ΜΕΤΡΗΤΗΣ
Αποτελέσματα // ΜΕΤΡΗΤΗΣ //
Τέλος εκδήλωση
4) (Κ2ΔΤ7 πολλαπλή επιλογή - όχι επαυξητικά)
Οι υπάλληλοι μιας εταιρείας συμφώνησαν για το μήνα Δεκέμβριο να κρατηθούν από το μισθό τους δυο ποσά, ένα για την ενίσχυση του παιδικού χωριού SOS και ένα για την ενίσχυση των σκοπών της UNICEF. Ο υπολογισμός του ποσού των εισφορών εξαρτάται από τον αρχικό μισθό του κάθε υπαλλήλου και υπολογίζεται με βάση τα παρακάτω όρια μισθών:
Μισθός εισφορά1 εισφορά2
έως 150.000 5% 4%
150.001-250.000 7,5% 6%
250.001-400.000 9,5% 8%
άνω 400.000 12% 11%
Να γραφεί αλγόριθμος που να δέχεται ως είσοδο το μισθό του και στη συνέχεια να υπολογίζει το ποσό των δύο εισφορών και το καθαρό ποσό που θα πάρει ο υπάλληλος.
ΛΥΣΗ:
Αλγόριθμος εισφορές
Δεδομένα // Μ πραγματικός (μισθός) //
Διάβασε Μ
Επίλεξε Μ
περίπτωση <=150.000
Ε1= Μ*5%
Ε2= Μ*4%
περίπτωση <=250.000
Ε1= Μ*7,5%
Ε2= Μ*6%
περίπτωση <=400.000
Ε1= Μ*9,5%
Ε2= Μ*8%
περίπτωση αλλιώς
Ε1= Μ*12%
Ε2= Μ*11%
Τέλος_Επιλογών
!υπολογισμός καθαρού-ποσού
ΚΠ=Μ-Ε1-Ε2
Εμφάνισε Ε1,Ε2,ΚΠ
Αποτελέσματα //Ε1,Ε2,ΚΠ//
Τέλος εισφορές
5) (Φορολογία πολλαπλή επιλογή - επαυξητικά)
Να γραφεί αλγόριθμος που υπολογίζει το φόρο που αντιστοιχεί σε φορολογητέο εισόδημα. Η φορολογική κλίματα είναι:
μέχρι 1.055.000 0%
1.055.000 - 2.637.5000 5%
2.637.500 - 4.220.000 15%
4.220.000 - 7.385.000 30
7.385.000 - 15.825.000 40
άνω 15.825.000 45
ΛΥΣΗ:
Αλγόριθμος φόρος
Δεδομένα // Ε πραγματικός // ! το φορολογητέο-εισόδημα
Διάβασε Ε
Επίλεξε Ε
περίπτωση <=1.055.000
Φ<--0
περίπτωση <=2.637.500
Φ<--(Ε-1055000)*5%
περίπτωση <=4.220.000
Φ<--79125 +(Ε-2.637.500)*15%
!79125=(2.637500-1055000)*5%
περίπτωση <=7.385.000
Φ<--316.500 +(Ε-4.220.000)*30%
!316500=79125+(4220000-2637500)*15%
περίπτωση <=15.825.000
Φ<--1.266.000+(Ε-7.385.000)*40%
!1266000=316500+(7385000-4220000)*30%
περίπτωση αλλιώς
Φ<--4.642.000+(Ε-15.825.000)*45%
!4.642.000=1266000+(15825000-7385000)*45%
Τέλος_επιλογών
Εκτύπωσε Φ
Αποτελέσματα // Φ //
Τέλος φόρος
QBASIC:
' Kef8DS1
DO
CLS
INPUT "AFM :", AFM$
INPUT "NAME :", nom$
INPUT "INCOME :", e
f = 0
SELECT CASE e
CASE IS < 1055000
f = 0
CASE 1055000 TO 2637500
f = (e - 1055000) * .05
CASE 2637500 TO 4220000
f = 79125 + (e - 2637500) * .15
CASE 4220000 TO 7385000
f = 316500 + (e - 4220000) * .3
CASE 7385000 TO 15825000
f = 1266000 + (e - 7385000) * .4
CASE ELSE
f = 4642000 + (e - 15825000) * .45
END SELECT
PRINT "TAX = ", f
LOOP UNTIL AFM& = 0
END
6) (κ8δε1 - ίδια άσκηση, όλες μορφές επιλογής)
Να γραφεί αλγόριθμος που να διαβάζει το βαθμό ενός μαθητή και να υπολογίζει την αντίστοιχη αξιολόγησή του με βάση το βαθμό του και σύμφωνα με τον παρακάτω πίνακα:
17,5 - 20 άριστα
15,5 - 17,4 πολύ καλά
13,5 - 15,4 καλά
9,5 - 13,4 μέτρια
0 - 9,4 απορρίπτεται.
1) ΛΥΣΗ ΜΕ ΑΠΛΗ-ΕΠΙΛΟΓΗ:
Αλγόριθμος αξιολόγηση
Δεδομένα // Β πραγματικός (βαθμός) //
Διάβασε Β !υποθέτουμε ότι 0<=Β<=20
Αν Β>=17,5 Τότε ΜΗΝΥΜΑ<--"άριστα"
Αν Β>=15,5 Τότε ΜΗΝΥΜΑ<--"πολύ καλά"
Αν Β>=13,5 Τότε ΜΗΝΥΜΑ<--"καλά"
Αν Β>=9,5 Τότε ΜΗΝΥΜΑ<--"μέτρια"
Αν Β<9,5 Τότε ΜΗΝΥΜΑ<--"απορρίπτεται"
Εκτύπωσε ΜΗΝΥΜΑ
Αποτελέσματα // ΜΗΝΥΜΑ //
Τέλος αξιολόγηση
2) ΛΥΣΗ ΜΕ ΣΥΝΘΕΤΗ-ΕΠΙΛΟΓΗ:
Αλγόριθμος αξιολόγηση
Δεδομένα // Β πραγματικός (βαθμός) //
Διάβασε Β !υποθέτουμε ότι 0<=Β<=20
Αν Β>=17,5 Τότε
ΜΗΝΥΜΑ<--"άριστα"
Αλλιώς
Αν Β>=15,5 Τότε
ΜΗΝΥΜΑ<--"πολύ καλά"
Αλλιώς
Αν Β>=13,5 Τότε
ΜΗΝΥΜΑ<--"καλά"
Αλλιώς
Αν Β>=9,5 Τότε
ΜΗΝΥΜΑ<--"μέτρια"
Αλλιώς
Αν Β<9,5 Τότε
ΜΗΝΥΜΑ<--"απορρίπτεται"
Τέλος_αν
Τέλος_αν
Τέλος_αν
Τέλος_αν
Τέλος_αν
Εκτύπωσε ΜΗΝΥΜΑ
Αποτελέσματα // ΜΗΝΥΜΑ //
Τέλος αξιολόγηση
3) ΛΥΣΗ ΜΕ ΠΟΛΛΑΠΛΗ-ΕΠΙΛΟΓΗ (επίλεξε):
Αλγόριθμος αξιολόγηση
Δεδομένα // Β πραγματικός (βαθμός) //
Διάβασε Β !υποθέτουμε ότι 0<=Β<=20
Επίλεξε Β
Περίπτωση >=17,5
ΜΗΝΥΜΑ<--"άριστα"
Περίπτωση >=15,5
ΜΗΝΥΜΑ<--"πολύ καλά"
Περίπτωση >=13,5
ΜΗΝΥΜΑ<--"καλά"
Περίπτωση >=9,5
ΜΗΝΥΜΑ<--"μέτρια"
Περίπτωση <9,5 ! ή Περίπτωση αλλιώς
ΜΗΝΥΜΑ<--"απορρίπτεται"
Τέλος_επιλογών
Εκτύπωσε ΜΗΝΥΜΑ
Αποτελέσματα // ΜΗΝΥΜΑ //
Τέλος αξιολόγηση
4) ΛΥΣΗ ΜΕ ΑΠΛΗ-ΕΠΙΛΟΓΗ (αλλιώς-αν):
Αλγόριθμος αξιολόγηση
Δεδομένα // Β πραγματικός (βαθμός) //
Διάβασε Β !υποθέτουμε ότι 0<=Β<=20
Αν Β>=17,5 Τότε ΜΗΝΥΜΑ<--"άριστα"
Αλλιώς_Αν Β>=15,5 Τότε ΜΗΝΥΜΑ<--"πολύ καλά"
Αλλιώς_Αν Β>=13,5 Τότε ΜΗΝΥΜΑ<--"καλά"
Αλλιώς_Αν Β>=9,5 Τότε ΜΗΝΥΜΑ<--"μέτρια"
Αλλιώς ΜΗΝΥΜΑ<--"απορρίπτεται"
Τέλος_Αν
Εκτύπωσε ΜΗΝΥΜΑ
Αποτελέσματα // ΜΗΝΥΜΑ //
Τέλος αξιολόγηση
7) (απλή - εμφωλευμένες επιλογής)
Αναπτύξτε αλγόριθμο που διαβάζει 2 αριθμούς και εμφανίζει το μήνυμα "ο πρώτος είναι μεγαλύτερος" ή "ο δεύτερος είναι μεγαλύτερος" ή "οι αριθμοί είναι ίσοι", ανάλογα με τη σχέση που υπάρχει ανάμεσα στους αριθμούς που δίνει ο χρήστης.
ΛΥΣΗ:
Αλγόριθμος μεγαλύτερος
Δεδομένα // Χ,Υ πραγματικές //
Διάβασε Χ
Διάβασε Υ
Αν Χ=Υ Τότε
Ζ<--"οι αριθμοί είναι ίσοι"
Αλλιώς
Αν Χ<Υ Τότε
Ζ<--"ο δεύτερος είναι μεγαλύτερος"
Αλλιώς
Ζ<--"ο πρώτος είναι μεγαλύτερος"
Τέλος_άν
Τέλος_αν
Εκτύπωσε Ζ
Τέλος μεγαλύτερος
8) (εμφωλευμένες επιλογές)
Να γραφεί αλγόριθμος που βρίσκει τις ρίζες δευτεροβάθμιας εξίσωσης αχ^2+βχ+γ=0
ΛΥΣΗ:
Αλγόριθμος εξίσωση-β
Δεδομένα // Α,Β,Γ πραγματικές //
Διάβασε Α,Β,Γ
Αν Α=0 Τότε
Αν Β=0 Τότε
Αν Γ=0 Τότε
Εκτύπωσε "η εξίσωση είναι αόριστη"
Αλλιώς
Εκτύπωσε "η εξίσωση είναι αδύνατη"
Τέλος_άν
Αλλιώς !Β<>0
Χ1<--(-Γ)/Β
Εκτύπωσε "η εξίσωση έχει μία λύση"
Εκτύπωσε Χ1
Τέλος-άν
Αλλιώς !Α<>0
Δ<--Β*Β-4*Α*Γ
Επίλεξε Δ
Περίπτωση Δ>0
Χ1<--(Β+ρίζα(Δ))/2*Α
Χ2<--(Β-ρίζα(Δ))/2*Α
Εκτύπωσε "η εξίσωση έχει δύο λύσεις"
Εκτύπωσε Χ1,Χ2
Περίπτωση Δ=0
Χ1<--Β/2*Α
Εκτύπωσε "η εξίσωση έχει μία λύση"
Εκτύπωσε Χ1
Περίπτωση αλλιώς !Δ<0
Εκτύπωσε "η εξίσωση έχει φανταστικές λύσεις"
Τέλος_επιλογών
Τέλος_αν
Αποτελέσματα // Χ1, Χ2 //
Τέλος εξίσωση-β
9) (απλοποίηση της Κ2ΔΤ5, απλή - έξοδος μήνυμα)
Να φτιάξετε αλγόριθμο που ο χρήστης του δίνει τα ποσοστά του διοξειδίου του άνθρακα και του αζώτου και αυτός εμφανίζει το μήνυμα "η ατμόσφαιρα είναι καθαρή" άν τα ποσοστά είναι μικρότερα από 0,35 και 0,17 αντίστοιχα και το μήνυμα "η ατμόσφαιρα είναι μολυσμένη" αλλιώς.
ΛΥΣΗ:
Αλγόριθμος μόλυνση
Δεδομένα // ΑΝ, ΑΖ πραγματικές //
διάβασε ΑΝ;
διάβασε ΑΖ;
Αν ΑΝ<0,35 και ΑΖ<0,17 Τότε
ΜΗΝΥΜΑ<--"η ατμόσφαιρα είναι καθαρή";
Αλλιώς
ΜΗΝΥΜΑ<--"η ατμόσφαιρα είναι μολυσμένη";
Τέλος_αν
Εκτύπωσε ΜΗΝΥΜΑ
Αποτελέσματα // ΜΗΝΥΜΑ //
Τέλος μόλυνση
10) (Τηλεφωνική χρέωση - εξετάσεις 2000)
Μια εταιρεία κινητής τηλεφωνίας ακολουθεί ανά μήνα την πολιτική τιμών που φαίνεται στον παρακάτω πίνακα:
Πάγιο 1500 δραχμές
Χρόνος τηλεφ (δευτερόλεπτα) Χρονοχρέωση(δρχ/δευτερ)
1-500 1,5
501-800 0,9
801 και άνω 0,5
Να αναπτύξετε αλγόριθμο ο οποίος:
α) να διαβάζει τη χρονική διάρκεια των τηλεφωνημάτων ενός συνδρομητή σε διάστημα ενός μήνα. Μονάδες 3
β) να υπολογίζει τη μηνιαία χρέωση του συνδρομητή. Μονάδες 12
γ) να εμφανίζει (τυπώνει) τη λέξη "ΧΡΕΩΣΗ" και τη μηνιαία χρέωση του συνδρομητή. Μονάδες 5
ΛΥΣΗ:
Αλγόριθμος ασκ10
Δεδομένα // Δ πραγματικός // !τα δευτερόλεπτα της χρονικής-διάρκειας
Διάβασε Δ
Επίλεξε Δ
Περίπτωση =0
Χ<--1500
Περίπτωση <501
Χ<--1500+Δ*1,5
Περίπτωση <801
Χ<--1500+500*1,5+(Δ-500)*0,9
Περίπτωση αλλιώς
Χ<--1500+500*1,5+300*0,9+(Δ-800)*0,5
Τέλος_Επιλογών
Μ<--"ΧΡΕΩΣΗ"
Εκτύπωσε Μ,Χ
Αποτελέσματα // Μ,Χ //
Τέλος ασκ10
Παρατήρηση:
Θα μπορούσαμε αντί:
Μ<--"ΧΡΕΩΣΗ"
Εκτύπωσε Μ,Χ
να το διατυπώσουμε και ως:
Εκτύπωσε "ΧΡΕΩΣΗ"
Εκτύπωσε Χ
ή
Εκτύπωσε "ΧΡΕΩΣΗ",Χ
11) (τιμές συνάρτησης - γνωστή επανάληψη)
Αναπτύξτε αλγόριθμο που βρίσκει και εμφανίζει τις τιμές της συνάρτησης f(x)=x2-3x+1 για χ=-3,-2,-1,0,1,2,3.
ΛΥΣΗ:
Αλγόριθμος συνάρτηση
Για Χ Από -3 Μέχρι 3
Υ <-- Χ*Χ-3*Χ+1
Εκτύπωσε Υ
Τέλος_επανάληψης
Αποτελέσματα // Υ πραγματικός //
τέλος
qbasic:
CLS
FOR i = -3 TO 3 STEP 1
y = i * i - 3 * i + 1
PRINT "y("; i; ")="; y
NEXT i
12) (κ2δτ8 διαβάζει 10)
Να γραφεί αλγόριθμος που διαβάζει Κ ακέραιους και εκτυπώνει τον μικρότερο και τον μεγαλύτερο.
ΛΥΣΗ:
Αλγόριθμος ΜΜ
Δεδομένα // Κ ακέραιος, Χ πραγματικός //
Διάβασε Κ
Διάβασε Χ
ΜΙΚ<-- Χ
ΜΕΓ<--Χ
Για ι Από 1 Μέχρι Κ-1
Διάβασε Χ
Αν Χ<ΜΙΚ Τότε ΜΙΚ<--Χ
Αν Χ>ΜΕΓ Τότε ΜΕΓ<--Χ
Τέλος_επανάληψης
Εκτύπωσε ΜΙΚ, ΜΕΓ
Αποτελέσματα // ΜΙΚ, ΜΕΓ //
Τέλος ΜΜ
***********************************************
QBASIC:
***********************************************
CLS
INPUT x
INPUT k
min = x
max = x
FOR i = 1 TO k-1
INPUT x
IF x < min THEN min = x
IF x > max THEN max = x
i = i + 1
NEXT i
PRINT min
PRINT max
***********************************************
QBASIC:
REM διαβάζει Κ αριθμούς και τυπώνει min/max
CLS
INPUT "δώσε ένα αριθμό = ", x
INPUT k
min = x: max = x i = 1
WHILE i < k-1
INPUT "δώσε ένα αριθμό = ", x
IF x < min THEN min = x
IF x > max THEN max = x
i = i + 1
WEND
PRINT
PRINT "min ="; min
PRINT "max ="; max
**********************************************
'Διαβάζει >>>Κ<<< αριθμούς και εμφανίζει
'το μικρότερο και το μεγαλύτερο
CLS
INPUT x
INPUT k
min = x
max = x
i = 1
DO
INPUT x
IF x < min THEN min = x
IF x > max THEN max = x
i = i + 1
LOOP UNTIL i > k-1
PRINT min
PRINT max
13)
Αναπτύξτε αλγόριθμο που να διαβάζει Κ ακέραιους και εμφανίζει το άθροισμα και το μέσο ορο τους.
ΛΥΣΗ:
ΑΛΓΟΡΙΘΜΟΣ άθροισμα_μέσος
ΔΕΔΟΜΕΝΑ // Χ ακέραιος //
ΔΙΑΒΑΣΕ Κ
ΑΘΡ <-- 0
ΜΟ <-- 0
ΓΙΑ ι ΑΠΟ 1 ΜΕΧΡΙ Κ
ΔΙΑΒΑΣΕ Χ
ΑΘΡ<--ΑΘΡ+Χ
ΤΕΛΟΣ_ΕΠΑΝΑΛΗΨΗΣ
ΜΟ<--ΑΘΡ/Κ
ΕΜΦΑΝΙΣΕ ΑΘΡ, ΜΟ
ΑΠΟΤΕΛΕΣΜΑΤΑ // ΑΘΡ ακέραιος, ΜΟ πραγματικός //
ΤΕΛΟΣ άθροισμα_μέσος
14) (αντίστροφη πορεία)
Τι κάνει ο παρακάτω αλγόριθμος (τι είσοδο και τί έξοδο έχει);
Αλγόριθμος ανώνυμος
Δεδομένα // Χ ακέραιος //
Α<-- 0
Για i Από 1 μέχρι 100
Διάβασε Χ
Αν Χ>5 τότε Α<--Α+Χ
Τέλος_επανάληψης
Εκτύπωσε Α
Αποτελέσματα // Α ακέραιος //
Τέλος ανώνυμος
ΛΥΣΗ:
είσοδο: διαβάζει 100 ακέραιους.
έξοδο: δίνει το άθροισμα όσων είναι μεγαλύτεροι από πέντε.
15) τιμές μεταβλητών:
Έστω τμήμα αλγορίθμου με μεταβλητές Α,Β,C,D,X και Y.
D<-- 2
Για Χ Από 2 Μέχρι 5 με_βήμα 2
Α<--10*Χ
Β<--5*Χ+10
C<--Α+Β-(5*Χ)
D<--3*D-5
Υ<--Α+Β-C+D
Τέλος_επανάληψης
Να βρείτε τις τιμές των μεταβλητών Α,B,C,D,X και Υ σε όλες τις επαναλήψεις.
ΛΥΣΗ:
επανάληψη A B C D X Y
1η 20 20 30 1 2 11
2η 40 30 50 -2 4 18
16) τιμές μεταβλητών:
Δίνεται το παρακάτω τμήμα αλγορίθμου.
Χ<--1
Όσο Χ<5 επανάλαβε
Α<-- Χ+2
Β<-- 3*Α-4
C<-- Β-Α+4
Αν Α > Β τότε
Αν Α > C τότε
MAX A
αλλιώς
MAX C
Τέλος αν
αλλιώς
Αν Β > C τότε
MAX Β
αλλιώς
MAX C
Τέλος αν
Τέλος αν
Εμφάνισε Χ, Α, Β, C, MAX
Χ<-- Χ+2
Τέλος επανάληψης
Ποιες είναι οι τιμές των μεταβλητών Χ, Α, Β, C, MAX που θα εμφανιστούν κατά την εκτέλεση του παραπάνω τμήματος αλγορίθμου;
ΛΥΣΗ:
Οι τιμές που θα ΕΜΦΑΝΙΣΕΙ στο χρήστη ο αλγόριθμος είναι:
επανάληψη Χ, Α, Β, C, MAX
1η 1 3 5 6 6
2η 3 5 11 10 11
17) (πίνακες μικρ-μεγ)
Στην Ολυμπιάδα Πληροφορικής οι διαγωνιζόμενοι βαθμολογούνται από 1 έως 500. Στο δεύτερο γύρο προκρίνονται όσοι περνούν τα 4/5 του συνολικού μέσου όρου των βαθμολογιών όλων των διαγωνιζόμενων. Να γράψετε αλγόριθμο που να διαβάζει το πλήθος και τη βαθμολογία των διαγωνιζομένων και να βρίσκει και να εμφανίζει:
α) τον αριθμό και τη βαθμολογία του καλύτερου διαγωνιζόμενου.
β) τον αριθμό και τη βαθμολογία του χειρότερου διαγωνιζόμενου.
γ) τον αριθμό και τη βαθμολογία για κάθε διαγωνιζόμενο που προκρίθηκε στο δεύτερο γύρο.
δ) το πλήθος και το μέσο όρο των διαγωνιζόμενων που προκρίθηκαν.
ΛΥΣΗ:
Αλγόριθμος ασκ13
Διάβασε Ν; !! ο χρήστης δίνει στον αλγόριθμο πόσους μαθητές θα διαβάσει.
Αθρ1<--0; Καλ<--1; Χειρ<--500; !! αρχικοποιούμε τις μεταβλητές.
Για κ Από 1 μέχρι Ν
διάβασε Β[κ]; !! ο χρήστης δίνει τους βαθμούς
αν Β[κ]<Χειρ τότε !! βρίσκουμε το χειρότερο
Χειρ<--Β[κ];
ΧειρΑ<--κ;
τέλος_αν
αν Β[κ]>Καλ τότε !! βρίσκουμε τον καλύτερο
Καλ<--Β[κ];
ΚαλΑ<--κ;
τέλος_αν
Αθρ1<--Αθρ1+Β[κ] !! βρίσκουμε το άθροισμα των βαθμών.
Τέλος_Επανάλψης
Πλήθος2<--0; Αθρ2<--0; !! αρχικοποιούμε μεταβλητές.
Για κ Από 1 μέχρι Ν
Αν Β[κ]>(4/5)*(Αθρ1/Ν) τότε
Πλήθος2<--Πλήθος2+1; !! μετρά πόσοι πέρασαν στο β γύρο.
Αθρ2<--Αθρ2+Β[κ]; !! μετρά το άθροισμα όσων πέρασαν.
Εκτύπωσε Β[κ], κ; !! εμφανίζει όσους πέρασαν και τον Αριθμό τους.
τέλος_αν
Τέλος_Επανάλψης
ΜΟ2<-- Αθρ2/Πλήθος2;
Εκτύπωσε Καλ, ΚαλΑ;
Εκτύπωσε Χειρ, ΧειρΑ;
Εκτύπωσε ΜΟ2, Πλήθος2;
Τέλος ασκ13
18) (πίνακες μέσος-όρος)
Να γραφεί πρόγραμμα που διαβάζει τα ονόματα 50 αεροπορικών εταιρειών και τις αντίστοιχες εισπράξεις τους. Να τυπώνει τα ονόματα των εταιρειών που έχουν εισπράξεις περισσότερες από τον μέσο όρο.
ΛΥΣΗ:
Πληροφορίες Μεταβλητές
----------------------------------------
- ονομ εταιριών Ο[50] αλφαριθμητικός
- εισπράξεις ετ. Ε[50] πραγματικός
-----------------------------------------
τυπώνει ονόματα
με εισπράξεις πάνω
από μέσο όρο
--------------------------------------------
Αθροισμα Εισπρ. Α πραγματικός
Μέσος όρος ΜΟ πραγματικός
Αλγόριθμος πίνακες2
Α<--0 !! κρατά το άθροισμα των εισπράξεων.
Για κ Από 1 μέχρι 50
Διάβασε Ο[κ] !! πίνακας με τα ονόματα
Διάβασε Ε[κ] !! πίνακας με τις εισπράξεις.
Α<--Α+Ε[κ]
Τέλος_Επανάληψης
ΜΟ<--Α/50
Για κ Από 1 μέχρι 50
Αν Ε[κ]>ΜΟ Τότε Εκτύπωσε Ο[κ]
Τέλος_Επανάληψης
Τέλος πίνακες2
19) (πίνακες άθροισμα στηλών-γραμμών)
Μια εταιρεία κατασκευής αυτοκινήτων έχει μετρήσεις από το επίπεδο θορύβου όλων των μοντέλων της σε decibel. Οι μετρήσεις γίνονται για διαφορετικές ταχύτητες και δίνονται από τον παρακάτω πίνακα:
ταχύτητα
Μοντέλο 40 60 80 100 120
GX 88 90 93 105 112
LX 75 78 81 89 95
GTI 80 85 90 96 101
SX 68 78 85 102 105
Να γραφεί πρόγραμμα το οποίο θα υπολογίζει και θα τυπώνει το μέσο επίπεδο θορύβου για κάθε μοντέλο, το μέσο επίπεδο θορύβου για κάθε ταχύτητα και το συνολικό μέσο επίπεδο θορύβου όλων των αυτοκινήτων.
ΛΥΣΗ:
Πληρορορίες Μεταβλητές
--------------------------------------------------
α) τα μοντέλα αυτοκ. Μ[4] αλφαριθμητικός
β) οι ταχύτητες αυτοκ. Τ[4] πραγματικός
γ) οι μετρήσεις θορύβου Θ[4,5] πραγματικός
-----------------------------------------------------
α) μέσο θόρυβο μοντέλων
β) μέσο θόρυβο ταχυτήτων
γ) συνολικός μέσος όρος ΜΟΣ πραγματικός
------------------------------------------------------
α) άθροισμα γραμμής/στήλης Α πραγματικός
β) μέσος όρος γραμμής/στήλης ΜΟ πραγματικός
γ) συνολικό άθροισμα ΑΣ πραγματικός
Αλγόριθμος πίνακες3
!! εισαγωγή δεδομένων
Εκτύπωσε "Δώσε Ταχύτητες"
Για κ Από 1 Μέχρι 5
Διάβασε Τ[κ]
Τέλος_Επανάληψης
Εκτύπωσε "Δώσε Μοντέλα και θορύβους"
Για κ Από 1 Μέχρι 4
Διάβασε Μ[κ]
Για λ Από 1 Μέχρι 5
Διάβασε Θ[κ,λ]
Τέλος_Επανάληψης
Τέλος_Επανάληψης
ΑΣ<--0
!! υπολογισμός και εκτύπωση μέσου-όρου μοντέλων (γραμμών)
Για κ Από 1 Μέχρι 4
Α<--0
Για λ Από 1 Μέχρι 5
Α<--Α + Θ[κ,λ]
Τέλος_Επανάληψης
ΑΣ<--ΑΣ+Α !! εδώ υπολογίζουμε το συνολικό άθροισμα
ΜΟ<--Α/5
Εκτύπωσε Μ[κ], ΜΟ
Τέλος_Επανάληψης
!! υπολογισμός και εκτύπωση μέσου-όρου ταχυτήτων (στηλών)
Για κ Από 1 Μέχρι 5
Α<--0 !! δεν χρειάζεται να χρησιμοποιήσουμε καινούργιες μεταβλητές
Για λ Από 1 Μέχρι 4
Α<--Α + Θ[λ,κ]
Τέλος_Επανάληψης
ΜΟ<--Α/4
Εκτύπωσε Τ[κ], ΜΟ
Τέλος_Επανάληψης
ΜΟΣ<--ΑΣ/20
Εκτύπωσε ΜΟΣ
Τέλος πίνακες3
name::
* McsElln.αεσππ'ΘΕΜΑΤΑ-ΠΑΝΕΛΛΗΝΙΩΝ,
ΑΠΟΛΥΤΗΡΙΕΣ ΕΞΕΤΑΣΕΙΣ Γ΄ ΤΑΞΗΣ ΕΝΙΑΙΟΥ ΛΥΚΕΙΟΥ ΤΡΙΤΗ 5 ΙΟΥΝΙΟΥ 2001 ΕΞΕΤΑΖΟΜΕΝΟ ΜΑΘΗΜΑ ΤΕΧΝΟΛΟΓΙΚΗΣ ΚΑΤΕΥΘΥΝΣΗΣ (ΚΥΚΛΟΣ ΠΛΗΡΟΦΟΡΙΚΗΣ ΚΑΙ ΥΠΗΡΕΣΙΩΝ): ΑΝΑΠΤΥΞΗ ΕΦΑΡΜΟΓΩΝ ΣΕ ΠΡΟΓΡΑΜΜΑΤΙΣΤΙΚΟ ΠΕΡΙΒΑΛΛΟΝ ΣΥΝΟΛΟ ΣΕΛΙΔΩΝ: ΠΕΝΤΕ (5)
ΘΕΜΑ 1ο
Α. Να μεταφέρετε στο τετράδιό σας και να συμπληρώσετε τον παρακάτω πίνακα αλήθειας δύο προτάσεων Α, Β και των τριών λογικών πράξεων.
Πρόταση Α Πρόταση Β Α ή Β (Διάζευξη) Α και Β (Σύζευξη) όχι Α (Άρνηση)
Ψευδής Ψευδής
Ψευδής Αληθής
Αληθής Ψευδής
Αληθής Αληθής
Μονάδες 6
Β. Δίνεται η δομή επανάληψης.
Για i από τιμή1 μέχρι τιμή2 με βήμα β
Εντολές
Τέλος επανάληψης
Να μετατρέψετε την παραπάνω δομή σε ισοδύναμη δομή επανάληψης Όσο ... επανάλαβε.
Σημείωση: Αντί του Όσο ... επανάλαβε μπορεί ισοδύναμα να χρησιμοποιηθεί όσο ... κάνε. Επίσης αντί του: Για i από τιμή1 μέχρι τιμή2 με βήμα β Εντολές Τέλος επανάληψης, μπορεί ισοδύναμα να χρησιμοποιηθεί το:
για i:= τιμή1 μέχρι τιμή2 μεταβολή β κάνε
Εντολές
τέλοςγια Μονάδες 9
Γ. Δίνονται οι παρακάτω έννοιες:
1. Λογικός τύπος δεδομένων 2. Επιλύσιμο 3. Ακέραιος τύπος δεδομένων 4. Περατότητα 5. Μεταβλητή 6. Ημιδομημένο 7. Πραγματικός τύπος δεδομένων 8. Σταθερά 9. Αδόμητο 10. Καθοριστικότητα 11. Άλυτο 12. Ανοικτό
Να γράψετε στο τετράδιό σας ποιες από τις παραπάνω έννοιες:
α. είναι στοιχεία μιας γλώσσας προγραμματισμού; Μονάδες 5
β. ανήκουν σε κατηγορίες προβλημάτων; Μονάδες 5
Δ. Δίνεται μονοδιάστατος πίνακας Π, Ν στοιχείων, που είναι ακέραιοι αριθμοί. Να αναπτύξετε αλγόριθμο, ο οποίος να ταξινομεί με τη μέθοδο της φυσαλίδας τα στοιχεία του πίνακα Π. Μονάδες 15
ΘΕΜΑ 2ο
Δίνεται το παρακάτω τμήμα αλγορίθμου.
Χ<--1
Όσο Χ<5 επανάλαβε
Α<-- Χ+2
Β<-- 3*Α-4
C<-- Β-Α+4
Αν Α > Β τότε
Αν Α > C τότε
MAX A
αλλιώς
MAX C
Τέλος αν
αλλιώς
Αν Β > C τότε
MAX Β
αλλιώς
MAX C
Τέλος αν
Τέλος αν
Εμφάνισε Χ, Α, Β, C, MAX
Χ<-- Χ+2
Τέλος επανάληψης
Ποιες είναι οι τιμές των μεταβλητών Χ, Α, Β, C, MAX που θα εμφανιστούν κατά την εκτέλεση του παραπάνω τμήματος αλγορίθμου; Μονάδες 20
Σημείωση: Αντί του συμβόλου (<--) μπορεί ισοδύναμα να χρησιμοποιηθεί το σύμβολο (: =) ή το (=). Επίσης αντί του Όσο ... επανάλαβε ... Τέλος επανάληψης μπορεί ισοδύναμα να χρησιμοποιηθεί όσο ... κάνε ... τέλοςόσο και αντί του Τέλος_αν μπορεί ισοδύναμα να χρησιμοποιηθεί το τέλοςαν.
ΘΕΜΑ 3ο
Δίνεται πίνακας Π δύο διαστάσεων, που τα στοιχεία του είναι ακέραιοι αριθμοί με Ν γραμμές και Μ στήλες. Να αναπτύξετε αλγόριθμο που να υπολογίζει το ελάχιστο στοιχείο του πίνακα. Μονάδες 20
ΘΕΜΑ 4ο
Σε ένα πρόγραμμα περιβαλλοντικής εκπαίδευσης συμμετέχουν 20 σχολεία. Στα πλαίσια αυτού του προγράμματος, εθελοντές μαθητές των σχολείων, που συμμετέχουν στο πρόγραμμα, μαζεύουν ποσότητες τριών υλικών (γυαλί, χαρτί και αλουμίνιο).
Να αναπτύξετε έναν αλγόριθμο, ο οποίος:
α. να διαβάζει τις ποσότητες σε κιλά των παραπάνω υλικών που μάζεψαν οι μαθητές σε κάθε σχολείο Μονάδες 4
β. να υπολογίζει τη συνολική ποσότητα σε κιλά του κάθε υλικού που μάζεψαν οι μαθητές σε όλα τα σχολεία Μονάδες 8
γ. αν η συνολική ποσότητα του χαρτιού που μαζεύτηκε από όλα τα σχολεία είναι λιγότερη των 1000 κιλών, να εμφανίζεται το μήνυμα "Συγχαρητήρια". Αν η ποσότητα είναι από 1000 κιλά και πάνω, αλλά λιγότερο από 2000, να εμφανίζεται το μήνυμα "Δίνεται έπαινος" και τέλος αν η ποσότητα είναι από 2000 κιλά και πάνω να εμφανίζεται το μήνυμα "Δίνεται βραβείο".Μονάδες 8
Παρατήρηση: Να θεωρήσετε ότι όλες οι ποσότητες είναι θετικοί αριθμοί.
ΟΔΗΓΙΕΣ (για τους εξεταζόμενους)
1. Στο τετράδιο να γράψετε μόνο τα προκαταρκτικά (ημερομηνία, κατεύθυνση, εξεταζόμενο μάθημα). Τα θέματα να μην τα αντιγράψετε στο τετράδιο. Τα σχήματα που θα χρησιμοποιήσετε στο τετράδιο μπορούν να γίνουν και με μολύβι.
2. Να γράψετε το ονοματεπώνυμό σας στο πάνω μέρος των φωτοαντιγράφων αμέσως μόλις σας παραδοθούν. Καμιά άλλη σημείωση δεν επιτρέπεται να γράψετε.
Κατά την αποχώρησή σας να παραδώσετε μαζί με το τετράδιο και τα φωτοαντίγραφα, τα οποία και θα καταστραφούν μετά το πέρας της εξέτασης
3. Να απαντήσετε στο τετράδιό σας σε όλα τα θέματα.
4. Κάθε λύση επιστημονικά τεκμηριωμένη είναι αποδεκτή.
5. Διάρκεια εξέτασης: Τρεις (3) ώρες μετά τη διανομή των φωτοαντιγράφων.
6. Χρόνος δυνατής αποχώρησης : Μιάμιση (1 1/2) ώρα μετά τη διανομή των φωτοαντιγράφων.
KΑΛΗ ΕΠΙΤΥΧΙΑ
ΤΕΛΟΣ ΜΗΝΥΜΑΤΟΣ
ΑΠΟΛΥΤΗΡΙΕΣ ΕΞΕΤΑΣΕΙΣ Γ΄ ΤΑΞΗΣ ΕΝΙΑΙΟΥ ΛΥΚΕΙΟΥ
ΔΕΥΤΕΡΑ 12 ΙΟΥΝΙΟΥ 2000
ΕΞΕΤΑΖΟΜΕΝΟ ΜΑΘΗΜΑ ΤΕΧΝΟΛΟΓΙΚΗΣ ΚΑΤΕΥΘΥΝΣΗΣ (ΚΥΚΛΟΣ ΠΛΗΡΟΦΟΡΙΚΗΣ ΚΑΙ ΥΠΗΡΕΣΙΩΝ):
ΑΝΑΠΤΥΞΗ ΕΦΑΡΜΟΓΩΝ ΣΕ ΠΡΟΓΡΑΜΜΑΤΙΣΤΙΚΟ ΠΕΡΙΒΑΛΛΟΝ
ΣΥΝΟΛΟ ΣΕΛΙΔΩΝ: ΕΞΙ (6)
ΘΕΜΑ 1ο
Α. Να γράψετε στο τετράδιό σας τον αριθμό κάθε πρότασης και δίπλα το γράμμα "Σ", αν είναι σωστή, ή το γράμμα "Λ", αν είναι λανθασμένη.
1. Επιλύσιμο είναι ένα πρόβλημα για το οποίο ξέρουμε ότι έχει λύση, αλλά αυτή δεν έχει βρεθεί ακόμη. Μονάδες 4
2. Η περατότητα ενός αλγορίθμου αναφέρεται στο γεγονός ότι καταλήγει στη λύση του προβλήματος μετά από πεπερασμένο αριθμό βημάτων (εντολών). Μονάδες 4
3. Για να αναπαραστήσουμε τα δεδομένα και τα αποτελέσματα σ' έναν αλγόριθμο, χρησιμο-ποιούμε μόνο σταθερές. Μονάδες 4
Β.1. Να γράψετε στο τετράδιό σας τους αριθμούς της στήλης Α και δίπλα το γράμμα της στήλης Β που αντιστοιχεί στο σωστό είδος προβλημάτων.
ΣΤΗΛΗ Α Προβλήματα
1. Η διαδικασία λύσης τους είναι αυτομα-τοποιημένη.
2. Δεν έχει βρεθεί λύση, αλλά δεν έχει αποδειχθεί και η μη ύπαρξη λύσης.
3. Ο τρόπος λύσης τους μπορεί να επιλεγεί από πλήθος δυνατών λύσεων.
ΣΤΗΛΗ Β Είδος προβλημάτων
α. Ανοικτά
β. Δομημένα
γ. Άλυτα
δ. Ημιδομημένα
Μονάδες 6
Β.2. Να γράψετε στο τετράδιό σας τους αριθμούς της στήλης Α και δίπλα το γράμμα της στήλης Β που αντιστοιχεί στη σωστή αλγοριθμική έννοια.
ΣΤΗΛΗ Α Χαρακτηριστικά (Κριτήρια)
1. Περατότητα
2. Είσοδος
3. Έξοδος
ΣΤΗΛΗ Β Αλγοριθμικές ΄Εννοιες
α. Δεδομένα
β. Αποτελέσματα
γ. Ακρίβεια στην έκφραση των εντολών
δ. Πεπερασμένος χρόνος εκτέλεσης.
Μονάδες 6
Γ.1. Να αναφέρετε ονομαστικά ποιοι είναι οι εναλλακτικοί τρόποι παρουσίασης (αναπαράστασης) ενός αλγορίθμου.
Μονάδες 8
Γ.2. Δίδονται τα παρακάτω βήματα ενός αλγορίθμου: α. τέλος β. διάβασε δεδομένα γ. εμφάνισε αποτελέσματα δ. αρχή ε. κάνε υπολογισμούς
Να τοποθετηθούν στη σωστή σειρά με την οποία εμφανίζονται συνήθως σε αλγορίθμους.
Μονάδες 8
ΘΕΜΑ 2ο
Έστω τμήμα αλγορίθμου με μεταβλητές Α,Β,C,D,X και Y.
D: = 2;
για Χ:=2 μέχρι 5 μεταβολή 2 κάνε
Α: =10*Χ;
Β: =5*Χ+10;
C: =Α+Β-(5*Χ);
D: =3*D-5;
Υ: =Α+Β-C+D;
τέλοςγια
Να βρείτε τις τιμές των μεταβλητών Α,B,C,D,X και Υ σε όλες τις επαναλήψεις.
Μονάδες 20
Σημειώσεις:
α) αντί του συμβόλου ":=", θα μπορούσε να είχε χρησιμοποιηθεί το σύμβολο "<--"
β) αντί του "για Χ:=2 μέχρι 5 μεταβολή 2 κάνε", θα μπορούσε να είχε χρησιμοποιηθεί το "για Χ από 2 μέχρι 5 με_βήμα 2", και αντί του "τέλοςγια" το "τέλος_επανάληψης"
γ) το σύμβολο ";" θα μπορούσε να μην είχε χρησιμοποιηθεί.
ΘΕΜΑ 3ο
Σε τρεις διαφορετικούς αγώνες πρόκρισης για την Ολυμπιάδα του Σίδνεϋ στο άλμα εις μήκος ένας αθλητής πέτυχε τις επιδόσεις a,b,c.
Να αναπτύξετε αλγόριθμο ο οποίος:
α) να διαβάζει τις τιμές των επιδόσεων a,b,c
Μονάδες 3
β) να υπολογίζει και να εμφανίζει τη μέση τιμή των παραπάνω τιμών
Μονάδες 7
γ) να εμφανίζει το μήνυμα "ΠΡΟΚΡΙΘΗΚΕ", αν η παραπάνω μέση τιμή είναι μεγαλύτερη των 8 μέτρων.
Μονάδες 10
ΘΕΜΑ 4ο
Μια εταιρεία κινητής τηλεφωνίας ακολουθεί ανά μήνα την πολιτική τιμών που φαίνεται στον παρακάτω πίνακα:
Πάγιο 1500 δραχμές
Χρόνος τηλεφωνημάτων (δευτερόλεπτα) Χρονοχρέωση (δραχμές/δευτερόλεπτο)
1-500 1,5
501-800 0,9
801 και άνω 0,5
Να αναπτύξετε αλγόριθμο ο οποίος:
α) να διαβάζει τη χρονική διάρκεια των τηλεφωνημάτων ενός συνδρομητή σε διάστημα ενός μήνα
Μονάδες 3
β) να υπολογίζει τη μηνιαία χρέωση του συνδρομητή
Μονάδες 12
γ) να εμφανίζει (τυπώνει) τη λέξη "ΧΡΕΩΣΗ" και τη μηνιαία χρέωση του συνδρομητή.
Μονάδες 5
ΟΔΗΓΙΕΣ (για τους εξεταζόμενους)
1. Στο τετράδιο να γράψετε μόνο τα προκαταρκτικά (ημερομηνία, κατεύθυνση, εξεταζόμενο μάθημα). Τα θέματα να μην τα αντιγράψετε στο τετράδιο. Τα σχήματα που θα χρησιμοποιήσετε στο τετράδιο μπορούν να γίνουν και με μολύβι.
2. Να γράψετε το ονοματεπώνυμό σας στο πάνω μέρος των φωτοαντιγράφων αμέσως μόλις σας παραδοθούν. Καμιά άλλη σημείωση δεν επιτρέπεται να γράψετε.
Κατά την αποχώρησή σας να παραδώσετε μαζί με το τετράδιο και τα φωτοαντίγραφα, τα οποία και θα καταστραφούν μετά το πέρας της εξέτασης
3. Να απαντήσετε στο τετράδιό σας σε όλα τα θέματα.
4. Κάθε λύση επιστημονικά τεκμηριωμένη είναι αποδεκτή.
5. Διάρκεια εξέτασης: Τρεις (3) ώρες μετά τη διανομή των φωτοαντιγράφων.
6. Χρόνος δυνατής αποχώρησης : Μια (1) ώρα μετά τη διανομή των φωτοαντιγράφων.
name::
* McsElln.ΜθμΛ3.ΑΡXΕΣ-ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΙΚΗΣ-ΘΕΩΡΙΑΣ (μλ15.ΑΟΘ | cl15),
name::
* McsElln.μάθημα.λύκειο.αοθ.μλ15,
* McsElln.αρxές-οικονομικής-θεωρίας,
* McsElln.μλ.αρxές-οικονομικής-θεωρίας,
* McsElln.μλ15.αρxές-οικονομικής-θεωρίας,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
http://ebooks.edu.gr/ebooks/v/html/8547/4722/Arches-Oikonomikis-Theorias_G-Lykeiou-SpOikPlir_html-apli/
* http://ebooks.edu.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL-C117/130/944,3455//
ΑΡΧΕΣ ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΙΚΗΣ ΘΕΩΡΙΑΣ
ΕΞΕΤΑΣΤΕΑ ΥΛΗ
ΠΑΝΕΛΛΑΔΙΚΕΣ ΕΞΕΤΑΣΕΙΣ 2013-2014
(ΜΑΘΗΜΑ ΕΠΙΛΟΓΗΣ)
(Απόσπασμα από το ΦΕΚ 1936/2013 με την εξεταστέα ύλη ημερήσιων και εσπερινών λυκείων 2013-2014)
Αριθμ. 105938/Γ2
Καθορισμός εξεταστέας ? διδακτέας ύλης των πανελλαδικά εξεταζόμενων μαθημάτων της Γ΄ τάξης του Γενικού Λυκείου για το σχολικό έτος 2013?2014.
Ο ΥΠΟΥΡΓΟΣ
ΠΑΙΔΕΙΑΣ ΚΑΙ ΘΡΗΣΚΕΥΜΑΤΩΝ
Έχοντας υπόψη:
(...)
ΑΡΧΕΣ ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΙΚΗΣ ΘΕΩΡΙΑΣ
Από το βιβλίο «Αρχές Οικονομικής Θεωρίας» της Γ΄ τάξης Ενιαίου Λυκείου των Λιανού Θ., Παπαβασιλείου Α. και Χατζηανδρέου Α. έκδοση 2013.
Κεφ. 1: Βασικές Οικονομικές Έννοιες, εκτός των παραγράφων 6 και 13.
Κεφ. 2: Η ζήτηση των αγαθών.
Κεφ. 3: Η παραγωγή της επιχείρησης και το κόστος, εκτός των παραγράφων 5, 6, 7, 8 και 9 που αναφέρονται στο κόστος παραγωγής.
Κεφ. 4: Η προσφορά των αγαθών.
Κεφ. 5: Ο Προσδιορισμός των τιμών, εκτός της παραγράφου 6.
Οι ερωτήσεις και οι ασκήσεις που αντιστοιχούν στα προαναφερόμενα κεφάλαια.
[http://edu.klimaka.gr/anakoinoseis-panellhnies/ejetastea-ylh-panellhnies/90-exetastea-ylh-arches-oikonomikhs-thewrias.html]
Να διατηρηθεί μέχρι ................
Βαθμός Ασφαλείας ...................
Μαρούσι 12-04-2011
Αριθ. Πρωτ. 44672/Γ2
Βαθ. Προτερ. …………………..
• Διευθύνσεις και Γραφεία Δ/θμιας Εκπ/
σης και Γραφεία Ε.Ε.
• Γραφεία Σχολικών Συμβούλων
• Γενικά και Επαγγελματικά Λύκεια
(μέσω των Δ/νσεων και Γραφείων
Δ.Ε. και Ε.Ε.) ΠΡΟΣ :
ΚΟΙΝ.:
• Περιφερειακές Δ/νσεις Εκπ/
σης
• Παιδαγωγικό Ινστιτούτο
ΘΕΜΑ: Οδηγία για το μάθημα «Αρχές Οικονομικής Θεωρίας»
Μετά από σχετική εισήγηση του Τμήματος Δευτεροβάθμιας Γενικής Εκπαίδευσης του
Παιδαγωγικού Ινστιτούτου (αρ. πρωτ. 3011/06-04-2011), σας αποστέλλουμε την παρακάτω οδηγία
για το μάθημα «Αρχές Οικονομικής Θεωρίας» που έχει ως εξής:
«…Επισημαίνεται ένα τυπογραφικό λάθος στο βιβλίο του πανελλαδικά εξεταζόμενου μαθήματος
της Γ΄ Γενικού και Επαγγελματικού Λυκείου και της Δ΄ Εσπερινού Γενικού και Επαγγελματικού
Πιο συγκεκριμένα, στη σελ. 85 του βιβλίου, στο 4ο
παράγραφο αυτού 6. «Μεταβολή της ‘προσφερόμενης ποσότητας’ και μεταβολή της ‘προσφοράς’»
…η ποσότητα του προϊόντος που προσφέρεται αυξάνεται από Q1 σε Q3 (Διάγραμμα 4.7).»
Κεφάλαιο «Η προσφορά των αγαθών» και στην
σειρά θα πρέπει να αλλάξει στο ορθό:
[https://docs.google.com/viewer?url=http%3A%2F%2Fdide.ioa.sch.gr%2Fsp%2Fwp-content%2Fuploads%2F2011%2F04%2FTypografiko_lathos_Arxes_oikonomikis_theorias.doc]
name::
* McsElln.αοθ.Κεφ1.Βασικές-Οικονομικές-Έννοιες,
name::
* McsElln.αοθ.Κ1.1.Εισαγωγή,
μλ15.πολιτική_οικονομία, μλ15.οικονομική_επιστήμη::
έχει αντικείμενο τη μελέτη των οικονομικών-προβλημάτων που δημιουργούνται μέσα σε μια κοινωνία.
μλ15.οικονομικό_πρόβλημα::
α) ποια ΠΡΟΪΟΝΤΑ παράγονται και σε τί ποσότητες.
β) ποιος ο τρόπος-παραγωγής, τεχνολογία παραγωγικής διαδικασίας.
γ) πως γίνεται η διανομή.
δ) πως αυξάνεται η ποσότητα, η ανάπτυξη της οικονομίας.
name::
* McsElln.αοθ.Κ1.2.Η-Οικονομία-του-Ροβινσώνα-Κρούσου,
name::
* McsElln.αοθ.Κ1.3.Οι-ανάγκες,
μλ15.οικονομική_ανάγκη, μλ15.ανάγκη::
εκείνες που για την ικανοποίησή τους χρησιμοποιούνται οικονομικά-αγαθά#ql:μλ15.οικονομικό_αγαθό#.
[μλ15σ10]
μλ15.ιδιότητες_αναγκών::
α) εξέλιξη: ίδια ανάγκη ποιο καινούργια αγαθά.
β) πολλαπλασιασμός: λόγω τεχνολογίας, μίμησης, συνήθειας, διαφήμισης.
γ) κορεσμός: προσωρινός.
name::
* McsElln.αοθ.Κ1.4.Προϊόντα-ή-οικονομικά-αγαθά,
μλ15.αγαθό.ελεύθερο::
Τα αγαθά που βρίσκονται ελεύθερα στη φύση, όπως το φως, η θερμότητα του ήλιου κτλ. Δεν αποτελούν αντικείμενο της Οικονομικής Επιστήμης.
[μλ15σ11]
μλ15.αγαθό.οικονομικό, μλ15.αγαθό, μλ15.προϊόν, μλ15.εμπόρευμα:
Αντίθετα, η Οικονομική Επιστήμη μελετάει εκείνα τα αγαθά που είναι αποτέλεσμα της παραγωγικής προσπάθειας των ανθρώπων. Αυτά ονομάζονται οικονομικά αγαθά ή προϊόντα (επειδή παράγονται με κάποια διαδικασία) ή εμπορεύματα (επειδή γίνονται αντικείμενα αγοράς και πώλησης). Το κύριο χαρακτηριστικό των οικονομικών αγαθών είναι ότι βρίσκονται σε περιορισμένες ποσότητες σε σχέση με τις ανάγκες που ικανοποιούν. Στο εξής, όταν λέμε αγαθά, θα εννοούμε πάντοτε τα οικονομικά αγαθά.
[μλ15σ11]
μλ15.αγαθό.υλικό, μλ15.υλικό_αντικείμενο::
όπως τρόφιμα, ρούχα,
[μλ15σ11]
μλ15.αγαθό.άυλο, μλ15.υπηρεσία:
όπως ένα μουσικό κομμάτι, μια διάλεξη. Στα άυλα αγαθά περιλαμβάνονται και διάφορες καταστάσεις ή μορφές ενέργειας, όπως η θερμότητα το χειμώνα, το φως το βράδυ.
[μλ15σ11]
μλ15.αγαθό.διαρκές:
Διαρκή είναι εκείνα πο μορούν να χρησιμοποιηθούν πολλές φορές για το ίδιο σκοπό, χωρίς να μεταβληθεί η φυσική τους υπόσταση πχ τα έπιπλα, ρουχα, αυτοκίνητα.
[μλ15σ12]
μλ15.αγαθό.καταναλωτό:
είναι εκείνα που μόνο μια φορά μπορούν να χρησιμοποιηθούν για το σκοπό που έχουν παραχθεί πχ τρόφιμα, καυσόξυλα, ...
[μλ15σ12]
μλ15.αγαθό.κεφαλαιουxικό, μλ15.αγαθό.επενδυτικό:
είναι εκείνα που χρησιμοποιούνται στην παραγωγική διαδικασία από την οποία παράγονται άλλα αγαθά πχ το τρακτέρ
[μλ15σ12]
μλ15.αγαθό.καταναλωτικό:
είναι εκείνα που χρησιμοποιούνται για την άμεση ικανοποίηση των αναγκών των ανθρώπων, δηλαδή για κατανάλωση πχ τα πορτοκάλια.
Είναι φυσικό το ίδιο αγαθό να ανήκει σε περισσότερες από μια κατηγορίες.
[μλ15σ12]
name::
* McsElln.αοθ.Κ1.5.Η-Αγορά,
μλ15.αγορά:
Ο ΧΩΡΟΣ, όπου γίνονται αγοραπωλησίες.
Επίσης (επειδή μπορεί να γίνει πχ με ένα τηλεφώνημα) περιλαμβάνει όλα εκείνα τα ΜΕΣΑ με τα οποία μπορεί να πραγματοποιηθεί μια αγοραπωλησία και όλους τους σχετικούς ΧΩΡΟΥΣ.
Παράδειγμα:
με όνομα το αγαθό:
αγορά εργασίας,
αγορά τίτλων (ομολόγων, μετοχών) στο χρηματιστήριο,
αγορά γής,
με όνομα το χώρο:
χρηματιστήριο αθηνών,
λαχαναγορά αθήνας,
λαϊκή αγορά γειτονιάς
[μλ15σ12]
name::
* McsElln.αοθ.Κ1.6.Κοινωνικοί-Θεσμοί,
μλ15.νοικοκυριό. μλ.οικογένεια:
- αποτελείται από άτομα που αποφασίζουν απο κοινού για οικονομικά-θέματα.
- εισόδημα: πόσο θα καταναλωθεί, σε τι αγαθά, πότε και που θα-καναναλωθεί η-αποταμίευση
- ποιός δουλεύει
- κάποια είναι και επιχειρήσεις.
[μλ15σ13]
μλ15.επιxείρηση:
- παραγωγική μονάδα, με διάφορες νομικές-μορφές, μεγεθος, αντικείμενο
- σκοπός: η μεγιστοποίηση του κέρδους.
[μλ15σ]
μλ15.εργατικό_σωματείο, μλ15.εργατική_ένωση, μλ15.εργατικό_συνδικάτο:
με σκοπό βελτίωση οικονομικής τους κατάστασης.
αντιστάθμισμα στην οικονομική-δύναμη του εργοδότη.
[μλ15σ]
μλ15.κράτος:
* επιβάλει ΦΟΡΟΥΣ στις επιχειρήσεις και τα νοικοκυριά.
* παρέχει δωρεάν αγαθά.
* επιδιώκει διατήρηση οικονομής ευημερίας και ισορροπίας ώστε να μήν ανατραπει το καθεστώς που εκφράζει.
[μλ15σ]
name::
* McsElln.αοθ.Κ1.7.Οι-Παραγωγικές-Δυνατότητες-της-Οικονομίας,
μλ15.συντελεστές_παραγωγής, μλ15.παραγωγικός_συντελεστής:
είναι τα-στοιχεία που συμβάλουν στην παραγωγική-διαδικασία.
* εργασία
* έδαφος
* κεφάλαιο
* επιχειρηματικότητα
* σε μια χρονική στιγμή οι συντελεστές είναι δεδομένοι|σε στενότητα και οι ανάγκες απεριόριστες.
[μλ15σ]
μλ15.εργασία, μλ15.ανθρώπινο_κεφάλαιο:
η ανθρώπινη προσπάθεια που χρειάζεται για την παραγωγή αγαθών.
[μλ15σ]
μλ15.γη, μλ15.έδαφος:
γεωγραφική-έκταση, επιφάνεια, υπέδαφος, λίμνες, ποτάμια, θάλασσες που χρειάζονται στην παραγωγή.
[μλ15σ]
αοθ.κεφάλαιο:
όλα τα προϊόντα που χρειάζονται για την παραγωγή άλλων.
[μλ15σ]
μλ15.επιxειρηματικότητα:
την ικανότητα κάποιων, βλέποντας κέρδος, να αναλαμβάνουν την παραγωγή.
άλλοι τη θεωρούν ένα είδος εργασίας.
[μλ15σ]
μλ15.κύριο_οικονομικό_πρόβλημα:
η διαφορά μεταξύ απεριόριστων αναγκών και περιορισμένων συντελεστών-παραγωγής.
[μλ15σ]
μλ15.καμπύλη_παραγωγικών_δυνατοτήτων:
δείχνει τις μεγαλύτερες ποσότητες ενός προϊόντος που είναι δυνατό να παραχθούν για κάθε δεδομένη ποσότητα άλλου προϊόντος.
[μλ15σ]
μλ15.κόστος_ευκαιρίας, μλ15.εναλλακτικό_κόστος, μλ15.πραγματικό_κόστος:
τα άλλα αγαθά που θα θυσιαστούν για την παραγωγή του.
[μλ15σ]
name::
* McsElln.αοθ.Κ1.8.Ο-Καταμερισμός-των-έργων,
μλ15.καταμερισμός_έργων, μλ15.καταμερισμός_εργασίας:
κάθε άτομο απασχολείται στην παραγωγή ενός ή μέρους προϊόντος και καταναλώνει πολλά που δεν συμμετέχει.
* πλεονεκτήματα
* μειονεκτήματα
[μλ15σ]
name::
* McsElln.αοθ.Κ1.9.Το-Xρήμα,
μλ15.xρήμα:
οτιδήποτε η κοινωνία αποδέχεται ως ΓΕΝΙΚΟ μέσο ανταλλαγής.
* η κυκλοφορία των προϊόντων συνοδεύεται με μια αντίθετη κυκλοφορία χρήματος.
[μλ15σ]
name::
* McsElln.αοθ.Κ1.10.Το-Οικονομικό-Κύκλωμα,
μλ15.οικονομικό_κύκλωμα:
οι σχέσεις μεταξύ επιχειρήσεων, νοικωκυριών, κράτους.
[μλ15σ]
name::
* McsElln.αοθ.Κ1.11.Η-Αβεβαιότητα-στην-Οικονομική-Ζωή,
μλ15.αβεβαιότητα_οικονομικής_ζωής:
στον εργαζόμενο,
στις επιχειρήσεις
[μλ15σ24]
name::
* McsElln.αοθ.Κ1.12.Οι-Πληροφορίες,
μλ15.πλήρης_γνώση:
υποθέτει ότι νοικοκοιριά και επιχειρήσεις γνωρίζουν πλήρως τις παραγωγικές συνθήκες.
[μλ15σ]
name::
* McsElln.αοθ.κ1.Ερωτήσεις,
1. Ποιοι είναι οι θεσμοί που ενδιαφέρουν την οικονομική επιστήμη;
2. Σε τι διαφέρουν τα διαρκή αγαθά από τα καταναλωτά;
3. Σε τι διαφέρουν τα κεφαλαιουχικά αγαθά από τα καταναλωτικά;
4. Σε τι διαφέρουν τα οικονομικά αγαθά από τα ελεύθερα;
5. Δώστε τον ορισμό του κόστους ευκαιρίας (ή εναλλακτικού κόστους). Ποια είναι τα πλεονεκτήματα και ποια τα μειονεκτήματα του καταμερισμού των έργων;
6. Να σημειώσετε τη σωστή απάντηση:
i) Το οικονομικό πρόβλημα κάθε κοινωνίας προέρχεται από:
(α) Τις απεριόριστες ανάγκες των ανθρώπων
(β) Τους περιορισμένους παραγωγικούς πόρους
(γ) Την κακή διαχείριση της παραγωγής
(δ) Τα μονοπώλια
(ε) Τις ανάγκες σε σχέση με την ποσότητα των αγαθών
ii) Ποιο από τα παρακάτω δεν είναι συντελεστής παραγωγής:
(α) Έδαφος
(β) Γη
(γ) Εργασία
(δ) Χρήμα
(ε) Κεφάλαιο
iii) Ο συντελεστής "εργασία" είναι:
(α) Η εργασία όλων των επιστημόνων
(β) Η εργασία των αγροτών
(γ) Η εργασία των εργατών
(δ) Η εργασία όλων των παραπάνω
(ε) Η σωματική και πνευματική προσπάθεια των ανθρώπων που καταβάλλεται για την παραγωγή των αγαθών.
iv) Ο συντελεστής "κεφάλαιο" περιλαμβάνει:
(α) Τα κέρδη των επιχειρήσεων
(β) Τις ομολογίες του κράτους
(γ) Τα μηχανήματα που χρησιμοποιούνται στην παραγωγή
(δ) Τη συνολική αξία των μετοχών
(ε) Τη σωματική και πνευματική προσπάθεια των ανθρώπων που καταβάλλεται για την παραγωγή των αγαθών
ν) Αν σπουδάζετε, το κόστος ευκαιρίας των σπουδών σας περιλαμβάνει όλα τα παρακάτω εκτός από:
(α) Το κόστος των αναγκαίων βιβλίων που αγοράζετε
(β) Το κόστος των διδάκτρων που πληρώνετε
(γ) Την απώλεια του εισοδήματος που θα είχατε, αν εργαζόσαστε αντί να πάτε στο πανεπιστήμιο
(δ) Το κόστος διατροφής σας κατά τη διάρκεια των σπουδών
(ε) Το κόστος των φροντιστηριακών μαθημάτων
7. Να σημειώσετε το "σωστό" ή το "λάθος" στα παρακάτω:
α) Αντικείμενο της Πολιτικής Οικονομίας είναι η μελέτη των προβλημάτων των επιχειρήσεων [Σ], [Λ]
β) Η οικονομία του Ροβινσώνα Κρούσου δεν αντιμετωπίζει προβλήματα διανομής των προϊόντων [Σ], [Λ]
γ) Η θερμότητα του ήλιου δεν είναι αγαθό, γιατί δεν είναι αποτέλεσμα παραγωγής [Σ], [Λ]
δ) Η αγορά κάθε προϊόντος περιορίζεται σε μία συγκεκριμένη γεωγραφική περιοχή [Σ], [Λ]
ε) Σκοπός της οικογένειας είναι να ζουν καλά τα μέλη της [Σ], [Λ]
στ) Σκοπός της επιχείρησης είναι να πραγματοποιήσει κέρδη [Σ], [Λ]
ζ) Σκοπός του κράτους είναι να εισπράττει φόρους και να κάνει δαπάνες [Σ], [Λ]
η) Σκοπός των εργατικών σωματείων είναι να βοηθάνε την κυβέρνηση [Σ], [Λ]
8) Από τον παρακάτω πίνακα να κατασκευαστούν οι καμπύλες παραγωγικών δυνατοτήτων της οικονομίας για τα ζεύγη των αγαθών Χ, Ψ και Χ, Φ και για τους συνδυασμούς των ποσοτήτων στα σημεία Α, Β, Γ, Δ, Ε, Ζ. Σχολιάστε το αποτέλεσμα. Επίσης να βρεθεί το κόστος ευκαιρίας του Φ σε όρους του Χ.
Χ Ψ Φ
Α 50 0 0
Β 40 10 14
Γ 30 20 26
Δ 20 30 37
Ε 10 40 44
Ζ 0 50 50
9. Στο παραπάνω πρόβλημα υποθέστε ότι η τεχνολογία βελτιώνεται με τρόπο που διπλασιάζει την παραγωγή του αγαθού Φ. Κατασκευάστε τη νέα καμπύλη παραγωγικών δυνατοτήτων μεταξύ Χ και Φ.
10. Αν το εναλλακτικό κόστος μεταξύ Χ και Ψ είναι σταθερό, προσδιορίστε την καμπύλη παραγωγικών δυνατοτήτων.
11. Μια οικονομία παράγει δύο αγαθά Χ και Ψ και απασχολεί όλους τους παραγωγικούς συντελεστές με δεδομένη τεχνολογία, όπως στον πίνακα:
X Ψ
Α 0 500
Β 100 300
Γ 150 150
Δ 180 0
Με τη βοήθεια του κόστους ευκαιρίας να εξεταστεί (υπολογιστικά) αν οι παρακάτω συνδυασμοί είναι εφικτοί:
(α) Χ = 160 και Ψ = 110
(β) Χ = 140 και Ψ = 180
(Υ) Χ= 90 και Ψ = 310
name::
* McsElln.αοθ.κ1.Θέματα,
ΘΕΜΑΤΑ
1. Να διατυπώσετε τους ορισµούς των εννοιών «επιχειρηµατικότητα», «παραγωγική
διαδικασία», «καταµερισµός έργων» και «χρήµα».
2. Το οικονοµικό κύκλωµα περιλαµβάνει τις ροές που δηµιουργούνται µεταξύ κράτους,
νοικοκυριών και επιχειρήσεων. Να αναφέρετε τα χαρακτηριστικά αυτών των ροών.
3. Να αναλύσετε τη µίµηση και τη συνήθεια ως βασικοί λόγοι που συντελούν στον
πολλαπλασιασµό και την εξέλιξη των αναγκών.
4. Το κόστος ευκαιρίας δεν είναι συνήθως σταθερό. Ποια είναι, όµως, η συνήθης µορφή του
και που αυτή οφείλεται;
5. ?ύο χώρες Α και Β παράγουν δύο αγαθά Χ και Ψ. Στην χώρα Α ισχύει σταθερό ΚΕΧ = 3,
ενώ στη χώρα Β ισχύει σταθερό ΚΕΧ = 5. Σε ποια χώρα είναι περισσότερο συµφέρουσα η
παραγωγή του Χ και σε ποια η παραγωγή του Ψ; Να δικαιολογήσετε την άποψή σας.
ΑΠΑΝΤΗΣΕΙΣ
[http://www.economics.edu.gr/files/AO8-TEST-THEWRIAS-KEFALAIO-1.pdf]
name::
* McsElln.αοθ.Κεφ2.Η-ζήτηση-των-αγαθών,
name::
* McsElln.αοθ.Κ2.1.εισαγωγή,
μλ15.τιμή_αγαθών:
είναι οι-χρηματικές-μονάδες που απαιτούνται για την-αγορά του.
προσδιορίζεται από τη-ζήτηση και την-προσφορά.
[μλ15σ28]
name::
* McsElln.αοθ.Κ2.2.συμπεριφορά-καταναλωτή,
μλ15.συμπεριφορά_καταναλωτή:
επιδιώκει τη-μέγιστη χρησιμότητα από την-κατανάλωση-αγαθών.
[μλ15σ28]
μλ15.ορθολογικός_καταναλωτής:
αυτός που επιλέγει αυτά τα-αγαθά και σε εκείνες τις-ποσότητες, ανάλογα με το-εισόδημά του, που του μεγιστοποιούν τη-χρησιμότητα.
[μλ15σ28]
μλ15.ισορροπία_καταναλωτή:
είναι η-κατάσταση ορθολογικού-καταναλωτή που δεν αλλάζει τις-προτιμήσεις του όταν δεν υπάρχει μεταβολή στο εισόδημά του και στις-τιμές.
[μλ15σ]
name::
* McsElln.αοθ.Κ2.3.νόμος-ζήτησης-καμπύλη-ζήτησης,
μλ15.νόμος_ζήτησης:
όταν η-τιμή-ενός-αγαθού μειώνετα, αυξάνεται η-ζητούμενη ποσότητά του,
και όταν η-τιμή του αυξάνεται, μειώνεται η-ζητούμενη ποσότητα από το-αγαθό αυτό,
όταν οι-άλλοι παράγοντες που μπορούν-να-επηρεάσουν τη-ζήτηση παραμένουν σταθεροί (ceteris paribus).
[μλ15σ29]
μλ15.ατομική_καμπύλη_ζήτησης:
ψ = τιμές
χ = ζητούμενες-ποσότητες
* έχει αρνητική-κλήση
[μλ15σ29]
name::
* McsElln.αοθ.Κ2.4.αγοραία-καμπύλη-ζήτησης,
μλ15.αγοραία_καμπύλη_ζήτησης:
με την-προσθήκη όλων των-ατομικών-καμπύλων-ζήτησης.
[μλ15σ30]
name::
* McsElln.αοθ.Κ2.5.συνάρτηση-ζήτησης,
μλ15.συνάρτηση_ζήτησης:
Qd = f (P)
η-ζητούμενη-ποσότητα εξαρτάται από την-τιμή-αγαθού.
η-καμπύλη είναι η-γραφική-παράσταση.
[μλ15σ32]
μλ15.γραμμική_συνάρτηση_ζήτησης:
Qd = α + βP
α > 0
β < 0
[μλ15σ32]
μλ15.ισοσκελής_υπερβολή_συνάρτηση_ζήτησης:
Qd = A / P
A > 0
[μλ15σ32]
name::
* McsElln.αοθ.Κ2.6.άλλοι-παράγοντες-ζήτησης,
μλ15.άλλοι_παράγοντες_ζήτησης:
α) προτιμήσεις καταναλωτών
β) εισόδημα
γ) τιμές άλλων αγαθών (υποκατάστατα, συμπληρωματικά)
δ) προσδοκίες|προβλέψεις καταναλωτών (τιμών, εισοδημάτων)
ε) αριθμός καταναλωτών (μόνο αγοραία καμπύλη)
[μλ15σ34]
μλ15.αγαθό.κανονικό:
όταν αυξάνεται το-εισόδημα, αυξάνεται η-ζήτησή του.
[μλ15σ35]
μλ15.αγαθό.κατώτερο, μλ15.αγαθό.φτωxού:
όταν αυξάνεται το-εισόδημα, μειώνεται η-ζήτησή του.
[μλ15σ35]
μλ15.αγαθά.υποκατάστατα:
δύο ή περισσότερα που ικανοποιούν την ίδια ανάγκη το-ένα ή το-άλλο (μοσχαρίσιο χοιρινό)
[μλ15σ35]
μλ15.αγαθά.συμπληρωματικά:
δύο ή περισσότερα που ικανοποιούν την ίδια ανάγκη και χρειάζονται και τα δύο (καφές κ ζάχαρη)
[μλ15σ36]
name::
* McsElln.αοθ.Κ2.7.μεταβολή-στη-ζητούμενη-ποσότητα-και-μεταβολή-στη-ζήτηση,
μλ15.μεταβολές_ποσότητας_ζήτησης:
α) μεταβολή μονο στη ζητούμενη-ποσότητα (μεταβολή τιμής)
β) μεταβολή μόνο στη ζήτηση (μεταβολή άλλων παραγόντων)
β) μεταβολή στην ποσότητα και στη ζήτηση
[μλ15σ]
name::
* McsElln.αοθ.Κ2.8.ελαστικότητα-ζήτησης-ως-προς-τιμή,
μλ15.ελαστικότητα_ζήτησης_ως_προς_την_τιμή:
ο-λόγος της-ποσοστιαίας-μεταβολής της-ζητούμενης-ποσότητας
προς την-ποσοστιαία-μεταβολή της-τιμής.
* η-αριθμητική-τιμή της είναι πάντα αρνητική.
* Ed
* μεγαλύτερη ελαστικότητα, μεγαλύτερη διαφορά στη ζητούμενη-ποσότητα
[μλ15σ40]
name::
* McsElln.αοθ.Κ2.9.ελαστικότητα-σημείου-και-ελαστικότητα-τόξου,
name::
* McsElln.αοθ.Κ2.10.ελαστική-και-ανελαστική-ζήτηση,
μλ15.ελαστική_ζήτηση:
αν |Ed| > 1
* μεγάλη ελαστικότητα, μεγάλη διαφορά στη ζητούμενη-ποσότητα
[μλ15σ42]
μλ15.ανελαστική_ζήτηση:
αν |Ed| < 1
* μικρή ελαστικότητα, μικρή διαφορά στη ζητούμενη-ποσότητα
[μλ15σ42]
name::
* McsElln.αοθ.Κ2.11.ειδικές-περιπτώσεις-καμπύλης-ζήτησης-και-ελαστικότητας,
μλ15.ειδικές_περιπτώσεις_καμπύλης_ζήτησης_και_ελαστικότητας:
α) ελαστικότητα μηδέν (φαρμάκων για συγκεκριμένη ασθένεια)
β) ελαστικότητα τεινει στο άπειρο (ιδια τιμή, οποιαδήποτε ποσότητα)
γ) ελαστικότητα = 1 (σε ισοσκελή-υπερβολή)
δ) ελαστικότητα σε ευθεία-καμπύλη-ζήτησης
[μλ15σ43]
name::
* McsElln.αοθ.Κ2.12.συνολική-δαπάνη-καταναλωτών,
μλ15.συνολική_δαπάνη_καταναλωτών:
= τιμή χ ποσότητα
* συνολικό εισόδημα παραγωγών = συνολική δαπάνη καταναλωτών.
[μλ15σ44]
name::
* McsElln.αοθ.Κ2.13.ελαστικότητα-ζήτησης-και-συνολική-δαπάνη-καταναλωτών,
μλ15.ελαστικότητα_ζήτησης_και_συνολική_δαπάνη_καταναλωτών:
[μλ15σ45]
name::
* McsElln.αοθ.Κ2.14.xρησιμότητα-της-ελαστικότητας-ζήτησης,
name::
* McsElln.αοθ.Κ2.15.εισοδηματική-ελαστικότητα,
μλ15.εισοδηματική_ελαστικότητα, μλ15.ελαστικότητα_ζήτησης_ως_προς_το_εισόδημα:
ο-λόγος της-ποσοστιαίας-μεταβολής της-ζητούμενης-ποσότητας
προς την-ποσοστιαία-μεταβολή του-εισοδήματος.
[μλ15σ47]
name::
* McsElln.αοθ.Κεφ3.Η-παραγωγή-της-Επιxείρησης-και-το-κόστος,
name::
* McsElln.αοθ.Κ3.Α.παραγωγή-επιxείρησης,
name::
* McsElln.αοθ.Κ3.Α.1.παραγωγή-επιxείρησης,
μλ15.παραγωγή:
η-διαδικασία μετατροπής των-συντελεστών-παραγωγής σε αγαθά.
[μλ15σ53]
μλ15.παραγωγής'xαρακτηριστικά:
α) συνειδητή προσπάθεια για τελικό αποτέλεσμα.
β) χρονικό-διάστημα από αρχή χρήσης μέχρι τελικό αγαθό.
γ) τεχνολογική-σχέση μεταξύ συντελεστών και αγαθών.
[μλ15σ53]
μλ15.περίοδος_παραγωγής:
το-χρονικό-διάστημα από αρχή χρήσης μέχρι τελικό αγαθό.
[μλ15σ53]
name::
* McsElln.αοθ.Κ3.Α.2.xρονικός-ορίζοντας-επιxείρησης,
μλ15.βραxυxρόνια_περίοδος_παραγωγής:
είναι το-χρονικό-διάστημα μεσα στο οποιο ΔΕΝ μεταβάλεται η-ποσότητα ενός ή παραπάνω συντελεστών πχ μηχανήματα (σταθερός-συντελεστής)
αλλιώς:
η-περίοδος-παραγωγής που υπάρχει τουλάχιστον ένας-σταθερός-παραγωγικός-συντελεστής.
[μλ15σ53]
μλ15.μακροxρόνια_περίοδος_παραγωγής:
είναι το-χρονικό-διάστημα μεσα στο οποιο μεταβάλεται η-ποσότητα ενός ή παραπάνω συντελεστών πχ πρώτες-ύλες.
[μλ15σ54]
μλ15.συντελεστής_παραγωγής.σταθερός:
είναι αυτός που η-ποσότητά του ΔΕΝ μεταβάλλεται στη βραχυχρόνια-περίοδο.
πχ κτίρια, μηχανήματα.
[μλ15σ53]
μλ15.συντελεστής_παραγωγής.μεταβλητός:
είναι αυτός που η-ποσότητά του μεταβάλλεται σε περίοδο-παραγωγής.
πχ. πρωτες-ύλες
[μλ15σ53]
name::
* McsElln.αοθ.Κ3.Α.3.συνάρτηση-παραγωγής,
μλ15.συνάρτηση_παραγωγής:
Q = f(x1, x2, ... xn)
Q = ποσότητα προϊόντος
x = ποσότητα χ συντελεστή
* πχ στη βραχυχρόνια-περίοδο Q = f(L, K) εργασία και κεφάλαιο
[μλ15σ54]
name::
* McsElln.αοθ.Κ3.Α.4.συνολικό-προϊόν,
μλ15.συνολικό_προϊόν, cl15.total_product:
το-προϊόν που παράγεται όταν μεταβάλλεται ένας-συντελεστής όταν οι-άλλοι είναι σταθεροί.
[μλ15σ54]
μλ15.καμπύλη_συνολικού_προϊόντος:
η-γραφική-παράσταση για διάφορες τιμές του-μεταβλητού-συντελεστή.
το-προϊόν που παράγεται όταν μεταβάλλεται ένας-συντελεστής όταν οι-άλλοι είναι σταθεροί.
[μλ15σ55]
name::
* McsElln.αοθ.Κ3.Α.5.μέσο-και-οριακό-προϊόν,
μλ15.μέσο_προϊόν, cl15.average_product:
ο-λόγος του-συνολικού-προϊόντος προς την-ποσότητα του-μεταβλητού-συντελεστή
[μλ15σ56]
μλ15.οριακό_προϊόν, cl15.marginal_product:
ο-λόγος της μεταβολής του-συνολικού-προϊόντος προς την-μεταβολή του-μεταβλητού-συντελεστή κατά μία-μονάδα.
[μλ15σ56]
name::
* McsElln.αοθ.Κ3.Α.6.νόμος-φθίνουσας-ή-μη-ανάλογης-απόδοσης,
μλ15.νόμος_φθίνουσας_απόδοσης:
στη βραχυχρόνια-περίοδο-παταγωγής
υπάρχει ένα-σημείο μέχρι το-οποίο η-διαδοχική προσθήκη ίσων μονάδων του-μεταβλητού-συντελεστή δίνει αυξημένο συνολικό-προϊόν.
[μλ15σ]
name::
* McsElln.αοθ.Κ3.Α.7.επίδραση-τεxνολογίας,
μλ15.επίδραση_τεxνολογίας_στη_παραγωγή:
αναλογική σχέση τεχνολογίας και προϊόντος.
[μλ15σ59]
name::
* McsElln.αοθ.Κ3.Β.κόστος-παραγωγής,
name::
* McsElln.αοθ.Κ3.Β.1.κόστος-παραγωγής-στη-βραxυxρόνια-περίοδο,
μλ15.μεταβλητό_κόστος, cl15.variable_cost:
οι-δαπάνες για τους-μεταβλητούς-συντελεστές.
[μλ15σ60]
μλ15.σταθερό_κόστος, cl15.fixed_cost:
οι-δαπάνες για τους-σταθερούς-συντελεστές#ql:μλ15.συντελεστής_παραγωγής.σταθερός#.
[μλ15σ60]
μλ15.συνολικό_κόστος, cl15.total_cost:
συνολικό-κόστος = σταθερό + μεταβλητό
[μλ15σ61]
name::
* McsElln.αοθ.Κ3.Β.2.καμπύλες-κόστους-στη-βραxυxρόνια-περίοδο,
μλ15.καμπύλες_κόστους:
Ψ = κόστος
Χ = ποσότητα προϊόντος
[μλ15σ]
name::
* McsElln.αοθ.Κ3.Β.3.μέσο-κόστος,
μλ15.μέσο_κόστος:
Ο-ΛΟΓΟΣ του κόστους προς ποσότητα-προϊόντος
[μλ15σ]
name::
* McsElln.αοθ.Κ3.Β.4.οριακό-κόστος,
μλ15.οριακό_κόστος:
Ο-ΛΟΓΟΣ της-μεταβολής του-κόστους ΠΡΟΣ μεταβολής προϊόντος κατά μία-μονάδα.
[μλ15σ]
name::
* McsElln.αοθ.Κ3.Β.5.σxέσεις-των-καμπυλών-μέσου-και-οριακού-κόστους,
name::
* McsElln.αοθ.Κ3.Β.7.κόστος-παραγωγής-στη-μακροxρόνια-περίοδο,
μλ15.οικονομίες_κλίμακας:
τα-πλεονεκτήματα που δημιουργούνται με την αύξηση του-όγκου-παραγωγής.
[μλ15σ71]
μλ15.αντιοικονομίες_κλίμακας:
τα-μειονεκτήματα που δημιουργούνται με την αύξηση του-όγκου-παραγωγής.
[μλ15σ71]
name::
* McsElln.αοθ.Κ3.Β.8.οικονομίες-και-αντιοικονομίες-κλίμακας,
μλ15.αίτια_οικονομιών_κλίμακας:
α) εξειδίκευση
β) τεχνολογία
[μλ15σ72]
name::
* McsElln.αοθ.Κεφ4.Η-προσφορά-των-αγαθών,
name::
* McsElln.αοθ.Κ4.2.καμπύλη-προσφοράς-νόμος-προσφοράς,
name::
* McsElln.αοθ.Κ4.5.προσδιοριστικοί-παράγοντες-προσφοράς,
name::
* McsElln.αοθ.Κ4.6.μεταβολή-προσφερόμενης-ποσότητας-και-προσφοράς,
name::
* McsElln.αοθ.Κ4.8.ελαστική-ανελαστική-προσφορά-και-xρόνος,
name::
* McsElln.αοθ.Κεφ5.Ο-προσδιορισμός-των-τιμών,
name::
* McsElln.αοθ.Κ5.2.τιμή-και-ποσότητα-ισορροπίας,
μλ15.τιμή_ισορροπίας:
η-τιμή-αγαθού στην οποία η-προσφορά και η-ζήτηση είναι ίδιες.
[μλ15σ94]
μλ15.ποσότητα_ισορροπίας:
η-ποσότητα-αγαθού στην οποία η-προσφορά και η-ζήτηση είναι ίδιες.
[μλ15σ94]
name::
* McsElln.αοθ.Κ5.3.αλγεβρικός-προσδιορισμός-του-σημείου-ισορροπίας,
name::
* McsElln.αοθ.Κ5.4.μεταβολές-τιμής-και-ποσότητας-ισορροπίας,
μλ15.μεταβολή_ζήτησης_μόνο:
όταν αυξάνεται η-ζήτηση, με σταθερή τη-προσφορά, αυξάνεται η-τιμή-ισορροπίας και η-ποσότητα-ισορροπίας.
[μλ15σ96]
μλ15.μεταβολή_προσφοράς_μόνο:
όταν αυξάνεται η-προσφορά, με σταθερή τη-ζήτηση, μειώνεται η-τιμή-ισορροπίας και αυξάνεται η-ποσότητα-ισσοροπίας.
[μλ15σ97]
μλ15.μεταβολή_ζήτησης_και_προσφοράς:
δεν ξέρουμε την-απάντηση προκαταβολικά.
[μλ15σ97]
name::
* McsElln.αοθ.Κ5.5.κρατική-παρέμβαση-στην-αγορά,
μλ15.επιβολή_ανώτατης_τιμής:
* δημιουργεί έλλειμα αγαθου, και μαύρη-αγορά.
[μλ15σ100]
μλ15.επιβολή_κατώτατης_τιμής:
* δημιουργεί πλεόνασμα, που το αγοράζει το-κράτος.
[μλ15σ101]
name::
* McsElln.αοθ.Κεφ7.Ακαθάριστο-εγxώριο-προϊόν,
name::
* McsElln.αοθ.Κ7.1.διάκριση-μικροοικονομικής-και-μακροοικονομικής-θεωρίας,
μλ15.μικροοικονομική_θεωρία, μλ15.μικροοικονομία:
* εξετάζει τη συμπεριφορά του οικονομούντος ατόμου, ξεχωριστών μονάδων μιας οικονομίας.
[μλ15σ133]
μλ15.μακροοικονομική_θεωρία, μλ15.μακροοικονομική_ανάλυση, μλ15.μακροοικονομία, μλ15.θεωρία_του_Εθνικού_Εισοδήματος_και_της_Απασxόλησης:
* εξετάζει τη συμπεριφορά της συνολικής οικονομίας.
[μλ15σ133]
μλ15.σφάλμα_σύνθεσης:
όταν δεχόμαστε ότι εκείνο το οποίο ισχύει για τα άτομα ισχύει αναγκαστικά και για το σύνολο της οικονομίας.
[μλ15σ133]
name::
* McsElln.αοθ.Κ7.2.ακαθάριστο-εγxώριο-προϊόν,
μλ15.ΑΕΠ, μλ15.ακαθάριστο_εγxώριο_προϊόν:
είναι η-συνολική-αξία σε χρηματικές-μονάδες των-τελικών αγαθών-και-υπηρεσιών που παράγονται σε μια χώρα σ' ένα συγκεκριμένο έτος.
* ισούται με το άθροισμα των-προστιθέμενων-αξιών όλων των-επιχειρήσεων.
[μλ15σ134]
name::
* McsElln.αοθ.Κ7.3.προστιθέμενη-αξία,
μλ15.αγαθό.τελικό:
αυτά που αγοράζονται για τελική χρήση και όχι για παραπέρα μετασχηματισμό.
[μλ15σ134]
μλ15.αγαθό.ενδιάμεσο:
αυτά που αγοράζονται για περαιτέρω επεξεργασία και όχι για τελική χρήση.
[μλ15σ134]
μλ15.προστιθέμενη_αξία_αγαθού:
η-αξία που προστέθηκε ΜΟΝΟ στο στάδιο επεξεργασίας του.
το-νοικοκυριό πληρώνει το άθροισμα των-προστιθέμενων-αξιών στα ΣΤΑΔΙΑ δημιουργίας του.
[μλ15σ135]
name::
* McsElln.αοθ.Κ7.4.επίδραση-μεταβολής-τιμών-στο-ΑΕΠ,
μλ15.ΑΕΠ.ονομαστικό:
σε τρέχουσες τιμές
* μετρά τη-χρηματική-αξία της-παραγωγής
[μλ15σ136]
μλ15.δείκτης_τιμών, μλ15.αποπληθωριστής_τιμών:
εκφράζει την-τιμή-αγαθού σε χρονική-περίοδο ως προς την-τιμή σε άλλη χρονική-περίοδο.
* εκφράζεται σαν ποσοστό επί τοι εκατό.
[μλ15σ136]
μλ15.ΑΕΠ.πραγματικό, μλ15.ΑΕΠ.σε_σταθερές_τιμές:
διαιρούμε το-ονομαστικό-ΑΕΠ με το-δίκτη-τιμών.
* δείχνει τις παραγόμενες ποσότητες.
* ΑΕΠ-σταθερό = ΑΕΠ-ονομαστικό / δείκτης-τιμων χ 100
[μλ15σ136]
name::
* McsElln.αοθ.Κ7.7.ακαθάριστο-εθνικό-προϊόν,
μλ15.ακαθάριστο_εθνικό_προϊόν, μλ15.ΑΕΘΠ:
= ΑΕΠ + Καθαρό-Εισόδημα-Εξωτερικού
[μλ15σ]
name::
* McsElln.αοθ.Κ7.9.κατά-κεφαλήν-πραγματικό-ΑΕΠ,
μλ15.κατά_κεφαλήν_πραγματικό_ΑΕΠ:
= πραγματικό-ΑΕΠ / πληθυσμός
[μλ15σ]
name::
* McsElln.αοθ.Κ7.10.το-ΑΕΠ-ως-δείκτης-οικονομικής-ευημερίας-και-οι-αδυναμίες-του,
μλ15.αδυναμίες_ΑΕΠ:
α) δεν μετρά ιδιοκατανάλωση.
β) ποσοτικός όχι ποιοτικός δείκτης
γ) αγνοεί τη σύνθεση και κατανομή της παραγωγής
δ) δεν μετρά παραοικονομία
ε) δεν μετρά την καταστροφή του περιβάλλοντος
[μλ15σ]
name::
* McsElln.Κεφ8.Το-τραπεζικό-σύστημα,
name::
* McsElln.Κεφ9.Οικονομικές-διακυμάνσεις-Πληθωρισμός-Ανεργία,
name::
* McsElln.Κεφ10.Τα-δημόσια-οικονομικά,
name::
* McsElln.Κεφ11.Διεθνείς-οικονομικές-σχέσεις-Ευρωπαϊκή-Ένωση-Ελληνική-οικονομία,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://apps1.minedu.gov.gr/themata/them_oik_epil_c_hmer_no_1206.pdf,
ΑΡΧΗ 1ΗΣ ΣΕΛΙ?ΑΣ – Γ΄ ΗΜΕΡΗΣΙ?Ν
ΤΕΛΟΣ 1ΗΣ ΑΠΟ 5 ΣΕΛΙ?ΕΣ
ΠΑΝΕΛΛΗΝΙΕΣ ΕΞΕΤΑΣΕΙΣ Γ΄ ΤΑΞΗΣ
ΗΜΕΡΗΣΙΟΥ ΓΕΝΙΚΟΥ ΛΥΚΕΙΟΥ ΚΑΙ ΕΠΑΛ (ΟΜΑ?Α Β΄)
ΤΡΙΤΗ 5 ΙΟΥΝΙΟΥ 2012
ΕΞΕΤΑΖΟΜΕΝΟ ΜΑΘΗΜΑ:
ΑΡΧΕΣ ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΙΚΗΣ ΘΕ?ΡΙΑΣ
ΜΑΘΗΜΑ ΕΠΙΛΟΓΗΣ ΓΙΑ ΟΛΕΣ ΤΙΣ ΚΑΤΕΥΘΥΝΣΕΙΣ
ΣΥΝΟΛΟ ΣΕΛΙ??Ν: ΠΕΝΤΕ (5)
ΟΜΑ?Α ΠΡ?ΤΗ
ΘΕΜΑ Α
Α1. Να χαρακτηρίσετε τις προτάσεις που ακολουθούν,
γράφοντας στο τετράδιό σας δίπλα στο γράμμα που
αντιστοιχεί σε κάθε πρόταση τη λέξη Σωστό, αν η
πρόταση είναι σωστή, ή Λάθος, αν η πρόταση είναι
λανθασμένη.
α. Η λήψη των αποφάσεων των οικονομούντων ατόμων
δε βασίζεται στη βεβαιότητα του αποτελέσματος,
αλλά στις προσδοκίες που τα άτομα διαμορφώνουν
για τα αποτελέσματα των πράξεών τους.
β. Μακροχρόνια περίοδος είναι το χρονικό διάστημα,
μέσα στο οποίο η επιχείρηση μπορεί να μεταβάλλει
τις ποσότητες όλων των παραγωγικών συντελεστών.
γ. Όταν το οριακό προϊόν γίνεται μηδέν, το συνολικό
προϊόν αποκτά την ελάχιστη τιμή του.
δ. Ο νόμος της φθίνουσας ή μη ανάλογης απόδοσης
ισχύει στη βραχυχρόνια περίοδο με δεδομένη και
αμετάβλητη τεχνολογία.
ε. Το οριακό κόστος είναι ο λόγος της μεταβολής του
συνολικού προϊόντος προς τη μεταβολή του
συνολικού κόστους.
Μονάδες 15
ΑΡΧΗ 2ΗΣ ΣΕΛΙ?ΑΣ – Γ΄ ΗΜΕΡΗΣΙ?Ν
ΤΕΛΟΣ 2ΗΣ ΑΠΟ 5 ΣΕΛΙ?ΕΣ
Στις παρακάτω προτάσεις Α2 και Α3 να γράψετε στο
τετράδιό σας τον αριθμό της πρότασης και δίπλα του το
γράμμα που αντιστοιχεί στη σωστή απάντηση.
Α2. Η συνολική δαπάνη των καταναλωτών για ένα αγαθό
αυξάνεται όταν:
α. η τιμή του αγαθού αυξάνεται και η ζήτησή του
είναι ελαστική
β. η τιμή του αγαθού αυξάνεται και η ζήτησή του
είναι ανελαστική
γ. η τιμή του αγαθού μειώνεται και η ζήτησή του είναι
ανελαστική
δ. η τιμή του αγαθού μειώνεται και η ελαστικότητα
της ζήτησής του είναι ίση με τη μονάδα.
Μονάδες 5
Α3. Η τιμή ισορροπίας ενός κανονικού αγαθού αυξάνεται
όταν:
α. η προσφορά μειώνεται και η ζήτηση παραμένει
σταθερή
β. η ζήτηση παραμένει σταθερή και η προσφορά
αυξάνεται
γ. η προσφορά αυξάνεται και η ζήτηση μειώνεται
δ. η προσφορά παραμένει σταθερή και η ζήτηση
μειώνεται.
Μονάδες 5
ΟΜΑ?Α ?ΕΥΤΕΡΗ
ΘΕΜΑ Β
Β1. Να αναπτύξετε τις ιδιότητες της εξέλιξης και του
πολλαπλασιασμού των οικονομικών αναγκών.
Μονάδες 8
Β2. Να αναπτύξετε τους βασικούς λόγους που συντελούν
στην εξέλιξη και τον πολλαπλασιασμό των
οικονομικών αναγκών.
Μονάδες 10 ΑΡΧΗ 3ΗΣ ΣΕΛΙ?ΑΣ – Γ΄ ΗΜΕΡΗΣΙ?Ν
ΤΕΛΟΣ 3ΗΣ ΑΠΟ 5 ΣΕΛΙ?ΕΣ
Β3. Να αναπτύξετε την ιδιότητα του κορεσμού των
οικονομικών αναγκών.
Μονάδες 7
ΟΜΑ?Α ΤΡΙΤΗ
ΘΕΜΑ Γ
Να μεταφέρετε στο τετράδιό σας τον παρακάτω πίνακα
παραγωγικών δυνατοτήτων μιας υποθετικής οικονομίας η
οποία, με δεδομένη τεχνολογία, παράγει μόνο τα αγαθά Χ,
Ψ, χρησιμοποιώντας αποδοτικά όλους τους παραγωγικούς
συντελεστές της.
Συνδυασμοί
ποσοτήτων
Παραγόμενες
ποσότητες
αγαθού Χ
Παραγόμενες
ποσότητες
αγαθού Ψ
Κόστος
ευκαιρίας του
αγαθού Χ (σε
μονάδες του Ψ)
Κόστος
ευκαιρίας του
αγαθού Ψ (σε
μονάδες του Χ)
Α 120 0
4 ;
Β 80 ;
; 0,5
Γ 40 240
1 ;
? 0 ;
Γ1. Κάνοντας τους κατάλληλους υπολογισμούς στο
τετράδιό σας, να συμπληρώσετε τα πέντε κενά του
πίνακα στα οποία υπάρχουν ερωτηματικά.
Μονάδες 10
Γ2. Να εξετάσετε υπολογιστικά, με τη βοήθεια του κόστους
ευκαιρίας, ποιος από τους παρακάτω συνδυασμούς
βρίσκεται επί, ποιος δεξιά και ποιος αριστερά της
καμπύλης παραγωγικών δυνατοτήτων.
α) Κ(Χ=60, Ψ=180), β) Λ(Χ=110, Ψ=50) και
γ) Μ(Χ=15, Ψ=265)
Μονάδες 9
Γ3. Να υπολογίσετε πόσες μονάδες από το αγαθό Ψ θα
θυσιαστούν προκειμένου να παραχθούν οι πρώτες 100
μονάδες του αγαθού Χ.
Μονάδες 3 ΑΡΧΗ 4ΗΣ ΣΕΛΙ?ΑΣ – Γ΄ ΗΜΕΡΗΣΙ?Ν
ΤΕΛΟΣ 4ΗΣ ΑΠΟ 5 ΣΕΛΙ?ΕΣ
Γ4. Να χαρακτηρίσετε τον συνδυασμό που αντιστοιχεί σε 50
μονάδες του αγαθού Χ και 160 μονάδες του αγαθού Ψ.
Τι συμβαίνει στην οικονομία, όταν παράγεται αυτός ο
συνδυασμός;
Μονάδες 3
ΟΜΑ?Α ΤΕΤΑΡΤΗ
ΘΕΜΑ ?
Οι αγοραίες συναρτήσεις ζήτησης και προσφοράς ενός
αγαθού είναι γραμμικές. Όταν το εισόδημα των
καταναλωτών είναι 40.000 ευρώ, η τιμή και η ποσότητα
ισορροπίας του αγαθού είναι 60 ευρώ και 200 κιλά
αντίστοιχα. Αν το εισόδημα των καταναλωτών αυξηθεί από
40.000 σε 44.000 ευρώ, η νέα τιμή και ποσότητα ισορροπίας
του αγαθού γίνονται 80 ευρώ και 240 κιλά αντίστοιχα.
?1. Να βρεθεί η αγοραία συνάρτηση προσφοράς του
αγαθού.
Μονάδες 5
?2. Αν στην τιμή των 60 ευρώ η εισοδηματική ελαστικότητα
είναι 3, να βρεθεί η αγοραία συνάρτηση ζήτησης του
αγαθού που αντιστοιχεί στο εισόδημα των 44.000 ευρώ.
Μονάδες 10
?3. Να υπολογίσετε την ελαστικότητα προσφοράς του
αγαθού, όταν η τιμή αυξάνεται από 60 σε 80 ευρώ. Να
χαρακτηρίσετε την προσφορά του αγαθού.
Μονάδες 5
?4. Με βάση την αγοραία συνάρτηση ζήτησης που
αντιστοιχεί στο εισόδημα των 44.000 ευρώ και την
αγοραία συνάρτηση προσφοράς, να βρεθεί σε ποια τιμή
παρουσιάζεται πλεόνασμα 60 κιλών.
Μονάδες 5
ΑΡΧΗ 5ΗΣ ΣΕΛΙ?ΑΣ – Γ΄ ΗΜΕΡΗΣΙ?Ν
ΤΕΛΟΣ 5ΗΣ ΑΠΟ 5 ΣΕΛΙ?ΕΣ
Ο?ΗΓΙΕΣ (για τους εξεταζομένους)
1. Στο τετράδιο να γράψετε μόνο τα προκαταρκτικά
(ημερομηνία, εξεταζόμενο μάθημα). Να μην αντιγράψετε
τα θέματα στο τετράδιο.
2. Να γράψετε το ονοματεπώνυμό σας στο πάνω μέρος των
φωτοαντιγράφων αμέσως μόλις σας παραδοθούν. ?εν
επιτρέπεται να γράψετε καμιά άλλη σημείωση. Κατά την
αποχώρησή σας να παραδώσετε μαζί με το τετράδιο και
τα φωτοαντίγραφα.
3. Να απαντήσετε στο τετράδιό σας σε όλα τα θέματα.
4. Να γράψετε τις απαντήσεις σας μόνο με μπλε ή μόνο με
μαύρο στυλό. Μπορείτε να χρησιμοποιήσετε μολύβι μόνο
για σχέδια, διαγράμματα και πίνακες.
5. Να μη χρησιμοποιήσετε χαρτί μιλιμετρέ.
6. Στους υπολογισμούς να διατηρήσετε μέχρι δύο δεκαδικά
ψηφία.
7. Κάθε απάντηση τεκμηριωμένη είναι αποδεκτή.
8. ?ιάρκεια εξέτασης: τρεις (3) ώρες μετά τη διανομή των
φωτοαντιγράφων.
9. Χρόνος δυνατής αποχώρησης: 10.00 π.μ.
ΚΑΛΗ ΕΠΙΤΥΧΙΑ
ΤΕΛΟΣ ΜΗΝΥΜΑΤΟΣ
* http://apps1.minedu.gov.gr/themata/them_oik_epil_c_hmer_no_1106.pdf,
ΑΡΧΗ 1ΗΣ ΣΕΛΙ?ΑΣ – Γ΄ ΗΜΕΡΗΣΙ?Ν
ΠΑΝΕΛΛΗΝΙΕΣ ΕΞΕΤΑΣΕΙΣ Γ΄ ΤΑΞΗΣ
ΗΜΕΡΗΣΙΟΥ ΓΕΝΙΚΟΥ ΛΥΚΕΙΟΥ ΚΑΙ ΕΠΑΛ (ΟΜΑ?Α Β΄)
ΤΕΤΑΡΤΗ 25 ΜΑΪΟΥ 2011
ΕΞΕΤΑΖΟΜΕΝΟ ΜΑΘΗΜΑ:
ΑΡΧΕΣ ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΙΚΗΣ ΘΕ?ΡΙΑΣ
ΜΑΘΗΜΑ ΕΠΙΛΟΓΗΣ ΓΙΑ ΟΛΕΣ ΤΙΣ ΚΑΤΕΥΘΥΝΣΕΙΣ
ΣΥΝΟΛΟ ΣΕΛΙ??Ν: ΠΕΝΤΕ (5)
ΟΜΑ?Α ΠΡ?ΤΗ
Α1. Να χαρακτηρίσετε τις προτάσεις που ακολουθούν,
γράφοντας στο τετράδιό σας δίπλα στο γράμμα που
αντιστοιχεί σε κάθε πρόταση τη λέξη Σωστό, αν η
πρόταση είναι σωστή, ή Λάθος, αν η πρόταση είναι
λανθασμένη.
α. Οι ροές αγαθών, παραγωγικών συντελεστών και
β. Το ανερχόμενο τμήμα της καμπύλης του μέσου
χρήματος μεταξύ των επιχειρήσεων, των
νοικοκυριών και του κράτους είναι συνεχείς και
έχουν πάντοτε το ίδιο μέγεθος.
μεταβλητού κόστους που βρίσκεται πάνω από την
καμπύλη του οριακού κόστους αποτελεί τη
βραχυχρόνια καμπύλη προσφοράς της επιχείρησης.
γ. Ας υποθέσουμε ότι για ένα αγαθό Χ παρατηρείται
ταυτόχρονα μείωση της τιμής του και αύξηση στο
εισόδημα των καταναλωτών. Οι επιδράσεις των δύο
αυτών μεταβολών αφήνουν την τελική ζητούμενη
ποσότητα ίδια με την αρχική. Σε αυτήν την
περίπτωση το αγαθό Χ είναι κανονικό.
δ. Το κόστος ευκαιρίας είναι συνήθως αυξανόμενο.
Αυτό οφείλεται στο γεγονός ότι οι συντελεστές
παραγωγής δεν είναι εξίσου κατάλληλοι για την
παραγωγή όλων των αγαθών.
ε. Η δυνατότητα της επιχείρησης να προσαρμόζει τα
δεδομένα της είναι καλύτερη, όσο μεγαλύτερο είναι
ΤΕΛΟΣ 1ΗΣ ΑΠΟ 5 ΣΕΛΙ?ΕΣ
ΑΡΧΗ 2ΗΣ ΣΕΛΙ?ΑΣ – Γ΄ ΗΜΕΡΗΣΙ?Ν
το χρονικό διάστημα προσαρμογής της παραγωγής
και της προσφοράς της στις μεταβολές των τιμών.
Στις παρακάτω προτάσεις Α2 και Α3 να γράψετε στο
τετράδιό σας τον αριθμό της πρότασης και δίπλα του το
γράμμα που αντιστοιχεί στη σωστή απάντηση.
Α2. Έστω ότι η κατανάλωση βενζίνης σε μία πόλη είναι
6.000 λίτρα την εβδομάδα και η τιμή του λίτρου 2
ευρώ, με ελαστικότητα ζήτησης -0,5. Αν το κράτος
επιθυμεί για διάφορους λόγους να μειωθεί η ζητούμενη
ποσότητα κατά 10%, θα επιβάλλει πρόσθετη
φορολογία επί της τιμής ίση με:
α. 0,4 ευρώ.
β. 2,4 ευρώ.
γ. 1,6 ευρώ.
δ. 0,2 ευρώ.
Α3. Όταν οι καταναλωτές ενός αγαθού δεν αντιδρούν στις
μεταβολές της τιμής του και συνεχίζουν να ζητούν την
ίδια ποσότητα ανεξάρτητα από την τιμή του, το αγαθό
είναι:
α. ελαστικής ζήτησης.
β. ανελαστικής ζήτησης.
γ. πλήρως ανελαστικής ζήτησης.
δ. μοναδιαίας ελαστικότητας ζήτησης.
ΟΜΑ?Α ?ΕΥΤΕΡΗ
Β1. Να περιγράψετε, κάνοντας και χρήση διαγράμματος,
τον τρόπο με τον οποίο επιδρούν στην καμπύλη
προσφοράς των αγαθών η μεταβολή στις τιμές των
παραγωγικών συντελεστών (μονάδες 8), η τεχνολογία
ΤΕΛΟΣ 2ΗΣ ΑΠΟ 5 ΣΕΛΙ?ΕΣ
ΑΡΧΗ 3ΗΣ ΣΕΛΙ?ΑΣ – Γ΄ ΗΜΕΡΗΣΙ?Ν
(μονάδες 8), οι καιρικές συνθήκες (μονάδες 4) και ο
αριθμός των επιχειρήσεων (μονάδες 5).
Για την περιγραφή μπορεί να χρησιμοποιηθεί το ίδιο
διάγραμμα για όλες τις περιπτώσεις.
ΟΜΑ?Α ΤΡΙΤΗ
Τα δεδομένα του παρακάτω πίνακα αναφέρονται σε μία
επιχείρηση που λειτουργεί στη βραχυχρόνια περίοδο.
Αριθμός
Εργατών
(L)
0 0
1 2
2 8
3 ;
4 ;
Προϊόν
(Q)
Γ1. Γνωρίζοντας ότι στον τρίτο εργάτη το μέσο προϊόν (AP)
είναι μέγιστο, να υπολογίσετε την ποσότητα προϊόντος
(Q) που παράγεται, όταν απασχολούνται τρεις εργάτες.
Γ2. Όταν συνολικά παράγονται δύο μονάδες προϊόντος από
τον πρώτο εργάτη, το οριακό κόστος (MC) είναι 84
χρηματικές μονάδες. Να υπολογίσετε το μεταβλητό
κόστος (VC) και το μέσο μεταβλητό κόστος (AVC) στο
συγκεκριμένο επίπεδο παραγωγής.
Γ3. α. Γνωρίζοντας ότι, όταν απασχολούνται δύο εργάτες
και το μέσο μεταβλητό κόστος (AVC) είναι 63
χρηματικές μονάδες, να υπολογίσετε το μεταβλητό
κόστος (VC) που αντιστοιχεί στους δύο εργάτες.
ΤΕΛΟΣ 3ΗΣ ΑΠΟ 5 ΣΕΛΙ?ΕΣ
β. Γνωρίζοντας ότι όταν απασχολούνται τρεις εργάτες
ΑΡΧΗ 4ΗΣ ΣΕΛΙ?ΑΣ – Γ΄ ΗΜΕΡΗΣΙ?Ν
και το μεταβλητό κόστος (VC) είναι 756 χρηματικές
μονάδες, να υπολογίσετε το οριακό κόστος (MC) που
αντιστοιχεί στους τρεις εργάτες. (μονάδες 3)
Γ4. Αν το μέσο μεταβλητό κόστος (AVC) που αντιστοιχεί
στους τέσσερις εργάτες είναι 66 χρηματικές μονάδες και
το οριακό κόστος (MC) 84 χρηματικές μονάδες, να
υπολογίσετε την ποσότητα (Q) που παράγουν οι
τέσσερις εργάτες.
Γ5. Σε ποιο αριθμό εργατών εμφανίζεται η λειτουργία του
νόμου της φθίνουσας απόδοσης και γιατί;
ΟΜΑ?Α ΤΕΤΑΡΤΗ
Τα ακόλουθα στοιχεία προκύπτουν από μελέτη του
Υπουργείου Οικονομικών για το αγαθό Χ στο σύνολο της
επικράτειας της χώρας.
Συνδυασμοί Τιμή (P) Συνολική
Α 5 200 800
Εισόδημα (Υ)
?απάνη (Σ?)
Β 5 500 1600
Γ 6 216 800
?1. α. Να υπολογίσετε την ελαστικότητα ζήτησης του
β. Να δικαιολογήσετε τη μεταβολή στη Συνολική
αγαθού ως προς την τιμή (ΕD) όταν η τιμή αυξάνεται
από 5 σε 6 χρηματικές μονάδες, και να χαρακτηρίσετε
τη ζήτηση του αγαθού με βάση την τιμή της
ελαστικότητας. (μονάδες 4)
?απάνη (Σ?) των καταναλωτών, όταν η τιμή του
αγαθού αυξάνεται από 5 σε 6 χρηματικές μονάδες
[ceteris paribus]. (μονάδες 3)
ΤΕΛΟΣ 4ΗΣ ΑΠΟ 5 ΣΕΛΙ?ΕΣ
ΑΡΧΗ 5ΗΣ ΣΕΛΙ?ΑΣ – Γ΄ ΗΜΕΡΗΣΙ?Ν
?2. Να υπολογίσετε την εισοδηματική ελαστικότητα (ΕΥ),
όταν το εισόδημα των καταναλωτών μειώνεται από
1600 χρηματικές μονάδες σε 800 χρηματικές μονάδες,
και να χαρακτηρίσετε το αγαθό με βάση την τιμή της
εισοδηματικής ελαστικότητας.
?3. Να προσδιοριστεί η γραμμική συνάρτηση ζήτησης του
αγαθού, όταν το εισόδημα είναι 800 χρηματικές
μονάδες.
?4. Αν η συνάρτηση προσφοράς είναι QS=-20+4P και το
κράτος επιβάλλει ανώτατη τιμή πώλησης (PA) για το
αγαθό, οι καταναλωτές είναι διατεθειμένοι να
καταβάλουν «καπέλο» ίσο με 5 χρηματικές μονάδες για
να απορροφήσουν όλη την ποσότητα του αγαθού, να
υπολογίσετε την ανώτατη τιμή PA που επιβλήθηκε.
Ο?ΗΓΙΕΣ (για τους εξεταζομένους)
1. Στο τετράδιο να γράψετε μόνο τα προκαταρκτικά
(ημερομηνία, εξεταζόμενο μάθημα). Να μην αντιγράψετε τα
θέματα στο τετράδιο.
2. Να γράψετε το ονοματεπώνυμό σας στο πάνω μέρος των
φωτοαντιγράφων αμέσως μόλις σας παραδοθούν. ?εν
επιτρέπεται να γράψετε καμιά άλλη σημείωση. Κατά την
αποχώρησή σας να παραδώσετε μαζί με το τετράδιο και τα
φωτοαντίγραφα.
3. Να απαντήσετε στο τετράδιό σας σε όλα τα θέματα.
4. Να γράψετε τις απαντήσεις σας μόνο με μπλε ή μόνο με
μαύρο στυλό. Μπορείτε να χρησιμοποιήσετε μολύβι μόνο για
σχέδια, διαγράμματα και πίνακες.
5. Να μη χρησιμοποιήσετε χαρτί μιλιμετρέ.
6. Κάθε απάντηση επιστημονικά τεκμηριωμένη είναι αποδεκτή.
7. Στους υπολογισμούς να διατηρήσετε ένα δεκαδικό ψηφίο.
8. ?ιάρκεια εξέτασης: τρεις (3) ώρες μετά τη διανομή των
φωτοαντιγράφων.
9. Χρόνος δυνατής αποχώρησης: 10.00 π.μ.
ΚΑΛΗ ΕΠΙΤΥΧΙΑ
ΤΕΛΟΣ ΜΗΝΥΜΑΤΟΣ
ΤΕΛΟΣ 5ΗΣ ΑΠΟ 5 ΣΕΛΙ?ΕΣ
* http://apps1.minedu.gov.gr/themata/them_oik_epil_c_hmer_no_1006.pdf,
ΑΡΧΗ 1ΗΣ ΣΕΛΙ?ΑΣ
ΑΠΟΛΥΤΗΡΙΕΣ ΕΞΕΤΑΣΕΙΣ Γ΄ ΤΑΞΗΣ
ΗΜΕΡΗΣΙΟΥ ΓΕΝΙΚΟΥ ΛΥΚΕΙΟΥ ΚΑΙ ΠΑΝΕΛΛΑ?ΙΚΕΣ
ΕΞΕΤΑΣΕΙΣ Γ΄ ΤΑΞΗΣ ΕΠΑΛ (ΟΜΑ?Α Β΄)
?ΕΥΤΕΡΑ 31 ΜΑΪΟΥ 2010
ΕΞΕΤΑΖΟΜΕΝΟ ΜΑΘΗΜΑ:
ΑΡΧΕΣ ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΙΚΗΣ ΘΕ?ΡΙΑΣ
ΜΑΘΗΜΑ ΕΠΙΛΟΓΗΣ ΓΙΑ ΟΛΕΣ ΤΙΣ ΚΑΤΕΥΘΥΝΣΕΙΣ
ΣΥΝΟΛΟ ΣΕΛΙ??Ν: ΠΕΝΤΕ (5)
ΟΜΑ?Α ΠΡ?ΤΗ
Α1. Να χαρακτηρίσετε τις προτάσεις που ακολουθούν,
γράφοντας στο τετράδιό σας δίπλα στο γράμμα που
αντιστοιχεί σε κάθε πρόταση τη λέξη Σωστό, αν η
πρόταση είναι σωστή, ή Λάθος, αν η πρόταση είναι
α. Αν η ζήτηση ενός αγαθού είναι ανελαστική, τότε η
αύξηση της τιμής του θα προκαλέσει αύξηση της
συνολικής δαπάνης των καταναλωτών για το αγαθό
β. Το οριακό προϊόν της εργασίας δίνεται από τον
λόγο: μεταβολή του συνολικού κόστους προς
μεταβολή του συνολικού προϊόντος.
γ. Στη βραχυχρόνια περίοδο, καθώς αυξάνεται η
ποσότητα του παραγόμενου προϊόντος, το μέσο
σταθερό κόστος μειώνεται συνεχώς.
δ. Οι κατώτατες τιμές επιβάλλονται από το κράτος με
σκοπό την προστασία των καταναλωτών.
ε. Μία ταυτόχρονη αύξηση της ζήτησης και της
προσφοράς ενός αγαθού θα οδηγήσει σε μείωση της
ποσότητας ισορροπίας του.
ΤΕΛΟΣ 1ΗΣ ΑΠΟ 5 ΣΕΛΙ?ΕΣ
ΑΡΧΗ 2ΗΣ ΣΕΛΙ?ΑΣ
Στις παρακάτω προτάσεις Α2 και Α3 να γράψετε στο
τετράδιό σας τον αριθμό της πρότασης και δίπλα του το
γράμμα που αντιστοιχεί στη σωστή απάντηση.
Α2. Μία οικονομία που παράγει μόνο δύο αγαθά, το Χ και
το Ψ, χρησιμοποιώντας όλους τους παραγωγικούς
συντελεστές που έχει στη διάθεσή της αποδοτικά
(ορθολογικά), με δεδομένη την τεχνολογία παραγωγής,
μπορεί να παράγει 60 μονάδες από το αγαθό Χ και 100
μονάδες από το αγαθό Ψ ή 80 μονάδες από το αγαθό Χ
και 60 μονάδες από το αγαθό Ψ. Με βάση τα
παραπάνω δεδομένα, το κόστος ευκαιρίας
(εναλλακτικό κόστος) του αγαθού Χ σε όρους του
αγαθού Ψ είναι ίσο με:
Α3. Τα αγαθά Α και Β είναι μεταξύ τους συμπληρωματικά.
Μία αύξηση της τιμής του αγαθού Α, με όλους τους
άλλους προσδιοριστικούς παράγοντες σταθερούς, θα
α. αύξηση της ζητούμενης ποσότητας του αγαθού Α.
β. αύξηση της προσφοράς του αγαθού Β.
γ. αύξηση της ζήτησης του αγαθού Β.
δ. μείωση της ζήτησης του αγαθού Β.
ΤΕΛΟΣ 2ΗΣ ΑΠΟ 5 ΣΕΛΙ?ΕΣ
ΑΡΧΗ 3ΗΣ ΣΕΛΙ?ΑΣ
ΟΜΑ?Α ?ΕΥΤΕΡΗ
Β1. Αφού αναφέρετε ποιο φαινόμενο ονομάζεται
καταμερισμός των έργων ή της εργασίας (μονάδες 4),
στη συνέχεια να περιγράψετε τα πλεονεκτήματα του
καταμερισμού των έργων (μονάδες 18) καθώς και το
βασικό του μειονέκτημα (μονάδες 3). (?εν απαιτείται η
χρήση παραδειγμάτων).
ΟΜΑ?Α ΤΡΙΤΗ
Μία επιχείρηση, που λειτουργεί στη βραχυχρόνια περίοδο,
για την παραγωγή του προϊόντος της χρησιμοποιεί εργασία,
μία πρώτη ύλη και ένα κτίριο το οποίο νοικιάζει. Η αμοιβή
κάθε μονάδας εργασίας είναι W=360 χρηματικές μονάδες. Οι
δαπάνες της επιχείρησης για το ενοίκιο του κτιρίου και για
την πρώτη ύλη ανά μονάδα προϊόντος δε δίνονται.
Όταν η επιχείρηση χρησιμοποιεί 3 μονάδες εργασίας (L), το
μέσο προϊόν της εργασίας (AP) είναι ίσο με 5 και το
μεταβλητό κόστος παραγωγής (VC) είναι ίσο με 3.780
χρηματικές μονάδες. Όταν η επιχείρηση χρησιμοποιεί 4
μονάδες εργασίας (L), το μέσο προϊόν της εργασίας (ΑΡ)
είναι ίσο με 4,5 και το συνολικό κόστος παραγωγής (ΤC)
είναι ίσο με 5.400 χρηματικές μονάδες.
Γ1. Να υπολογίσετε την ποσότητα του προϊόντος που
παράγεται, όταν η επιχείρηση χρησιμοποιεί 3 μονάδες
εργασίας καθώς και αυτή που παράγεται, όταν η
επιχείρηση χρησιμοποιεί 4 μονάδες εργασίας.
Γ2. Να υπολογίσετε το κόστος της πρώτης ύλης ανά μονάδα
ΤΕΛΟΣ 3ΗΣ ΑΠΟ 5 ΣΕΛΙ?ΕΣ
ΑΡΧΗ 4ΗΣ ΣΕΛΙ?ΑΣ
Γ3. Να υπολογίσετε το ενοίκιο που πληρώνει η επιχείρηση
για το κτίριο που χρησιμοποιεί.
Γ4. Πόσο θα αυξηθεί το μεταβλητό κόστος (VC), αν αυξηθεί
η παραγωγή από 15 σε 17 μονάδες;
ΟΜΑ?Α ΤΕΤΑΡΤΗ
Οι συναρτήσεις ζήτησης και προσφοράς ενός αγαθού είναι
γραμμικές. Όταν η τιμή (Ρ1) του αγαθού είναι 150
χρηματικές μονάδες, η ζητούμενη ποσότητά του (QD1) είναι
200 μονάδες. Καθώς η τιμή του αγαθού αυξάνεται από Ρ1 σε
Ρ2, η ελαστικότητα ζήτησης ως προς την τιμή του είναι
ΕD=–3. Στην τιμή Ρ2, η ζητούμενη ποσότητα του αγαθού
(QD2) είναι κατά 60% μικρότερη από αυτήν που αντιστοιχεί
?1. Να βρεθούν η τιμή Ρ2 (μονάδες 3) και η συνάρτηση
ζήτησης του αγαθού (μονάδες 3).
?2. Μία αύξηση του εισοδήματος των καταναλωτών κατά
25% είχε ως αποτέλεσμα να αυξηθεί η ζητούμενη
ποσότητα του αγαθού σε κάθε τιμή του κατά 120
μονάδες. Να βρεθεί η νέα συνάρτηση ζήτησης του
αγαθού (μονάδες 3) και να υπολογιστεί η εισοδηματική
ελαστικότητα (ΕY) στην τιμή Ρ1=150 χρηματικές μονάδες
?3. Έστω ότι πριν την αύξηση του εισοδήματος η τιμή
ισορροπίας του αγαθού ήταν 150 χρηματικές μονάδες
και η ποσότητα ισορροπίας του 200 μονάδες. Μετά την
αύξηση του εισοδήματος η τιμή ισορροπίας του αγαθού
είναι ίση με 170 χρηματικές μονάδες και η ποσότητα
ισορροπίας του είναι ίση με 240 μονάδες. Να βρεθούν η
ΤΕΛΟΣ 4ΗΣ ΑΠΟ 5 ΣΕΛΙ?ΕΣ
ΑΡΧΗ 5ΗΣ ΣΕΛΙ?ΑΣ
συνάρτηση προσφοράς του αγαθού (μονάδες 3) και η
ελαστικότητα προσφοράς του, καθώς η τιμή του αγαθού
αυξάνεται από 150 χρηματικές μονάδες σε 170
χρηματικές μονάδες (μονάδες 3).
?4. Να παρουσιάσετε στο ίδιο διάγραμμα (στο μιλιμετρέ)
την ισορροπία της αγοράς του αγαθού πριν και μετά
την αύξηση του εισοδήματος.
Ο?ΗΓΙΕΣ ΓΙΑ ΤΟΥΣ ΕΞΕΤΑΖΟΜΕΝΟΥΣ
1. Στο τετράδιο να γράψετε μόνον τα προκαταρκτικά
(ημερομηνία, εξεταζόμενο μάθημα, κατεύθυνση). Να μην
αντιγράψετε τα θέματα στο τετράδιο.
2. Να γράψετε το ονοματεπώνυμό σας στο πάνω μέρος των
φωτοαντιγράφων, αμέσως μόλις σας διανεμηθούν. Καμιά
άλλη σημείωση δεν επιτρέπεται να γράψετε.
Κατά την αποχώρησή σας να παραδώσετε μαζί με το
τετράδιο και τα φωτοαντίγραφα.
3. Να απαντήσετε στο τετράδιό σας σε όλα τα θέματα.
4. Να γράψετε τις απαντήσεις σας μόνο με μπλε ή μόνο με
μαύρο στυλό διαρκείας και μόνον ανεξίτηλης μελάνης.
Μπορείτε να χρησιμοποιήσετε μολύβι μόνο για σχέδια,
διαγράμματα και πίνακες.
Το μιλιμετρέ θα χρησιμοποιηθεί μόνο για την
απάντηση στο ερώτημα ?4.
5. Κάθε απάντηση επιστημονικά τεκμηριωμένη είναι
6. ?ιάρκεια εξέτασης: τρεις (3) ώρες μετά τη διανομή των
φωτοαντιγράφων.
7. Χρόνος δυνατής αποχώρησης: 10.00 π.μ.
KΑΛΗ ΕΠΙΤΥΧΙΑ
ΤΕΛΟΣ ΜΗΝΥΜΑΤΟΣ
* http://apps1.minedu.gov.gr/themata/them_oik_kat_c_hmer_no_0906.pdf,
ΑΠΟΛΥΤΗΡΙΕΣ ΕΞΕΤΑΣΕΙΣ Γ΄ ΤΑΞΗΣ
ΗΜΕΡΗΣΙΟΥ ΓΕΝΙΚΟΥ ΛΥΚΕΙΟΥ ΚΑΙ ΠΑΝΕΛΛΑ?ΙΚΕΣ
ΕΞΕΤΑΣΕΙΣ Γ΄ ΤΑΞΗΣ ΕΠΑΛ (ΟΜΑ?Α Β΄)
ΠΑΡΑΣΚΕΥΗ 29 ΜΑΪΟΥ 2009
ΕΞΕΤΑΖΟΜΕΝΟ ΜΑΘΗΜΑ:
ΑΡΧΕΣ ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΙΚΗΣ ΘΕ?ΡΙΑΣ
ΜΑΘΗΜΑ ΕΠΙΛΟΓΗΣ ΓΙΑ ΟΛΕΣ ΤΙΣ ΚΑΤΕΥΘΥΝΣΕΙΣ
ΣΥΝΟΛΟ ΣΕΛΙ??Ν: ΕΠΤΑ (7)
ΟΜΑ?Α Α
Για τις προτάσεις από Α.1 μέχρι και Α.5, να γράψετε στο
τετράδιό σας τον αριθμό της καθεμιάς και δίπλα σε κάθε
αριθμό τη λέξη Σωστό, αν η πρόταση είναι σωστή, και
Λάθος, αν η πρόταση είναι λανθασμένη.
Α.1 Το Ακαθάριστο Εγχώριο Προϊόν (Α.Ε.Π.) σε σταθερές
τιμές μετράει την αξία της συνολικής παραγωγής σε
τιμές του έτους βάσης.
Α.2 Ο πληθωρισμός ευνοεί όλα τα άτομα που το χρηματικό
τους εισόδημα αυξάνεται με ρυθμό μικρότερο από τον
ρυθμό του πληθωρισμού.
Α.3 Η διαρθρωτική ανεργία οφείλεται σε τεχνολογικές
μεταβολές, οι οποίες δημιουργούν νέα επαγγέλματα και
αχρηστεύουν άλλα, και σε αλλαγές στη διάρθρωση της
ζήτησης, οι οποίες αυξάνουν τη ζήτηση ορισμένων
προϊόντων και ταυτόχρονα μειώνουν τη ζήτηση άλλων.
ΤΕΛΟΣ 1ΗΣ ΑΠΟ 7 ΣΕΛΙ?ΕΣ
ΑΡΧΗ 2ΗΣ ΣΕΛΙ?ΑΣ
Α.4 Στην αγορά ενός αγαθού, η μείωση της προσφοράς του,
με σταθερή τη ζήτησή του, προκαλεί μείωση της τιμής
ισορροπίας και αύξηση της ποσότητας ισορροπίας.
Α.5 Μία μείωση της τιμής ενός αγαθού κατά 10% θα
οδηγήσει σε μια αύξηση της ζητούμενης ποσότητάς του
πάνω από 10%, αν η ζήτησή του είναι ελαστική.
Για τις προτάσεις Α.6 και Α.7 να γράψετε στο τετράδιό σας
τον αριθμό της πρότασης και δίπλα του το γράμμα που
αντιστοιχεί στη σωστή απάντηση.
Α.6 Η φάση του οικονομικού κύκλου που χαρακτηρίζεται
από αύξηση της παραγωγής, του εισοδήματος και της
απασχόλησης είναι η φάση
α. της ύφεσης.
β. της ανόδου ή άνθησης.
γ. της κρίσης.
δ. της καθόδου.
Α.7 Η συνολική δαπάνη των καταναλωτών για ένα αγαθό
αυξάνεται, όταν
α. η τιμή του αγαθού αυξάνεται και η ζήτησή του
είναι ελαστική.
β. η τιμή του αγαθού μειώνεται και η ζήτησή του είναι
ανελαστική.
ΤΕΛΟΣ 2ΗΣ ΑΠΟ 7 ΣΕΛΙ?ΕΣ
ΑΡΧΗ 3ΗΣ ΣΕΛΙ?ΑΣ
γ. η τιμή του αγαθού αυξάνεται και η ζήτησή του
είναι ανελαστική.
δ. η τιμή του αγαθού μειώνεται και η ελαστικότητα
ζήτησής του είναι ίση με τη μονάδα.
ΟΜΑ?Α Β
Ένας από τους προσδιοριστικούς παράγοντες της ζήτησης
ενός αγαθού είναι και «οι τιμές των άλλων αγαθών».
Υπάρχουν αγαθά που η μεταβολή της τιμής του ενός
επηρεάζει τη ζήτηση του άλλου. Να δώσετε τους ορισμούς
των κατηγοριών στις οποίες διακρίνονται τα αγαθά αυτά
(μονάδες 5). Να εξηγήσετε με τη βοήθεια διαγραμμάτων πώς
η αύξηση της τιμής του ενός αγαθού επηρεάζει τη ζήτηση του
άλλου, ανάλογα με την κατηγορία στην οποία ανήκουν τα
δύο αγαθά (μονάδες 20).
ΟΜΑ?Α Γ
Μία υποθετική οικονομία παράγει δύο μόνον αγαθά, το Χ
και το Ψ. Στον παρακάτω πίνακα παρουσιάζονται έξι
συνδυασμοί ποσοτήτων των αγαθών Χ και Ψ που παράγει η
εν λόγω οικονομία, με δεδομένη την τεχνολογία παραγωγής
και χρησιμοποιώντας αποδοτικά (ορθολογικά) όλους τους
συντελεστές παραγωγής που έχει στη διάθεσή της.
ΤΕΛΟΣ 3ΗΣ ΑΠΟ 7 ΣΕΛΙ?ΕΣ
ΑΡΧΗ 4ΗΣ ΣΕΛΙ?ΑΣ
Συνδυασμοί
ποσοτήτων
Παραγόμενες
ποσότητες
αγαθού Χ
Παραγόμενες
ποσότητες
αγαθού Ψ
Α 100 0
Β 80 40
Γ 60 70
? 40 90
Ε 20 105
Ζ 0 110
Γ.1 Να σχεδιάσετε την Καμπύλη Παραγωγικών
?υνατοτήτων της οικονομίας, στην τελευταία σελίδα
του τετραδίου σας (στο μιλιμετρέ).
Γ.2 Να υπολογίσετε το κόστος ευκαιρίας του Ψ σε όρους
του Χ, όταν η οικονομία μετακινείται από τον
συνδυασμό Γ στον συνδυασμό ?, καθώς και το κόστος
ευκαιρίας του Χ σε όρους του Ψ, όταν η οικονομία
μετακινείται από τον συνδυασμό Β στον συνδυασμό Α.
Γ.3 Αν η οικονομία παράγει 50 μονάδες από το αγαθό Χ,
ποια είναι η μέγιστη ποσότητα του αγαθού Ψ που
μπορεί να παραχθεί;
ΤΕΛΟΣ 4ΗΣ ΑΠΟ 7 ΣΕΛΙ?ΕΣ
ΑΡΧΗ 5ΗΣ ΣΕΛΙ?ΑΣ
Γ.4 Πώς είναι δυνατόν να παραχθεί ο ανέφικτος
συνδυασμός που αντιστοιχεί σε 20 μονάδες του αγαθού
Χ και σε 125 μονάδες του αγαθού Ψ;
Γ.5 Να χαρακτηρίσετε τον συνδυασμό που αντιστοιχεί σε
50 μονάδες του αγαθού Χ και σε 40 μονάδες του
αγαθού Ψ (μονάδες 2). Τι συμβαίνει στην οικονομία,
όταν παράγεται αυτός ο συνδυασμός; (μονάδες 3)
ΟΜΑ?Α ?
Τα δεδομένα του παρακάτω πίνακα αναφέρονται σε μία
επιχείρηση που λειτουργεί στη βραχυχρόνια περίοδο. Η
εργασία (L) αποτελεί τον μοναδικό μεταβλητό συντελεστή
παραγωγής και η τιμή (αμοιβή) της είναι σταθερή.
Συνολικό
προϊόν
(Q)
Μέσο
προϊόν
(ΑΡ)
Οριακό
προϊόν
(MP)
Μέσο
μεταβλητό
κόστος
(AVC)
0 0 ? ? ? ?
1 20 20 20 75 75
2 25 60 50
3 90 30 40
4 30 50 50
5 145 29 25 51,72 60
?.1 Να μεταφέρετε στο τετράδιό σας τον παραπάνω
πίνακα και να συμπληρώσετε τα κενά του
παρουσιάζοντας τους σχετικούς υπολογισμούς.
ΤΕΛΟΣ 5ΗΣ ΑΠΟ 7 ΣΕΛΙ?ΕΣ
ΑΡΧΗ 6ΗΣ ΣΕΛΙ?ΑΣ
?.2 Να εξηγήσετε εάν ισχύει ο νόμος της φθίνουσας
απόδοσης και σε ποια ποσότητα του μεταβλητού
συντελεστή «εργασία» φαίνεται η λειτουργία του και
?.3 Να κατασκευαστεί ο πίνακας προσφοράς της
επιχείρησης, καθώς και ο πίνακας αγοραίας
προσφοράς, με δεδομένο ότι το αγαθό παράγεται από
40 όμοιες επιχειρήσεις.
?.4 Να βρεθεί η αγοραία συνάρτηση προσφοράς, με
δεδομένο ότι αυτή είναι γραμμική.
?.5 Χρησιμοποιώντας την αγοραία συνάρτηση προσφοράς,
να βρείτε την ελαστικότητα προσφοράς του αγαθού,
όταν η τιμή του αυξάνεται από 52 χρηματικές μονάδες
σε 55 χρηματικές μονάδες.
Ο?ΗΓΙΕΣ ΓΙΑ ΤΟΥΣ ΕΞΕΤΑΖΟΜΕΝΟΥΣ
1. Στο τετράδιο να γράψετε μόνον τα προκαταρκτικά
(ημερομηνία, εξεταζόμενο μάθημα, κατεύθυνση). Να μην
αντιγράψετε τα θέματα στο τετράδιο.
2. Να γράψετε το ονοματεπώνυμό σας στο πάνω μέρος των
φωτοαντιγράφων, αμέσως μόλις σας διανεμηθούν. Καμιά
άλλη σημείωση δεν επιτρέπεται να γράψετε.
Κατά την αποχώρησή σας να παραδώσετε μαζί με το
τετράδιο και τα φωτοαντίγραφα.
3. Να απαντήσετε στο τετράδιό σας σε όλα τα θέματα.
ΤΕΛΟΣ 6ΗΣ ΑΠΟ 7 ΣΕΛΙ?ΕΣ
ΑΡΧΗ 7ΗΣ ΣΕΛΙ?ΑΣ
4. Να γράψετε τις απαντήσεις σας μόνον με μπλε ή μαύρο
στυλό διαρκείας και μόνον ανεξίτηλης μελάνης.
Μπορείτε να χρησιμοποιήσετε μολύβι μόνον για σχέδια,
διαγράμματα και πίνακες.
Το μιλιμετρέ θα χρησιμοποιηθεί μόνον για την
απάντηση στο ερώτημα Γ1.
5. Κάθε απάντηση επιστημονικά τεκμηριωμένη είναι
αποδεκτή.
6. ?ιάρκεια εξέτασης: τρεις (3) ώρες μετά τη διανομή των
φωτοαντιγράφων.
7. Χρόνος δυνατής αποχώρησης: 10.00 π.μ.
* http://apps1.minedu.gov.gr/themata/them_oik_kat_c_hmer_no_0806.pdf,
ΑΡΧΗ 1ΗΣ ΣΕΛΙ?ΑΣ
ΑΠΟΛΥΤΗΡΙΕΣ ΕΞΕΤΑΣΕΙΣ Γ΄ ΤΑΞΗΣ
ΗΜΕΡΗΣΙΟΥ ΓΕΝΙΚΟΥ ΛΥΚΕΙΟΥ
ΤΡΙΤΗ 3 ΙΟΥΝΙΟΥ 2008
ΕΞΕΤΑΖΟΜΕΝΟ ΜΑΘΗΜΑ:
ΑΡΧΕΣ ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΙΚΗΣ ΘΕ?ΡΙΑΣ
ΜΑΘΗΜΑ ΕΠΙΛΟΓΗΣ ΓΙΑ ΟΛΕΣ ΤΙΣ ΚΑΤΕΥΘΥΝΣΕΙΣ
ΣΥΝΟΛΟ ΣΕΛΙ??Ν: ΠΕΝΤΕ (5)
ΟΜΑ?Α Α
Για τις προτάσεις από Α.1 μέχρι και Α.5 να γράψετε στο
τετράδιό σας τον αριθμό της καθεμιάς και δίπλα σε κάθε
αριθμό τη λέξη Σωστό, αν η πρόταση είναι σωστή, και
Λάθος, αν η πρόταση είναι λανθασμένη.
Α.1 Ένα από τα βασικά πλεονεκτήματα του καταμερισμού
των έργων είναι ότι η μεγάλη εξειδίκευση οδηγεί και σε
διάφορες βελτιώσεις του τρόπου με τον οποίο γίνεται η
παραγωγή, δηλαδή σε διάφορες εφευρέσεις, και αυτό
έχει ως αποτέλεσμα την αύξηση της παραγωγής.
Α.2 Η εισοδηματική ελαστικότητα των κατώτερων αγαθών
Α.3 Η ζήτηση ενός αγαθού μεταβάλλεται προς την ίδια
κατεύθυνση με τη μεταβολή της τιμής ενός
συμπληρωματικού αγαθού (ceteris paribus).
Α.4 Η καμπύλη ζήτησης με ελαστικότητα ζήτησης ίση με το
μηδέν σε όλα τα σημεία της είναι ευθεία παράλληλη
προς τον άξονα των ποσοτήτων.
ΤΕΛΟΣ 1ΗΣ ΑΠΟ 5 ΣΕΛΙ?ΕΣ
ΑΡΧΗ 2ΗΣ ΣΕΛΙ?ΑΣ
Α.5 Στη φάση της καθόδου του οικονομικού κύκλου
παρατηρούνται μείωση της κατανάλωσης, στασιμότητα
ή μείωση των επενδύνσεων, μείωση του εισοδήματος
και της απασχόλησης.
Για τις προτάσεις Α.6 και Α.7 να γράψετε στο τετράδιό σας
τον αριθμό της πρότασης και δίπλα του το γράμμα που
αντιστοιχεί στη σωστή απάντηση.
Α.6 Η ανεργία, που οφείλεται στην αδυναμία των εργατών
να εντοπίζουν αμέσως τις επιχειρήσεις με τις κενές
θέσεις εργασίας και στην αδυναμία των επιχειρήσεων
να εντοπίσουν τους ανέργους εργάτες, ονομάζεται:
α. ανεργία ανεπαρκούς ζήτησης.
β. εποχιακή ανεργία.
γ. ανεργία τριβής.
δ. διαρθρωτική ανεργία.
Α.7 Το οριακό προϊόν της εργασίας υπολογίζεται ως εξής:
α. μεταβολή του συνολικού κόστους
β. μεταβολή του συνολικού προϊόντος
γ. μεταβολή του συνολικού προϊόντος
δ. μεταβολή της ποσότητας της εργασίας
μεταβολή του συνολικού προϊόντος .
μεταβολή του συνολικού κόστους .
μεταβολή της ποσότητας της εργασίας .
μεταβολή του συνολικού προϊόντος .
ΤΕΛΟΣ 2ΗΣ ΑΠΟ 5 ΣΕΛΙ?ΕΣ
ΑΡΧΗ 3ΗΣ ΣΕΛΙ?ΑΣ
ΟΜΑ?Α Β
Ποιος είναι ο σκοπός του κράτους, όταν επιβάλλει σε ένα
αγαθό ανώτατη τιμή διατίμησης; (μονάδες 8). Με τη βοήθεια
διαγράμματος να εξηγήσετε τις συνέπειες, που έχει για την
αγορά ενός αγαθού η επιβολή ανώτατης τιμής διατίμησης
ΟΜΑ?Α Γ
Στον παρακάτω πίνακα παρουσιάζονται δεδομένα μιας
υποθετικής οικονομίας στην οποία παράγεται μόνο ένα
αγαθό. Έτος βάσης είναι το 2004.
2004 2005 2006
Τιμή 200 210 224
Ποσότητα 1.200 1.500
Α.Ε.Π. σε τρέχουσες τιμές
?είκτης τιμών (%) 100
Α.Ε.Π. σε σταθερές τιμές 300.000
Κατά κεφαλήν πραγματικό Α.Ε.Π. 160 200
Πληθυσμός (αριθμός ατόμων) 1.250 1.280
Εργατικό δυναμικό (αριθμός ατόμων) 1.200
Απασχολούμενοι (αριθμός ατόμων) 900 896
Άνεργοι (αριθμός ατόμων)
Ποσοστό ανεργίας (%) 12,5 12,5
Γ.1 Να μεταφέρετε στο τετράδιό σας τον παραπάνω
πίνακα και λαμβάνοντας υπόψη ότι το εργατικό
δυναμικό κάθε έτους αντιστοιχεί στο 80% του
πληθυσμού του έτους, να συμπληρώσετε τα κενά του,
παρουσιάζοντας τους σχετικούς υπολογισμούς.
ΤΕΛΟΣ 3ΗΣ ΑΠΟ 5 ΣΕΛΙ?ΕΣ
ΑΡΧΗ 4ΗΣ ΣΕΛΙ?ΑΣ
Γ.2 Να υπολογίσετε το πραγματικό Α.Ε.Π. του έτους 2005
σε σταθερές τιμές του 2006.
Γ.3 Να υπολογίσετε τον ρυθμό πληθωρισμού μεταξύ των
ετών 2005 και 2006.
ΟΜΑ?Α ?
?ίνεται παρακάτω ο πίνακας προσφοράς μιας επιχείρησης η
οποία λειτουργεί στη βραχυχρόνια περίοδο. Ο μοναδικός
μεταβλητός συντελεστής παραγωγής που χρησιμοποιεί η
επιχείρηση είναι η εργασία. Η τιμή (αμοιβή) της εργασίας
είναι 900 χρηματικές μονάδες.
Τιμή (P) Προσφερόμενη
ποσότητα (Qs)
18 200
20 245
?.1 Εάν για την παραγωγή των 200 μονάδων προϊόντος η
επιχείρηση χρησιμοποιεί 4 εργάτες, να υπολογίσετε το
μεταβλητό κόστος της επιχείρησης (μονάδες 4). Ποιο
είναι το μεταβλητό κόστος της επιχείρησης, όταν αυτή
παράγει 245 μονάδες προϊόντος; (μονάδες 4).
?.2 Να κατασκευαστεί ο πίνακας αγοραίας προσφοράς, αν
το προϊόν αυτό παράγεται από 20 πανομοιότυπες επιχειρήσεις.
?.3 Να βρεθεί η αγοραία συνάρτηση προσφοράς (η οποία
είναι γραμμική).
?.4 Να προσδιοριστούν αλγεβρικά η τιμή και η ποσότητα
ισορροπίας στην αγορά του προϊόντος, αν η αγοραία
ΤΕΛΟΣ 4ΗΣ ΑΠΟ 5 ΣΕΛΙ?ΕΣ
ΑΡΧΗ 5ΗΣ ΣΕΛΙ?ΑΣ
συνάρτηση ζήτησης είναι QD=8.400-50P, όπου QD είναι
η ζητούμενη ποσότητα και P η τιμή.
Ο?ΗΓΙΕΣ (για τους εξεταζόμενους)
1. Στο τετράδιο να γράψετε μόνο τα προκαταρκτικά
(ημερομηνία, εξεταζόμενο μάθημα). Να μην αντιγράψετε
τα θέματα στο τετράδιο.
2. Να γράψετε το ονοματεπώνυμό σας στο πάνω μέρος των
φωτοαντιγράφων αμέσως μόλις σας παραδοθούν. ?εν
επιτρέπεται να γράψετε καμιά άλλη σημείωση. Κατά την
αποχώρησή σας να παραδώσετε μαζί με το τετράδιο και
τα φωτοαντίγραφα.
3. Να απαντήσετε στο τετράδιό σας σε όλα τα θέματα.
4. Να γράψετε τις απαντήσεις σας μόνο με μπλε ή μόνο με
5. Σε περίπτωση που θα προκύψουν δεκαδικά
αποτελέσματα να χρησιμοποιήσετε μέχρι δύο δεκαδικά
6. Κάθε απάντηση επιστημονικά τεκμηριωμένη είναι
7. ?ιάρκεια εξέτασης: τρεις (3) ώρες μετά τη διανομή των
φωτοαντιγράφων.
8. Χρόνος δυνατής αποχώρησης: μετά τη 10.30΄ πρωινή.
KΑΛΗ ΕΠΙΤΥΧΙΑ
ΤΕΛΟΣ ΜΗΝΥΜΑΤΟΣ
name::
* McsElln.ΜθμΛ3.ΑΡXΕΣ-ΟΡΓΑΝΩΣΗΣ-ΚΑΙ-ΔΙΟΙΚΗΣΗΣ-ΕΠΙΧΕΙΡΗΣΕΩΝ-ΚΑΙ-ΥΠΗΡΕΣΙΩΝ (μλ17),
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://ebooks.edu.gr/modules/ebook/show.php/DSGL-C122/38/217,1117//
name::
* McsElln.μλ17.ΕΞΕΤΑΣΤΕΑ-ΥΛΗ,
ΑΡΧΕΣ ΟΡΓΑΝΩΣΗΣ ΚΑΙ ΔΙΟΙΚΗΣΗΣ ΕΠΙΧΕΙΡΗΣΕΩΝ
ΚΑΙ ΥΠΗΡΕΣΙΩΝ
Από το Βιβλίο: «Αρχές Οργάνωσης και Διοίκησης Επιχειρήσεων και Υπηρεσιών» της Γ΄ τάξης Γενικού Λυκείου Τεχνολογικής Κατεύθυνσης των Δ. Μπουραντά, Α. Βάθη, Χ. Παπακωνσταντίνου, Π. Ρεκλείτη, έκδοση 2014.
Κεφάλαιο 1: Επιχειρήσεις και Οργανισμοί
1.2 Η Επιχείρηση (σελ. 25?29)
1.3 Λειτουργίες της επιχείρησης (σελ. 30?34)
1.4 Η Επιχείρηση και το Περιβάλλον της (σελ. 34?37)
1.5 Η Αποτελεσματικότητα των Επιχειρήσεων (σελ. 37?43)
Κεφάλαιο 2: Η Επιστήμη της Διοίκησης των Επιχειρήσεων
2.1 Εισαγωγικές Έννοιες (σελ. 55)
2.2 Οργάνωση και Διοίκηση (σελ. 56?61 και 63)
(εκτός από την παράγραφο 2.2.4. «Η χρησιμότητα και
η καθολική εφαρμογή του Management» σελ. 62 και
οι αντίστοιχες στο 2.2.4. ασκήσεις που υπάρχουν στη
σελ. 63)
Κεφάλαιο 3: Διοικητικές Λειτουργίες
3.3 Διεύθυνση (σελ. 123?156)
3.3.1 Ηγεσία – Βασικές έννοιες
3.3.2 Παρακίνηση
3.3.3 Δυναμική Ομάδων
3.3.4 Επικοινωνία
name::
* McsElln.ΜθμΛ3.ΕΦΑΡΜΟΓΕΣ-ΛΟΓΙΣΜΙΚΟΥ (επιλογής Γ τεχν.),
ΕΞΕΤΑΣΤΕΑ ΥΛΗ 1999-2000:
Από το βιβλίο "Εφαρμογές Λογισμικού" των Κ.Γιαλελή, Δ.Δημητριάδη, Χ.Καλέργη, Α.Καστανιά, Ι.Κατωπόδη, Π.Κούλα, Θ.Οικονόμου, έκδοση του Παιδαγωγικού Ινστιτούτου, 1999, ορίζεται ως εξεταστέα ύλη η εξής:
Κεφ. 1: Επισκόπηση Εφαρμογών Λογισμικού
Κεφ 2: Επικοινωνία-Συνεργασία Εφαρμογών Λογισμικού Παράγραφος 2.1.1 Από τους κεντρικούς υπολογιστές στα τοπικά δίκτυα Παράγραφος 2.1.2 Ανοικτά συστήματα Παράγραφος 2.2.1 Φίλτρα Παράγραφος 2.2.2 Λειτουργίες μετατροπής
Κεφ 3: Μελλοντικές Τάσεις Παράγραφος. 3.1.2 Συστήματα διαχείρισης δεδομένων 3 ή περισσότερων βαθμίδων Παράγραφος 3.2.1 Αντικειμενοστραφείς βάσεις δεδομένων
Κεφ 4: Κατανόηση του Προβλήματος και Προσδιορισμός των Απαιτήσεων Παράγραφος 4.1 Καθορισμός και κατανόηση του προβλήματος Παράγραφος 4.2 Ορισμοί και Βασικές έννοιες συστημάτων
Κεφ 5: Ανάλυση Απαιτήσεων Συστήματος Παράγραφος 5.1 Ανάλυση προβλημάτων-γενικά βήματα
Κεφ 6: Οργάνωση Δεδομένων του Συστήματος
Κεφ 7: Σχεδίαση Λογισμικού
Κεφ 9: Τμηματική Υλοποίηση στο Περιβάλλον Ανάπτυξης που Επιλέχθηκε Παράγραφος 9.1 Καθορισμός του παραδοτέου κάθε επιμέρους εργασίας
Κεφ 10: Σύνθεση των Επιμέρους Εργασιών Παράγραφος 10.1 Σύνθεση από κάτω προς τα πάνω
Κεφ 11: Δοκιμή με Πραγματικά Δεδομένα Παράγραφος11.1 Δοκιμαστικά και πραγματικά δεδομένα (χωρίς τις 11.1.1 και 11.1.2)
Κεφ 13: Δημιουργία Τελικού Προϊόντος Παράγραφος 13.1 Οι στόχοι και οι αρχές του τελικού ελέγχου
Κεφ 14: Τεκμηρίωση-Αξιολόγηση Παράγραφος 14.1.1 Ορισμός και η σημασία της τεκμηρίωσης Παράγραφος 14.1.2 Κατηγορίες τεκμηρίωσης Παράγραφος 14.1.3 Τεκμηρίωση άμεσης επικοινωνίας
name::
* McsElln.ΜθμΛ3.ΠΟΛΥΜΕΣΑ-ΔΙΚΤΥΑ (επιλογής Γ τεχν),
ΕΞΕΤΑΣΤΕΑ ΥΛΗ 1999-2000:
Από το βιβλίο "Πολυμέσα - Δίκτυα" των Θ.Γεωργίου, Ι.Κάππου, Α.Λαδιά, Α.Μικρόπουλου, Α.Τζιμογιάννη, Κ.Χαλκιά, έκδοση του Παιδαγωγικού Ινστιτούτου, 1999, ορίζεται ως εξεταστέα ύλη η εξής:
Κεφ. 1: Εισαγωγή στα πολυμέσα (εξαιρούνται: Εισαγωγή, Παράγραφος 1 "Το υλικό")
Κεφ. 2: Δομικά στοιχεία πολυμέσων (εξαιρούνται οι Παράγραφοι 1.5, 1.6, 1.7, 2, 2.1, 2.2, 3.4, 3.5, 3.7, 3.8, 4.3, 4.4, 5.2)
Κεφ. 3: Λογισμικό συγγραφής πολυμέσων (εξαιρούνται: HyperCard, Toolbook, Authorware Professional, Director, Java, Visual Basic και Delphi)
Κεφ. 4: Μεθοδολογία σχεδίασης εφαρμογών πολυμέσων (εξαιρούνται οι Παράγραφοι 1.2, 2, 2.1, 2.2, 2.3, 2.4, 2.5)
Κεφ. 5: Σχεδιασμός περιβάλλοντος διεπαφής (εξαιρούνται οι Παράγραφοι 1, 2.10, 4.10, 4.11)
Κεφ.8: Επικοινωνίες δεδομένων (εξαιρούνται οι Παράγραφοι 8.1, 8.2, 8.2.1, 8.2.2, 8.2.3)
Κεφ.9: Βασικές αρχές δικτύων
Κεφ. 10: Τοπικά δίκτυα
Κεφ. 11: Δίκτυα ευρείας περιοχής (εξαιρούνται οι Παράγραφοι 8, 9, 9.1, 9.2, 10)
Κεφ. 12: Διαδίκτυο & υπηρεσίες προστιθέμενης αξίας (εξαιρούνται οι Παράγραφοι 5.2, 5.4, 5.5, 6, 6.1, 6.2, 6.3, 6.4, 6.5, 6.6, 7)
ΘΕΜΑ Α)
Απαντήστε με σωστό/λάθος:
1) Η πληροφορία στα διάφορα συστήματα-πληροφόρησης μπορεί να παρουσιαστεί με παθητικό ή ενεργητικό τρόπο.
2) Πολυμέσα είναι κλάδος της πληροφορικής που ασχολείται με το συνδυασμό ψηφιακών-δεδομένων πολλαπλών μορφών, δηλαδή κειμένου, γραφικών, κινούμενη εικόνα, ήχο και βίντεο.
3) Θερμά σημεία διαθέτουν μόνο οι εφαρμογές υπερμέσων.
4) Τα πολυμέσα δεν διαθέτουν χαρακτηριστικά αλληλεπιδραστικότητας.
5) Τα υπερκείμενα είναι υπερμέσα που διαθέτουν μόνο κείμενο.
6) Τα πολυμέσα χρησιμοποιούνται μόνο στην εκπαίδευση.
7) Ο βαθμός αλληλεπίδρασης αποτελεί κριτήριο διάκρισης μεταξύ πολυμέσων και υπερμέσων.
8) Περιβάλλον-διεπαφής είναι ότι βλέπει ο χρήστης στην οθόνη του και παρεμβάλεται μεταξύ του χρήστη και του συνόλου του μηχανισμού παρουσίασης του περιεχομένου που υπάρχει "μέσα" στον υπολογιστή.
9) Κόμβοι είναι οι βασικές δομικές μονάδες των υπερμέσων και περιέχουν κείμενα, εικόνες, βίντεο ή ήχο.
10) Οι σύνδεσμοι καθορίζουν τις συσχετίσεις μεταξύ των κόμβων πληροφορίας.
11) Η προσπέλαση στις διάφορες ενότητες πληροφοριών σε μια πολυμεσική εφαρμογή γίνεται με ΕΝΑ σύστημα πλοήγησης.
12) Διαδρομές-πλοήγησης είναι οι δρόμοι που ακολουθούμε για να φτάσουμε σε μια πληροφορία και μπορούν να καθοριστούν από το δημιουργό ή το χρήστη της εφαρμογής ή και τους δύο.
ΘΕΜΑ Β)
Διαλέξτε τα σωστά:
Τα πολυμέσα διανέμονται με:
1) CD-ROM
2) Internet και CD-ROM
3) Βιβλία
4) Περίπτερα (kiosks)
5) Online (πραγματικού χρόνου)
ΘΕΜΑ Γ)
Τα βασικά χαρακτηριστικά των συστημάτων πολυμέσων είναι:
1) ..........................................................................................................................................................
2) ..........................................................................................................................................................
3) .........................................................................................................................................................
4) ..........................................................................................................................................................
Γ) 1) έλεγχος μέσω υπολογιστή
2) ολοκληρωμένα συστήματα (ελέγχονται από ένα υπολογιστή)
3) μη γραμμική οργάνωση της πληροφορίας
4) αλληλεπιδραστικότητα
name::
* McsElln.ΜθμΛ3.ΤΕΧΝΟΛΟΓΙΑ-ΥΠΟΛΟΓΙΣΤΙΚΩΝ-ΣΥΣΤΗΜΑΤΩΝ & ΛΕΙΤΟΥΡΓΙΚΑ ΣΥΣΤΗΜΑΤΑ (Γ' Εν.Λυκείου; Τεχν. Κατεύθυνση; Κλάδος πληρ.&υπηρεσιών),
ΟΡΙΣΜΟΣ:
Είναι υποχρεωτικό μάθημα στη Γ' τάξη του Ενιαίου Λυκείου, Τεχνολογικής Κατεύθυνσης, κλάδου Πληροφορικής και Υπηρεσιών.
ΝΟΜΟΘΕΣΙΑ:
** Γ2/4243/22-9-99 (Διευκρινίσεις)
** Γ2/2768/19-5-99 (ΠΣ ΕΛ, ΦΕΚ 1540 τβ 29ιουλ1999, ήρθε με Γ2/2768/19-8-99)
** Γ2/1084/5-3-99 (ΠΣ μαθήματος, ΦΕΚ 345 τβ 13απρ1999, ήρθε με Γ2/2713/18-5-99)
ΔΙΔΑΚΤΙΚΕΣ ΩΡΕΣ (50):
** Εσωτερική δομή, οργάνωση και λειτουργία του υπολογιστή (20 ώρες)
- κατηγορίες
- παράσταση και επεξεργασία πληροφοριών
- οργάνωση επεξεργαστών
- οργάνωση και διαχείριση μνήμης
** Περιφερειακές Μονάδες (10 ώρες)
- τυποι περιφερειακών
- διάδρομοι
- εκτυπωτές
- μονάδες γραφικών
- μονάδες εισαγωγής δεδομένων
- μονάδες αποθήκευσης
- μονάδες πολυμέσων
- συσκευές τηλεπικοινωνιών και δικτύωσης
** Λογισμικό συστήματος (20 ώρες)
- αρχές ΛΣ
- διεργασίες
- διαχείριση αρχείων και δίσκων
- εφαρμογή στο ΛΣ του εργαστηρίου
[Γ2/1084/5-3-99]
ΤΕΛΙΚΗ ΕΞΕΤΑΣΤΕΑ ΥΛΗ 1999-2000 σε Τεχνολογία ΥΣ & ΛΣ:
Κεφ. 2: Παράσταση και Επεξεργασία Πληροφοριών
1) Μάθημα 2.1: Συστήματα Αρίθμησης
2) Μάθημα 2.2: Παράσταση Αριθμών και Χαρακτήρων
3) Μάθημα 2.3: Μέθοδοι Συμπίεσης Δεδομένων
Κεφ. 3: Οργάνωση και Λειτουργία Επεξεργαστών
4) Μάθημα 3.1: Τμήματα του Υπολογιστή
5) Μάθημα 3.2: Γλώσσα Μηχανής. Εξαιρούντοι οι παράγραφοι 1.εντολές αναφοράς στη μνήμη, 2.Η εντολή stop, 3.Εντολές άλματος, 4.Εντολές ολίσθησης, 5.Εντολές Εισόδου-εξόδου.
Κεφ. 4: Οργάνωση Μνήμης
6) Μάθημα 4.1: Τεχνολογία και Χαρακτηριστικά Μνημών
7) Μάθημα 4.2 : Ιεραρχία Μνήμης
Κεφ. 5: Περιφερειακές Μονάδες
8) Μάθημα 5.1: Διάδρομοι Υπολογιστικών Συστημάτων
Κεφ. 7: Λειτουργικά Συστήματα-Διεργασίες
9) Μάθημα 7.1: Λειτουργικά Συστήματα
10) Μάθημα 7.2: Διεργασίες. Εξαιρείται η παρ. Ελαφρές Διεργασίες
11) Μάθημα 7.3: Απεικόνιση Διεργασιών
12) Μάθημα 7.4: Κρίσιμα τμήματα και Αμοιβαίος Αποκλεισμός. Εξαιρείται η 'Αμοιβαίος αποκλεισμός για δύο διεργασίες: η λύση Peterson.
13) Μάθημα 7.5: Σηματοφορείς. Εξαιρούνται οι παράγραφοι "Υλοποίηση των P και V", "Λίστες του ΛΣ" και "Το πρόβλημα των αναγνωστών και συγγραφέων".
ΤΕΧΝΟΛΟΓΙΑ ΥΣ & ΛΣ ΕΞΕΤΑΣΤΕΑ ΥΛΗ 1999-2000:
Κεφ. 2: Παράσταση και Επεξεργασία Πληροφοριών
1) Μάθημα 2.1: Συστήματα Αρίθμησης
2) Μάθημα 2.2: Παράσταση Αριθμών και Χαρακτήρων
3) Μάθημα 2.3: Μέθοδοι Συμπίεσης Δεδομένων
Κεφ. 3: Οργάνωση και Λειτουργία Επεξεργαστών
4) Μάθημα 3.1: Τμήματα του Υπολογιστή
5) Μάθημα 3.2: Γλώσσα Μηχανής. Μόνο οι παράγραφοι "Η αρχή των δύο φάσεων" και "Μορφή της εντολής"
Κεφ. 4: Οργάνωση Μνήμης
6) Μάθημα 4.1: Τεχνολογία και Χαρακτηριστικά Μνημών
7) Μάθημα 4.2 : Ιεραρχία Μνήμης
Κεφ. 5: Περιφερειακές Μονάδες
8) Μάθημα 5.1: Διάδρομοι Υπολογιστικών Συστημάτων
Κεφ. 6: Ο Προσωπικός Υπολογιστής
9) Μάθημα 6.1: Ιστορία και Αρχιτεκτονική του Προσωπικού Υπολογιστή
10) Μάθημα 6.2: Η Μητρική Κάρτα του Προσωπικού Υπολογιστή
Κεφ. 7: Λειτουργικά Συστήματα-Διεργασίες
11) Μάθημα 7.1: Λειτουργικά Συστήματα
12) Μάθημα 7.2: Διεργασίες και Ελαφρές Διεργασίες
13) Μάθημα 7.3: Απεικόνιση Διεργασιών
14) Μάθημα 7.4: Κρίσιμα τμήματα και Αμοιβαίος Αποκλεισμός. Μόνο η παράγραφος με τίτλο "Κρίσιμα τμήματα"
15) Μάθημα 7.5: Σηματοφορείς. Εξαιρούνται οι παράγραφοι "Υλοποίηση των P και V" και "Το πρόβλημα των αναγνωστών και συγγραφέων".
Κεφ. 8: Διαχείριση ΚΜΕ στα Λειτουργικά Συστήματα
16) Μάθημα 8.1: Χρονοδρομολόγηση
17) Μάθημα 8.2: Αλγόριθμοι Χρονοδρομολόγησης. Εξαιρούνται οι παράγραφοι "Μη διακοπτοί αλγόριθμοι χρονοδρομολόγησης" και "Διακοπτοί αλγόριθμοι χρονοδροκολόγησης"
Κεφ. 9: Διαχείριση Μνήμης στα Λειτουργικά Συστήματα
18) Μάθημα 9.1: Διαχείριση Μνήμης
ΥΠΟΛΟΓΙΣΤΙΚΟ ΣΥΣΤΗΜΑ (ΚΟΜΠΙΟΥΤΕΡ) είναι ένα μηχάνημα που επεξεργάζεται πληροφορίες (σύμβολα, ήχο, εικόνα). Αποτελείται απο το hardware και το software.
HARDWARE (ΥΛΙΚΟ) ονομάζουν τις συσκευές των ΥΣ.
SOFTWARE (ΛΟΓΙΣΜΙΚΟ) ονομάζουν το σύνολο των προγραμμάτων που μπορούν να εκτελέσουν. Το ταξινομούν σε λογισμικό συστήματος και λογισμικό εφαρμογών.
ΛΟΓΙΣΜΙΚΟ ΣΥΣΤΗΜΑΤΟΣ είναι το λογισμικό που λειτουργεί ως σύνδεσμος ανάμεσα στον χρήστη και το υλικό, με σκοπό τη διευκόλυνση του χρήστη και την αποδοτικότερη λειτουργία του ΥΣ. Το μεγαλύτερο μέρος του είναι το Λειτουργικό Σύστημα.
ΛΟΓΙΣΜΙΚΟ ΕΦΑΡΜΟΓΩΝ είναι το λογισμικό που χρησιμοποιεί ο χρήστης στην επίλυση προβλημάτων από τη ζωή του. (Η 'εφαρμογή' του κομπιούτερ στη ζωή του).
ΕΠΙΠΕΔΑ ΙΕΡΑΡΧΙΑΣ:
Επειδή το κομπιούτερ είναι πολύπλοκο μηχάνημα είναι απαραίτητο τα μέρη του να δομούνται σε οργανωμένα τμήματα τα 'επίπεδα ιεραρχίας'.
Κάθε επίπεδο στηρίζεται στη λειτουργία των χαμηλότερων και βοηθά στη λειτουργία των ανωτέρων του. Κάθε ένα σχεδιαζεται, υλοποιείται ανεξάρτητα από τα υπόλοιπα.
ΕΠΙΠΕΔΟ 1: το χαμηλότερο. Αποτελείται από τις βασικές μονάδες του ΥΣ, τα λογικά κυκλώματα που εκτελούν τις λογικές πράξεις που κάνει το κομπιούτερ.
ΕΠΙΠΕΔΟ 2: το επίπεδο των μικρολειτουργιών, πχ μεταφορά πληροφοριών.
ΕΠΙΠΕΔΟ 3: το επίπεδο εκτέλεσης της γλώσσας μηχανής.
ΕΠΙΠΕΔΟ 4,5,6: το λογισμικό, Λειτουργικό σύστημα, γλωσσες προγραμματισμου υψηλού επιπέδου, λογισμικό εφαρμογών.
ΟΛΟΚΛΗΡΩΜΕΝΟ ΚΥΚΛΩΜΑ ονομάζουν ηλεκτρονικά-κυκλώματα κατασκευασμένα σε μικρά τεμάχια ημιαγωγού διαστάσεων μερικών τετραγωνικών χιλιοστών.
ΨΗΦΙΔΑ (CHIP) είναι η όλη κατασκευή, το ολοκληρωμένο κύκλωμα και η μεταλλική/πλαστική συσκευασία.
Μία ταξινόμηση που κάνουν στα ΟΚ είναι με κριτήριο των αριθμό των δομικών-πυλών (τρανσίστορ) που περιέχει κάθε τσιπ: SSI, MSI, LSI, VLSI.
Μία άλλη ταξινόμηση είναι:
- TTL τα περισσότερο χρησιμοποιούμενα,
- ECL για κυκλώματα υψηλών ταχυτήτων,
- CMOS έχουν μικρή κατανάλωση ισχύος.
ΚΑΤΗΓΟΡΙΕΣ ΥΣ βάσει της εξέλιξής τους:
1η ΓΕΝΙΑ (1946-1953): ηλεκτρονικές λυχνίες. Προγραμματίζονταν σε γλώσσα-μηχανής.
2η ΓΕΝΙΑ (1952-1963): τρανσίστορ, τυπωμένα κυκλώματα, συμβολικές γλώσσες και γλώσσες υψηλού επιπέδου, λειτουργικά συστήματα ομαδικής επεξεργασίας.
3η ΓΕΝΙΑ (1962-1975): ολοκληρωμένα κυκλώματα μικρής και μέσης κλίμακας, γλώσσες προγραμματισμού με 'εξυπνους' μεταφραστές, ΛΣ πολυπρογραμματισμού και καταμερισμού χρόνου, μινι υπολογιστές.
4ης ΓΕΝΙΑ (1972-σήμερα):
- χρησιμοποιούν κυκλώματα μεγάλης και πολύ μεγάλης κλίμακας ολοκλήρωσης
- αρχιτεκτονικές αγωγού, πολυεπεξεργασία κλπ για κατασκευή υπερυπολογιστών
- εμφάνιση μικροϋπολογιστών.
5ης ΓΕΝΙΑ:
- δεν έχουν διαδοθεί ευρέως
- κυκλώματα πολύ μεγάλης ολοκλήρωσης
- στόχο η παράλληλη επεξεργασία και η τεχνητή νοημοσύνη.
ΚΑΤΗΓΟΡΙΕΣ ΥΣ βάσει του μεγέθους, ταχύτητας, τιμής τους:
προσωπικοι, μινι, μεγάλοι, υπερυπολογιστές.
Τα όρια αυτά δεν είναι σαφή και μετατοπίζονται συνεχώς.
Να κάνουν όλες τις ασκήσεις του Τετραδίου.
name::
* McsElln.ΑΠΑΝΤΗΣΕΙΣ ΕΡΩΤΗΣΕΩΝ Κεφ1: ΚΑΤΗΓΟΡΙΕΣ Υ.Σ.,
1.1/1 ΠΟΙΕΣ ΕΙΝΑΙ ΟΙ ΣΥΝΙΣΤΩΣΕΣ ΕΝΟΣ ΥΠΟΛΟΓΙΣΤΙΚΟΥ ΣΥΣΤΗΜΑΤΟΣ;
Κάθε ΥΣ αποτελείται από το Hardware, τις συσκευές του και το Software τα προγράμματα που εκτελεί.
1.1/2 ΤΙ ΕΝΟΟΥΜΕ ΜΕ ΤΟΝ ΟΡΟ "ΛΟΓΙΣΜΙΚΟ ΣΥΣΤΗΜΑΤΟΣ";
Λογισμικό συστήματος είναι το λογισμικό που λειτουργεί ως σύνδεσμος ανάμεσα στον χρήστη και το υλικό, με σκοπό τη διευκόλυνση του χρήστη και την αποδοτικότερη λειτουργία του ΥΣ. Το μεγαλύτερο μέρος του είναι το Λειτουργικό Σύστημα.
1.1/3 ΠΟΙΕΣ ΕΙΝΑΙ ΟΙ ΔΙΑΦΟΡΕΣ ΤΩΝ ΟΛΟΚΛΗΡΩΜΕΝΩΝ ΚΥΚΛΩΜΑΤΩΝ ΔΙΑΦΟΡΩΝ ΚΛΙΜΑΚΩΝ ΟΛΟΚΛΗΡΩΣΗΣ;
Οι διαφορές τους είναι στον ΑΡΙΘΜΟ των δομικών-πυλών (transistor) που περιέχουν.
1.1/4 ΠΟΙΑ ΕΙΝΑΙ ΤΑ ΧΑΡΑΚΤΗΡΙΣΤΙΚΑ ΤΩΝ ΥΠΟΛΟΓΙΣΤΩΝ 4ης ΚΑΙ 5ης ΓΕΝΙΑΣ;
4ης γενιάς (1972-σήμερα):
- χρησιμοποιούν κυκλώματα μεγάλης και πολύ μεγάλης κλίμακας ολοκλήρωσης
- αρχιτεκτονικές αγωγού, πολυεπεξεργασία κλπ για κατασκευή υπερυπολογιστών
- εμφάνιση μικροϋπολογιστών.
5ης γενιάς:
- δεν έχουν διαδοθεί ευρέως
- κυκλώματα πολύ μεγάλης ολοκλήρωσης
- στόχο η παράλληλη επεξεργασία και η τεχνητή νοημοσύνη.
Α1:
1) Ιεραρχική
2) Λογισμικό - Software
3) Λογισμικό Εφαρμογών
4) Πολύ μεγάλης κλίμακας
5) 4ης και 5ης Γεννιας
Α4:
Επεξεργαστής, RAM, Σκληρός δίσκος, Οθόνη,
Α5:
α) εφαρμ
β) εφαρμ
γ) συστ
δ) συστ
ε) εφαρμ
Ε1:
Ολοκληρωμένο κύκλωμα είναι ηλεκτρονικά κυκλώματα κατασκευασμένα σε μικρά τεμάχια ημιαγωγού διαστάσεων μερικών τετραγωνικών χιλιοστών.
ΕΝΝΟΙΕΣ:
1) Σύστημα αρίθμησης
2) Μετατροπή από β σε 10
3) Μετατροπή από 10 σε β (ακέραιο διαίρεση, δεκαδικό πολ/μό)
4) Αποκοπή - Στρογγυλοποίηση
5) Μετατροπή από β1 σε β2
6) Μετατροπή από 2 σε 16 και αντίστροφα
7) Μετατροπή από 2 σε 8 και αντίστροφα
ΣΥΣΤΗΜΑ ΑΡΙΘΜΗΣΗΣ είναι η σύμβαση με την οποία παριστάνουμε ποσότητες (αριθμούς). Κάθε σύστημα έχει μια βάση β και κάθε αριθμός παριστάνεται σαν αθροισμα δυνάμεων β.
19,57 = 1χ10^1 + 9χ10^0 + 5χ10^-1 + 7χ10^-2
ΤΑΞΗ ψηφίου λέγεται η δύναμη της βάσης αυτού του ψηφίου.
Τα ψηφία που χρειάζεται κάθε σύστημα είναι β (0 έως β-1).
ΜΕΤΑΤΡΟΠΗ ΑΠΟ β ΣΕ 10:
Γράφουμε τον αριθμό σαν άθροισμα δυνάμεων της βάσης του και κάνουμε τις πράξεις:
10011(2) = 1χ2^4 + 0χ2^3 + 0χ2^2 + 1χ2^1 + 1χ2^0 = 16 + 0 + 0 + 2 + 1 = 19(10).
71,5(8) = 7χ8^1 + 1χ8^0 + 3χ8^-1 = 56 + 1 + 0,5 = 57,5(10)
A2C(16) = 10χ16^2 + 2χ16^1 + 12χ16^0 = 2560 + 32 + 12 = 2604(10)
ΜΕΤΑΤΡΟΠΗ ΑΠΟ 10 ΣΕ β:
Για το ΑΚΕΡΑΙΟ ΜΕΡΟΣ, διαιρούμε διαδοχικά τα πηλίκα με τη βάση.
Μέχρι το πηλίκο να γίνει 0.
Τα υπόλοιπα από το τέλος προς την αρχή είναι ο αριθμός.
Για το ΔΕΚΑΔΙΚΟ ΜΕΡΟΣ, πολαπλασιάζουμε διαδοχικά τα κλασματικά μέρη του αριθμού με τη βάση.
Μέχρι να έχουμε ακέραιο μέρος 0 ή να μετρήσουμε Ν ψηφία.
Τα ακέραια μέρη των αποτελεσμάτων από την αρχή προς το τέλος είναι ο αριθμός.
ΠΑΡΑΔΕΙΓΜΑ1: 6,47(10)=110,011(2)
6:2=3+0 0,47χ2=0,94
3:2=1+1 0,94χ2=1,88
1:2=0+1 0,88χ2=1,76 κλπ
ΠΑΡΑΔΕΙΓΜΑ2: 22(10) = 26(8)
22:8=2+6
2:8 =0+2
ΠΑΡΑΔΕΙΓΜΑ3: 22(10) = 16(16)
22:16=1+6
1:16 =0+1
ΑΠΟΚΟΠΗ είναι το κόψιμο κλασματικών ψηφίων ενός αριθμού.
ΣΤΡΟΓΓΥΛΟΠΟΙΗΣΗ είναι το κόψιμο κλασματικών ψηφίων ενός αριθμου με μεταβολή του τελευταίου κλασματικού ψηφίου. Το αυξάνουμε κατα 1 αν το επόμενο ψηφίο είναι μεγαλύτερο ή ίσο με το μισό της βάσης ή το αφήνουμε όπως είναι άν το επόμενο είναι μικρότερο. Με τον τρόπο αυτό το σφάλμα του υπολογισμού είναι πιο μικρό.
ΜΕΤΑΤΡΟΠΗ ΑΠΟ β1 ΣΕ β2:
Μετατρέπουμε ενδιάμεσα σε 10δικό.
ΠΑΡΑΔΕΙΓΜΑ: 23(8) = 13 (16)
-------------------------------------
23(8) = 2χ8 + 3χ1 = 19(10)
19(10) = 13(16)
19:16=1+3
1:16 =0+1
ΜΕΤΑΤΡΟΠΗ ΑΠΟ 2 ΣΕ 16 ΚΑΙ ΑΝΤΙΣΤΡΟΦΑ:
Απο 2 σε 16:
Χωρίζουμε τα ψηφία του δυαδικού σε ΤΕΤΡΑΔΕΣ ξεκινώντας από την υποδιαστολή.
Αντικαθιστούμε κάθε τετράδα με έναν δεκαεξαδικό.
Απο 16 σε 2:
Αντικαθιστούμε κάθε ψηφίου του δεκαεξαδικού με τον αντίστοιχο ΤΕΤΡΑΨΗΦΙΟ δυαδικό.
ΠΑΡΑΔΕΙΓΜΑ: 10010(2) = 12(16)
0001 0010
1 2
ΜΕΤΑΤΡΟΠΗ ΑΠΟ 2 ΣΕ 8:
Απο 2 σε 8:
Χωρίζουμε τα ψηφία του δυαδικού σε ΤΡΙΑΔΕΣ ξεκινώντας από την υποδιαστολή.
Αντικαθιστούμε κάθε τριάδα με ένα οκταδικό.
Απο 8 σε 2:
Αντικαθιστούμε κάθε ψηφίου του οκταδικού με τον αντίστοιχο ΤΡΙΨΗΦΙΟ δυαδικό.
ΠΑΡΑΔΕΙΓΜΑ 10010(2)=22(8)
010 010
2 2
Ολες ασκήσεις τετραδίου. Τουλάχιστον μία περίπτωση σε κάθε άσκηση.
name::
* McsElln.ΕΡΩΤΗΣΕΙΣ 1/2.1: Συστήματα Αρίθμησης,
1) ΠΟΣΑ ΨΗΨΙΑ ΧΡΕΙΑΖΕΤΑΙ ΕΝΑ ΣΥΣΤΗΜΑ ΑΡΙΘΜΗΣΗΣ ΜΕ ΒΑΣΗ β;
β ψηφία, με τιμές από 0 μέχρι β-1.
2) ΠΩΣ ΜΕΤΑΤΡΕΠΟΥΜΕ ΕΝΑ ΑΚΕΡΑΙΟ ΔΥΑΔΙΚΟ ΑΡΙΘΜΟ ΣΤΟ ΔΕΚΑΔΙΚΟ ΣΥΣΤΗΜΑ;
1011(2) = 1χ2^3 + 0χ2^2 + 1χ2^1 + 1χ2^0 = 8+0+2+1=11(10).
3) ΠΩΣ ΜΕΤΑΤΡΕΠΟΥΜΕ ΕΝΑ ΔΕΚΑΔΙΚΟ ΑΡΙΘΜΟ ΣΤΟ ΔΥΑΔΙΚΟ ΣΥΣΤΗΜΑ;
11:2=5+1 >> 1
5:2=2+1 >> 11
2:2=1+0 >> 011
1:2=0+1 >>1011
4) ΤΙ ΕΙΝΑΙ ΑΠΟΚΟΠΗ ΚΑΙ Η ΣΤΡΟΓΓΥΛΟΠΟΙΗΣΗ;
ΑΠΟΚΟΠΗ είναι το κόψιμο κλασματικών ψηφίων ενός αριθμού.
ΣΤΡΟΓΓΥΛΟΠΟΙΗΣΗ είναι το κόψιμο κλασματικών ψηφίων ενός αριθμου με μεταβολή του τελευταίου κλασματικού ψηφίου. Το αυξάνουμε κατα 1 αν το επόμενο ψηφίο είναι μεγαλύτερο ή ίσο με το μισό της βάσης ή το αφήνουμε όπως είναι άν το επόμενο είναι μικρότερο. Με τον τρόπο αυτό το σφάλμα του υπολογισμού είναι πιο μικρό.
5) ΠΩΣ ΓΙΝΕΤΑΙ Η ΜΕΤΑΤΡΟΠΗ ΜΕΤΑΞΥ ΔΥΑΔΙΚΟΥ ΚΑΙ ΟΚΤΑΔΙΚΟΥ ΣΥΣΤΗΜΑΤΟΣ;
Απο 2 σε 8:
Χωρίζουμε τα ψηφία του δυαδικού σε ΤΡΙΑΔΕΣ ξεκινώντας από την υποδιαστολή.
Αντικαθιστούμε κάθε τριάδα με ένα οκταδικό.
Απο 8 σε 2:
Αντικαθιστούμε κάθε ψηφίου του οκταδικού με τον αντίστοιχο ΤΡΙΨΗΦΙΟ δυαδικό.
2.4/1 ΤΙ ΛΕΓΕΤΑΙ ΔΕΙΓΜΑΤΟΛΗΨΙΑ;
Δειγματολειψία είναι η λήψη δειγμάτων από το αναλογικό σήμα του ήχου πολές φορές το δευτερόλεπτο.
2.4/2 ΑΠΟ ΤΙ ΕΞΑΡΤΑΤΑΙ Η ΠΟΙΟΤΗΤΑ ΤΟΥ ΨΗΦΙΑΚΟΥ ΗΧΟΥ;
- Από το ρυθμό δειγματολειψίας και
- από την ποσότητα των bits που χρησιμοποιούμε να κωδικοποιήσουμε την ένταση των δειγμάτων.
2.4/3 ΤΙ ΕΝΝΟΟΥΜΕ ΜΕ ΤΟΝ ΟΡΟ 'ΚΒΑΝΤΙΣΜΟ';
Είναι το φαινόμενο όπου κοντινές αλλά διαφορετικές τιμές αναλογικής έντασης αντιστοιχούν στην ίδια ψηφιακή τιμή.
2.4/4 ΤΙ ΛΕΓΕΤΑΙ ΠΑΛΜΟΚΩΔΙΚΗ ΚΩΔΙΚΟΠΟΙΗΣΗ;
Είναι η κωδικοποίηση όπου κάθε δείγμα ξεχωριστά.
2.4/5 ΤΙ ΛΕΓΕΤΑΙ ΔΙΑΦΟΡΙΚΗ ΠΑΛΜΟΚΩΔΙΚΗ ΚΩΔΙΚΟΠΟΙΗΣΗ;
Είναι η κωδικοποίηση όπου αντί να κωδικοποιούμε τα δείγματα, κωδικοποιούμε τις διαφορές τους με το προηγούμενο και έτσι χρησιμοποιούμε λιγότερα bit επειδή συνήθως οι διαφορές είναι μικρές αφού έχουμε χιλιάδες δείγματα το δευτερόλεπτο.
2.4/6 ΠΩΣ ΠΑΡΙΣΤΑΝΕΤΑΙ Ο ΗΧΟΣ ΨΗΦΙΑΚΑ;
α) χρησιμοποιούμε μια δειγματοληψία το δευτερόλεπτο και
β) κωδικοποιούμε τις τιμές των δειγμάτων με μια ποσότητα bits.
2.4/7 ΠΩΣ ΠΑΡΙΣΤΑΝΕΤΑΙ Η ΨΗΦΙΑΚΗ ΕΙΚΟΝΑ;
- κάθε εικόνα χωρίζεται σαν ψηφιδωτό με γραμμές και στήλες σε κουκίδες, τα εικονοστοιχεία (pixels). Αυτό λέγεται ανάλυση της εικόνας.
- μετά χρησιμοποιούμε μια σειρά από bits για να κωδικοποιήσουμε τα χρώματα.
Ο αριθμός των bits λέγεται βάθος χρώματος.
Παίρνω τις φωτοτυπίες και Λύνουμε τις εργασίες του τετραδίου.
name::
* McsElln.2/2.2 ΠΑΡΑΣΤΑΣΗ ΑΡΙΘΜΩΝ ΚΑΙ ΧΑΡΑΚΤΗΡΩΝ (2ώρες),
ΕΝΝΟΙΕΣ:
1) Δυαδικοί: πρόσθεση, αφαίρεση
2) Ακέραιοι: Παράσταση θετικών/αρνητικών, Πράξεις όπως οι δυαδικοί
3) Πραγματικοί: Παράσταση σταθερής/κινητής υποδιαστολής, Πρόσθεση/Πολλαπλασιασμός.
ΠΑΡΑΣΤΑΣΗ ΧΑΡΑΚΤΗΡΩΝ:
* Με 8 μπιτ (ASCII) παριστάνουμε 256 χαρακτήρες, το παλιο σύνολο χαρακτήρων.
* Με 16 μπιτ (UNICODE) 65536 χαρακτήρες.
ΠΑΡΑΣΤΑΣΗ ΗΧΟΥ:
Για να παραστήσουμε ψηφιακά τον ΑΝΑΛΟΓΙΚΟ ΗΧΟ χρειαζόμαστε 2 πράγματα:
α) μια δειγματολειψια τάσης, 44 KHz είναι ο ήχος του CD.
β) μια ομάδα μπιτ για να παραστήσουμε τις τιμές (την ένταση) της τάσης των δειγμάτων. 16bit είναι ο ήχος του CD.
ΠΑΡΑΣΤΑΣΗ ΕΙΚΟΝΑΣ:
* Ανάλυση εικόνας ονομάζουμε τον αριθμό των ψηφιδωτών/pixels που την αποτελούν
* βάθος χρώματος λέμε τον αριθμό των μπιτ που χρησιμοποιούμε για να παραστήσουμε χρώματα. 24μπιτ πέρνουμε φυσικό χρώμα.
ΔΥΑΔΙΚΟΙ:
ΠΡΟΣΘΕΣΗ ΔΥΑΔΙΚΩΝ:
1+1 = 0 + 1κρατούμενο (0μονάδες + 1δυάδα)
1+1+1 = 1 + 1κρατούμενο (1μονάδα + 1δυάδα)
παράδειγμα:
101011(43)
001111(15)
---------
111010=32+16+8+2=58
ΑΦΑΙΡΕΣΗ ΔΥΑΔΙΚΩΝ:
1-1= 0 + 0δανικό
1-1-1= 1 + 1δανικό (1μονάδα + 1δυάδα δανική)
πχ
101011(43)
001111(15)
---------
011100(28)
ΠΟΛΑΠΛΑΣΙΑΣΜΟΣ ΔΥΑΔΙΚΩΝ:
Διαδοχικές προσθέσεις.
10110(22)
χ 1011(11)
-----------
10110
10110
00000
10110
-----------
11110010
ΑΚΕΡΑΙΟΙ:
ΟΙ ΘΕΤΙΚΟΙ ΑΚΕΡΑΙΟΙ ΠΑΡΙΣΤΑΝΟΝΤΑΙ με 0 το MSB στα μπιτ που χρησιμοποιεί οι 'λέξη' της μνήμης του.
πχ ο 22(10)=10110(2) παριστάνεται ως 00010110 σε υπολογιστή με μήκος λέξης 8.
ΟΙ ΑΡΝΗΤΙΚΟΙ ΑΚΕΡΑΙΟΙ ΠΑΡΙΣΤΑΝΟΝΤΑΙ συνήθως ως 'συμπλήρωμα ως προς το 2' επειδή γίνονται εύκολα οι πράξεις.
πχ ο -22(10):
α) βρίσκουμε τον αντίστοιχο θετικο σε δυαδική μορφή στο μήκος λέξης που διαθέτουμε: 00010110
β) αντικαθιστούμε το 0 με 1 και το 1 με 0: 11101001
γ) προσθέτουμε 1: 11101010
Για να βρούμε ποιος αριθμός είναι ο 11101010 που έχει χρησιμοποιηθεί η παράσταση συμπληρώματος ως προς το 2:
α) αντικαθιστούμε το 0 με 1 και το 1 με 0 και στο πρόσημο: 00010101
β) προσθέτουμε 1: 00010110
γ) βρίσκουμε το δεκαδικο: 22
άρα είναι ο -22
ΠΡΑΞΕΙΣ: όπως στους δυαδικούς γενικά.
ΠΡΑΓΜΑΤΙΚΟΙ:
ΠΑΡΑΣΤΑΣΗ ΠΡΑΓΜΑΤΙΚΩΝ ΜΕ ΣΤΑΘΕΡΗ ΥΠΟΔΙΑΣΤΟΛΗ:
* Χρησιμοποιούμε στάνταρ αριθμο μπιτ για το ακέραιο και για το κλασματικό μέρος.
* οι πράξεις γίνονται όπως και στους ακέραιους.
* παριστάνουμε μικρή γκάμα αριθμών.
ΠΑΡΑΣΤΑΣΗ ΠΡΑΓΜΑΤΙΚΩΝ ΚΙΝΗΤΗΣ ΥΠΟΔΙΑΣΤΟΛΗΣ:
* Ο αριθμός παριστάνεται σε εκθετική μορφή με συντελεστη 1/2<σ<1 και μια δυναμη του 2. πρόσημο+εκθέτης+συντελεστής.
πχ 6,47(10)=110,011(2) = 0,110011χ2^3 >>> 0 0100 11001100
* κάθε αριθμός μπορεί να γραφεί με πολλούς τρόπους ο παραπάνω λέγεται κανονική μορφή.
ΠΡΟΣΘΕΣΗ: Αυξάνουμε το μικρότερο εκθέτη τόσο όσο να φτάσει τον άλλο. Ολισθαίνουμε προς τα δεξιά το συντελεστή του όσο αυξήσαμε τον εκθέτη. Προσθέτουμε τους συντελεστές και γράφουμε ξανά το αποτέλεσμα στην κανονική μορφή.
(16,125) 0,10000001 χ 2^5 >>> 0 0101 10000001
(4,3125) 0,1000101χ2^3 >>> 0 0011 10001010 >>> 0 0101 00100010
------------------------------
0 0101 10100011 >>> 0,10100011χ2^5 >>> 20,375 το σωστο είναι 20,4375
ΠΟΛΛΑΠΛΑΣΙΑΣΜΟΣ: Προσθέτουμε τους εκθέτες και πολλαπλασιάζουμε τους συντελεστές και κανονικοποιούμε το αποτέλεσμα.
ΔΙΑΙΡΕΣΗ: Αφαιρούμε τους εκθέτες, διαιρούμε τους συντελεστές και κανονικοποιούμε το αποτέλεσμα.
name::
* McsElln.ΕΡΩΤΗΣΕΙΣ 2/2.2 Παράσταση Αριθμών και Χαρακτήρων,
1) ΠΟΙΟ ΠΡΕΠΕΙ ΝΑ ΕΙΝΑΙ ΤΟ ΑΘΡΟΙΣΜΑ 3 ΔΥΑΔΙΚΩΝ ΑΡΙΘΜΩΝ (μπιτ όχι αριθμών) ΓΙΑ ΝΑ ΕΧΟΥΜΕ ΚΡΑΤΟΥΜΕΝΟ;
2 (0+1) ή 3 (1+1)
2) ΓΙΑΤΙ Η ΠΑΡΑΣΤΑΣΗ ΣΥΜΠΛΗΡΩΜΑΤΟΣ ΤΟΥ 2 ΕΙΝΑΙ ΤΟΣΟ ΔΗΜΟΦΙΛΗΣ;
Γιατί διευκολύνει και απλοποιεί πολύ την εκτέλεση των αριθμητικών πράξεων και για τους θετικούς και για τους αρνητικούς αριθμούς.
3) ΠΩΣ ΠΑΡΙΣΤΑΝΕΤΑΙ Ο ΑΚΕΡΑΙΟΣ ΑΡΙΘΜΟΣ -17 ΣΕ ΕΝΑΝ ΥΠΟΛΟΓΙΣΤΗ
ΜΕ ΜΗΚΟΣ ΛΕΞΗΣ 16μπιτ ΚΑΙ ΠΑΡΑΣΤΑΣΗ ΣΥΜΠΛΗΡΩΜΑΤΟΣ ΤΟΥ 2 ΓΙΑ ΑΡΝΗΤΙΚΟΥΣ ΑΡΙΘΜΟΥΣ;
- πρώτα μετατρέπουμε τον θετικο (17) σε δυαδικό και προσθέτουμε μπροστά 0 μέχρι να γίνουν όλα 16 ψηφία.
- μετά αντικαθιστούμε το 0 με 1 και το 1 με 0.
- μετά προσθέτουμε τον 1.
4) ΠΟΙΑ ΕΙΝΑΙ ΤΑ ΠΛΕΟΝΕΚΤΗΜΑΤΑ ΚΑΙ ΜΕΙΟΝΕΚΤΗΜΑΤΑ ΓΙΑ ΤΗΝ ΠΑΡΑΣΤΑΣΗ ΣΤΑΘΕΡΗΣ ΥΠΟΔΙΑΣΤΟΛΗΣ ΤΩΝ ΠΡΑΓΜΑΤΙΚΩΝ ΑΡΙΘΜΩΝ;
- Το πλεονέκτημα είναι ότι οι πράξεις γίνονται εύκολα, όπως και στους ακέραιους.
- Το μειονέκτημα είναι ότι δεν μπορούμε να παραστήσουμε μεγάλο διάστημα αριθμών.
5) ΠΩΣ ΠΡΟΣΘΕΤΟΥΜΕ 2 ΑΡΙΘΜΟΥΣ ΣΕ ΠΑΡΑΣΤΑΣΗ ΚΙΝΗΤΗΣ ΥΠΟΔΙΑΣΤΟΛΗΣ;
- Πρώτα τους μετατρέπουμε έτσι ώστε να έχουν ίδιους εκθέτες (αυξάνουμε τον μικρότερο εκθέτη όσο η διαφορά τους και 'ολισθαίνουμε' τον συντελεστή προς τα δεξιά όσο η διαφορά των εκθετών).
- Μετά προσθέτουμε τους συντελεστές και κανονικοποιούμε το αποτέλεσμα.
6) ΠΩΣ ΣΧΕΤΙΖΕΤΑΙ Η ΑΚΡΙΒΕΙΑ ΚΑΙ ΤΟ ΕΥΡΟΣ ΤΩΝ ΑΡΙΘΜΩΝ ΚΙΝΗΤΗΣ ΥΠΟΔΙΑΣΤΟΛΗΣ;
Η ακρίβεια εξαρτάται από το πλήθος των ψηφίων του συντελεστή.
Το εύρος των αριθμών που μπορούμε να παραστήσουμε εξαρτάται από το πλήθος των ψηφίων του εκθέτη.
7) ΤΙ ΕΝΝΟΟΥΜΕ ΜΕ ΤΟΥΣ "ΣΥΜΠΛΗΡΩΜΑ ΩΣ ΠΡΟΣ ΤΟ 2" ΚΑΙ "ΠΑΡΑΣΤΑΣΗ ΣΥΜΠΛΗΡΩΜΑΤΟΣ ΩΣ ΠΡΟΣ ΤΟ 2";
- "συμπληρωμα ως προς 2" ενός αριθμού ονομάζουν το αποτέλεσμα της αντιστροφής των 0 και 1 και της πρόσθεσης σε αυτό του 1.
- "παράσταση συμπληρώματος ως προς το 2" είναι
8) ΤΙ ΕΝΝΟΟΥΜΕ ΜΕ ΤΟΝ ΟΡΟ "ΥΠΕΡΧΕΙΛΙΣΗ';
Είναι η περίπτωση που το αποτέλεσμα μιας πράξης είναι πολύ μεγάλο ή πολύ μικρό που δεν αρκουν το μπιτ που έχουμε στη διάθεσή μας να παραστήσουμε το αποτέλεσμα.
Λέω την υπόλοιπη θεωρία (την α ώρα έφτασε μέχρι και παράσταση ακεραίων).
και λύνω όσες ασκήσεις προλάβω.
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* McsElln.3/2.3 ΜΕΘΟΔΟΙ ΣΥΜΠΙΕΣΗΣ ΔΕΔΟΜΕΝΩΝ (1ώρα),
ΕΝΝΟΙΕΣ:
1) Συμπίεση/Αποσυμπίεση
2) Αξιολόγηση Συμπίεσης
3) Είδη
4) Αλγόριθμος RLE
5) Αλγόριθμος Huffman
6) Αλγόριθμος LZW
ΣΥΜΠΙΕΣΗ (compression) ΠΛΗΡΟΦΟΡΙΩΝ ονομάζουμε τη ΔΙΑΔΙΚΑΣΙΑ ελάτωσης του χώρου αποθήκευσης ή το χρονο μετάδοσης των πληροφοριών.
ΑΠΟΣΥΜΠΙΕΣΗ (decompression, extraction) ΠΛΗΡΟΦΟΡΙΩΝ ονομάζουμε την αντίστροφη διαδικασία της συμπίεσης με την οποία μπορούν να χρησιμοποιηθούν ξανά οι πληροφορίες.
ΑΞΙΟΛΟΓΗΣΗ:
Η αποτελεσματικότητα ενός αλγορίθμου εξαρτάται από τη μορφή των δεδομένων.
ΕΙΔΗ ΣΥΜΠΙΕΣΗΣ:
ΑΠΩΛΕΣΤΙΚΟΙ ΑΛΓΟΡΙΘΜΟΙ (lossy) είναι οι αλγόριθμοι που μετά την αποσυμπίεση έχουμε κάποια διαφοροποίηση των πληροφοριών που συμπιέσαμε. Χρησιμοποιούνται κυρίως στον ήχο, εικόνα, βίντεο.
ΜΗ ΑΠΩΛΕΣΤΙΚΟΙ (lossless): RLE, HUFFMAN, LZW.
ΑΛΓΟΡΙΘΜΟΣ RLE (Run Length Encoding):
Αντικαθιστά επαναλαμβανόμενους χαρακτήρες με το πληθος των και τον χαρακτήρα.
ΑΛΓΟΡΙΘΜΟΣ HUFFMAN:
** Αντικαθιστά τους χαρακτήρες με ΜΕΤΑΒΛΗΤΟ ΑΡΙΘΜΟ ΜΠΙΤ, ανάλογα με τη συχνότητα των χαρακτήρων, ως εξής:
- φτιάχνει ένα πίνακα με φθίνουσα συχνότητα χαρακτήρων.
- φτιάχνει ένα δένδρο με κλαδιά αυτούς τους χαρακτήρες, με 2 παιδιά σε κάθε κόμβο και να επεκτείνεται προς τα κάτων το δεξί παιδί.
- βάζει 0 και 1 σε κάθε κόμβο με το 0 αριστερα.
- τέλος σε κάθε χαρακτήρα αντιστοιχεί τα μπιτ του μοναδικού μονοπατιού απο τη ρίζα του δένδρου μέχρι το χαρακτήρα.
** όσο συχνότερος είναι ο χαρακτήρας τόσο λιγότερα μπιτ έχει.
** ο αλγόριθμος επιτυγχάνει μεγάλα ποσοστά συμπίεσης.
ΑΛΓΟΡΙΘΜΟΣ LZW (Lempel, Zin, Welch):
** αντικαθιστά τις λέξεις (ακολουθίες χαρακτήρων) με αριθμούς (κωδικούς) με πολύ μικρότερο μέγεθος. Ο 'πίνακας αναφορών' προστίθεται στο τέλος του αρχείου για την αποσυμπίεση.
** έχει μεγάλη επιτυχία σε αρχεία με συχνές επαναλήψεις μεγάλων συμβολοσειρών.
** τα αρχεια zip χρησιμοποιούν αυτή τη μέθοδο.
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* McsElln.ΕΡΩΤΗΣΕΙΣ 3/2.3 Μέθοδοι Συμπίεσης Δεδομένων,
1) ΤΙ ΕΝΝΟΟΥΜΕ ΜΕ ΤΟΝ ΟΡΟ 'ΣΥΜΠΙΕΣΗ ΔΕΔΟΜΕΝΩΝ';
Συμπίεση δεδομένων ονομάζουν τη μείωση του μεγέθους των ώστε να χρειάζεται λιγότερος χώρος για την αποθήκευσή τους ή λιγότερος χρόνος για τη μετάδοσή τους.
2) ΤΙ ΕΝΝΟΟΥΜΕ ΜΕ ΤΟ ΟΡΟ 'ΑΠΟΣΥΜΠΙΕΣΗ ΔΕΔΟΜΕΝΩΝ';
Είναι η διαδικασία με την οποία 'συμπιεσμένα' δεδομένα επαναφέρονται στην αρχική τους μορφή για να μπορούν να χρησιμοποιηθούν.
3) ΠΟΙΕΣ ΚΑΤΗΓΟΡΙΕΣ ΑΛΓΟΡΙΘΜΩΝ ΣΥΜΠΙΕΣΗΣ ΔΕΔΟΜΕΝΩΝ ΥΠΑΡΧΟΥΝ. ΠΕΡΙΓΡΑΨΤΕ ΤΕΣ.
Απωλεστικούς και μή απωλεστικούς.
Οι απωλεστικοί συμπιέζουν πολύ περισσότερο, αλλά όμως είναι αδύνατη η αποσυμπίεση στην αρχική μορφή.
Αντίθετα με τους μη απωλεστικούς η αποσυμπίεση παράγει την αρχική ακολουθία των data.
4) ΠΕΡΙΓΡΑΨΤΕ ΤΟΝ ΑΛΓΟΡΙΘΜΟ RLE.
Ο αλγόριθμος αυτός αντικαθιστά ίδια συνεχόμενα bytes με τον αριθμό που εκφράζει το πλήθος αυτών των byte και το αντίστοιχο byte. Αν δεν υπάρχουν συνεχόμενα ίδια byte δεν είναι αποτελεσματικός.
5) ΠΕΡΙΓΡΑΨΤΕ ΤΟΝ ΑΛΓΟΡΙΘΜΟ Huffman.
Ο αλγόριθμος αυτός αντιστοιχεί μεταβλητό μήκος για κάθε χαρακτήρα ανάλογα με τη συχνότητά του ως εξείς.
- Μετράμε τη συχνότητα των χαρακτήρων στην ακολουθία των δεδομένων και τους ταξινομούμε σε φθίνουσα ως προς τη συχνότητα τάξη.
- Κατασκευάζουμε ένα 'δένδρο' με αυτούς τους χαρακτήρες και βάζουμε 0 και 1 σε κάθε κόμβο. (σχήμα --->
- Σε κάθε χαρακτήρα αντιστοιχούμε τα bit απο τη ρίζα του δένδρου μέχρι το χαρακτήρα και με αυτά τα bit αντικαθιστούμε κάθε χαρακτήρα στα δεδομένα.
6) ΠΕΡΙΓΡΑΨΤΕ ΤΟΝ ΑΛΓΟΡΙΘΜΟ LZW.
Ο αλγόριθμος αυτός δημιουργεί ένα πίνακα με όλες τις ακολουθίες χαρακτήρων που εμφανίζονται στο υπό συμπίεση αρχείο στις οποίες αντιστοιχεί κάποιο κωδικό με πολύ μικρότερο μήκος απο αυτές τις ακολουθίες. Μετά αντικαθιστά τις ακολουθίες με τους κωδικούς και στο τέλος του αρχείου τοποθετεί και τον πίνακα για να μπορεί να γίνει η αποσυμπίεση. Τα αρχεία τύπου zip χρησιμοποιούν αυτόν τον αλγόριθμο.
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* McsElln.4/3.1 ΤΜΗΜΑΤΑ ΤΟΥ ΥΠΟΛΟΓΙΣΤΗ (2ώρες),
ΕΝΝΟΙΕΣ:
1) Μέρη
2) ΚΜΕ
3) Καταχωρητές
4) Αριθμητική Λογική Μονάδα
5) Μονάδα μνήμης
6) Μανάδα Εισόδου/Εξόδου
7) Μονάδα ελέγχου.
ΤΑ ΚΥΡΙΑ ΜΕΡΗ ΕΝΟΣ ΥΣ ΕΙΝΑΙ:
* Η αριθμητική-λογική μονάδα
* Η μονάδα μνήμης
* Η μονάδα εισόδου-εξόδου
* Η μονάδα ελέγχου.
ΚΕΝΤΡΙΚΗ ΜΟΝΑΔΑ ΕΠΕΞΕΡΓΑΣΙΑΣ ή ΕΠΕΞΕΡΓΑΣΤΗΣ είναι η αριθμητική-λογική μονάδα και η μονάδα ελέγχου.
ΚΑΤΑΧΩΡΗΤΕΣ είναι μικρές μονάδες αποθήκευσης μέσα στις μονάδες του υπολογιστή.
ΑΡΙΘΜΗΤΙΚΗ ΛΟΓΙΚΗ ΜΟΝΑΔΑ:
* Εκτελεί αριθμητικές και λογικές πράξεις καθώς και βοηθητικές εργασίες όπως πχ ολισθηση τιμών.
* Αποτελείται από κυκλώματα που εκτελούν αριθμητικές πράξεις, λογικές πράξεις και βοηθητικές εργασίες. Περιέχει επίσης καταχωρητές για την προσωρινή αποθήκευση των αριθμών. Συσσωρευτής είναι ο καταχωρητής που συσσωρεύει τα διάφορα αποτελέσματα των πράξεων.
ΜΟΝΑΔΑ ΜΝΗΜΗΣ (ΚΥΡΙΑ ΜΝΗΜΗ):
* Στη μονάδα μνήμης αποθηκεύονται προσωρινά οι εντολές του προγράμματος, τα δεδομένα εισόδου και εξόδου καθώς και τα ενδιάμεσα αποτελέσματα.
* Διαιρείται σε 'θέσεις μνήμης' που λεγονται ΛΕΞΕΙΣ, ένα σύνολο δυαδικών ψηφίων.
Μήκος λέξης είναι το πλήθος των μπιτ που την αποτελούν.
ΜΕΓΕΘΟΣ της μονάδας μνήμης ονομάζουν το πλήθος των λέξεών της και είναι δύναμη του 2.
* Αποτελείται από:
- κυκλώματα για την αποθήκευση των πληροφοριών (θέσεις/λέξεις)
- τους καταχωρητές δεδομένων και διευθύνσεων
- κυκλώματα για τον έλεγχο της λειτουργίας της και της επικοινωνίας της με τις άλλες μονάδες.
* Στην εγγραφή, η τιμή της θέσης της μονάδας-μνήμης γράφεται στον MDR και τη διεύθυνσή της στον MAR. Μετά με την ενεργοποίηση την μονάδας-μνήμης γίνεται η μεταφορά στην αντίστοιχη θέση/λέξη.
* Στην ανάγνωση μιάς θέσης της μονάδας-μνήμης γράφεται πρώτα η διεύθυνσή της στον MAR. Μετά με την ενεργοποίηση την μονάδας-μνήμης γίνεται η μεταφορά της τιμής της θέσης στον MDR για να χρησιμοποιηθεί από κάποια άλλη μονάδα.
ΜΟΝΑΔΑ ΕΙΣΟΔΟΥ - ΕΞΟΔΟΥ:
* Η μονάδα Ε/Ε δέχεται και δίνει πληροφορίες απο τις 'περιφερειακές μονάδες'.
* Περιέχει:
- καταχωρητές για τα δεδομένα και τη διεύθυνση της 'περιφερειακής μονάδας' που επικοινωνεί.
- κυκλώματα για τον συγχρονισμό της διαφοράς ταχύτητας μεταξύ περιφερειακών μονάδων και ΚΜΕ.
- κυκλώματα για τον έλεγχο της λειτουργίας της και της επικοινωνίας της με τις άλλες μονάδες.
ΜΟΝΑΔΑ ΕΛΕΓΧΟΥ:
* Εχει σκοπο τον έλεγχο και το συντονισμό όλων των λειτουργιών του υπολογιστή. Παίρνει από τη μονάδα μνήμης τις εντολές του προγράμματος, τις αναλύει και στέλνει οδηγίες στις άλλες μονάδες τι να κάνουν και πότε.
* Αποτελείται:
- από τον Καταχωρητή εντολών που δέχεται μία μία τις εντολές
- από τον Μετρητή εντολών που περιέχει τη διεύθυνση της επόμενης προς εκτέλεση εντολής
- από κυκλώματα απαραίτητα για τον έλεγχο και συντονισμό της λειτουργίας του υπολογιστή.
* Η μονάδα αυτή δέχεται σήματα από το ΡΟΛΟΙ του υπολογιστή και στο ρυθμό αυτού του σήματος γίνονται όλες οι λειτουργίες του. Διαφορετικοί τύποι επεξεργαστών ΔΕΝ πρέπει να συγκρίνονται ως προς αυτή τη συχνότητα γιατί μπορεί να κάνουν διαφορετικές λειτουργίες σε κάθε σήμα.
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* McsElln.ΕΡΩΤΗΣΕΙΣ 4/3.1: Τμήματα Υπολογιστή,
1. Ποια είναι τα κύρια μέρη ενός ηλεκτρονικού υπολογιστή;
* Η αριθμητική-λογική μονάδα
* Η μονάδα μνήμης
* Η μονάδα εισόδου-εξόδου
* Η μονάδα ελέγχου.
2. Ποια είναι η οργάνωση και η λειτουργία της αριθμητικής-λογικής μονάδας;
* Εκτελεί αριθμητικές και λογικές πράξεις και βοηθητικές εργασίες όπως πχ ολισθηση τιμών.
* Αποτελείται από κυκλώματα που εκτελούν αριθμητικές πράξεις, λογικές πράξεις και βοηθητικές εργασίες. Περιέχει επίσης καταχωρητές για την προσωρινή αποθήκευση των αριθμών. Συσσωρευτής είναι ο καταχωρητής που συσσωρεύει τα διάφορα αποτελέσματα των πράξεων.
3. Ποια είναι η οργάνωση και η λειτουργία της μονάδας μνήμης;
* Στη μονάδα μνήμης αποθηκεύονται προσωρινά οι εντολές του προγράμματος, τα δεδομένα εισόδου και εξόδου καθώς και τα ενδιάμεσα αποτελέσματα.
* Αποτελείται από:
- κυκλώματα για την αποθήκευση των πληροφοριών
- τους καταχωρητές δεδομένων και διευθύνσεων
- κυκλώματα για τον έλεγχο της λειτουργίας της και της επικοινωνίας της με τις άλλες μονάδες.
4. Ποια είναι η οργάνωση και η λειτουργία της μονάδας εισόδου/εξόδου;
* Η μονάδα Ε/Ε δέχεται και δίνει πληροφορίες απο τις 'περιφερειακές μονάδες'.
* Περιέχει:
- καταχωρητές για τα δεδομένα και τη διεύθυνση της 'περιφερειακής μονάδας' που επικοινωνεί.
- κυκλώματα για τον συγχρονισμό της διαφοράς ταχύτητας μεταξύ περιφερειακών μονάδων και ΚΜΕ.
- κυκλώματα για τον έλεγχο της λειτουργίας της και της επικοινωνίας της με τις άλλες μονάδες.
5. Ποια είναι η οργάνωση και η λειτουργία της μονάδας ελέγχου;
* Εχει σκοπο τον έλεγχο και το συντονισμό όλων των λειτουργιών του υπολογιστή. Παίρνει από τη μονάδα μνήμης τις εντολές του προγράμματος, τις αναλύει και στέλνει οδηγίες στις άλλες μονάδες τι να κάνουν και πότε.
* Αποτελείται:
- από τον Καταχωρητή εντολών που δέχεται μία μία τις εντολές
- από τον Μετρητή εντολών που περιέχει τη διεύθυνση της επόμενης προς εκτέλεση εντολής
- από κυκλώματα απαραίτητα για τον έλεγχο και συντονισμό της λειτουργίας του υπολογιστή.
6. Τι ονομάζουμε μήκος λέξης;
Το πλήθος των δυαδικών ψηφίων της λέξης.
7. Ποια είναι η λειτουργία των καταχωρητών MAR και MDR;
* Με αυτούς τους καταχωρητές της μονάδας-μνήμης γίνεται η εγγραφή και η ανάγνωση θέσων/λέξεων της μονάδα-μνήμης.
8. Ποια είναι η λειτουργία του καταχωρητή εντολών και του μετρητή προγράμματος;
* Ο καταχωρητής εντολών της μονάδας-ελέγχου δέχεται μία προς μια της εντολές του προγράμματος από τη μονάδα-μνήμης για να γίνει περαιτέρω επεξεργασία τους.
* Ο μετρητής προγράμματος περιέχει τη διεύθυνση της επόμενης εντολής προγράμματος που θα έρθει στον καταχωρητή εντολών.
9. Περίγραψε τη διαδικασία της εγγραφής και της ανάγνωσης στη μνήμη.
* Στην εγγραφή, η τιμή της θέσης της μονάδας-μνήμης γράφεται στον MDR και τη διεύθυνσή της στον MAR. Μετά με την ενεργοποίηση την μονάδας-μνήμης γίνεται η μεταφορά στην αντίστοιχη θέση/λέξη.
* Στην ανάγνωση μιάς θέσης της μονάδας-μνήμης γράφεται πρώτα η διεύθυνσή της στον MAR. Μετά με την ενεργοποίηση την μονάδας-μνήμης γίνεται η μεταφορά της τιμής της θέσης στον MDR για να χρησιμοποιηθεί από κάποια άλλη μονάδα.
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* McsElln.5/3.2 ΓΛΩΣΣΑ ΜΗΧΑΝΗΣ (1ώρα),
ΕΝΝΟΙΕΣ:
1) Φάση Ανάκλησης
2) Φάση Εκτέλεσης
3) Μορφή Εντολής
ΒΙΒΛΙΟ: α) αρχή των δύο φάσεων και β) μορφή της εντολής.
Για την εκτέλεση μιας εντολής έχουμε 2 στάδια: φάση ανάκλησης και φάση εκτέλεσης.
ΣΤΗ ΦΑΣΗ ΑΝΑΚΛΗΣΗΣ:
α) η διεύθυνση της εντολής που βρίσκεται στο μετρητή προγράμματος μεταφέρεται στον καταχωρητή διευθύνσεων της μονάδας-μνήμης.
β) ενεργοποιείται η λειτουργία ανάγνωσης της μονάδας μνήμης (δηλαδή μαρκάρεται η ΘΕΣΗ της μνήμης με την αντίστοιχη διεύθυνση).
γ) Το περιεχόμενο της ενεργοποιημένης θέσης της μονάδας μνήμης (η εντολή) μεταφέρεται στον καταχωρητή δεδομένων μνήμης.
δ) Η εντολή μεταφέρεται στον καταχωρητή εντολών της μονάδας ελέγχου. Τότε ο μετρητής προγράμματος αυξάνει κατά 1.
ΣΤΗ ΦΑΣΗ ΕΚΤΕΛΕΣΗΣ
η εντολή (που βρίσκεται στον καταχωρητή εντολών της ΜΕ) αποκωδικοποιείται απο ειδικό κύκλωμα, τον decoder, και αναλύεται σε επι μέρους λειτουργίες. Τότε στέλνονται κατάλληλα σήματα στις υπόλοιπες μονάδες για την εκτέλεση αυτών των λειτουργιών με την κατάλληλη σειρά.
ΜΟΡΦΗ ΕΝΤΟΛΗΣ:
Κάθε εντολή (που βρίσκεται σε μία ή περισσότερες λέξεις ΜΜ ή πολλές εντολές σε μία λέξη) αποτελείται από ένα αριθμό μπιτ που χωρίζονται σε 2 τμήματα.
Το πρώτο τμήμα ονομάζεται ΚΩΔΙΚΑΣ-ΕΝΤΟΛΗΣ (instruction code) και το δεύτερο ΤΜΗΜΑ ΔΙΕΥΘΥΝΣΗΣ (address part).
* Ο κώδικας-εντολής ορίζει τη λειτουργία που θα εκτελεστεί. Το πλήθος των μπιτς που έχει καθορίζει το πλήθος των εντολών που μπορεί να εκτελεί ο συγκεκριμένος υπολογιστής. Οι εντολές χωρίζονται σε ομάδες πχ εκτέλεσης αριθμητικώ πράξεων, μεταφοράς, άλματος, ολίσθησης, εισόδου-εξόδου κλπ.
* Το τμήμα-διεύθυνσης περιέχει τα δεδομένα της εντολής που ΣΥΝΗΘΩΣ είναι μια διεύθυνση μνήμης.
name::
* McsElln.ΕΡΩΤΗΣΕΙΣ 5/3.2: Γλώσσα μηχανής,
1. Ποιές είναι οι φάσεις εκτέλεσης μιας εντολής και τα 4 βήματα της φάσης ανάκλησης;
** Για την εκτέλεση μιας εντολής έχουμε 2 στάδια: φάση ανάκλησης και φάση εκτέλεσης.
** ΣΤΗ ΦΑΣΗ ΑΝΑΚΛΗΣΗΣ:
α) η διεύθυνση της εντολής που βρίσκεται στο μετρητή προγράμματος μεταφέρεται στον καταχωρητή διευθύνσεων της μονάδας-μνήμης.
β) ενεργοποιείται η λειτουργία ανάγνωσης της μονάδας μνήμης (δηλαδή μαρκάρεται η ΘΕΣΗ της μνήμης με την αντίστοιχη διεύθυνση).
γ) Το περιεχόμενο της ενεργοποιημένης θέσης της μονάδας μνήμης (η εντολή) μεταφέρεται στον καταχωρητή δεδομένων μνήμης.
δ) Η εντολή μεταφέρεται στον καταχωρητή εντολών της μονάδας ελέγχου. Τότε ο μετρητής προγράμματος αυξάνει κατά 1.
2. Τι εννοούμε με τον όρο 'διεύθυνση εντολής' και με τον όρο 'τμήμα διεύθυνσης εντολής'.
* ΔΙΕΥΘΥΝΣΗ ΕΝΤΟΛΗΣ είναι η διεύθυνση θέσεως της ΜΜ μέσα στην οποία βρίσκεται η εντολή.
* ΤΜΗΜΑ ΔΙΕΥΘΥΝΣΗ ΕΝΤΟΛΗΣ είναι μέρος εντολής που περιέχει τα δεδομένα της εντολής που ΣΥΝΗΘΩΣ είναι μια διεύθυνση μνήμης.
name::
* McsElln.6/4.1 ΤΕΧΝΟΛΟΓΙΑ ΚΑΙ ΧΑΡΑΚΤΗΡΙΣΤΙΚΑ ΜΝΗΜΩΝ,
ΕΝΝΟΙΕΣ:
1) Υποσύστημα Μνήμης
2) Λέξης/Ενότητα
3) Διαφορές στις μονάδες-μνήμης
4) Είδη
5) Επικοινωνία με άλλες μονάδες
6) Χώρος διευθύνσεων επεξεργαστή
7) Διαφορά κύριας με δευτερεύουσας
Ομαδες δυαδικών ψηφίων στις μονάδες-μνήμης: λέξη, ενότητα.
Οι διαφορές στις μονάδες μνήμης είναι
κόστος
χρόνο προσπέλασης
χωρητικότητα.
Ταξινόμηση μνήμης: κύρια και δευτερεύουσα.
Επικοικωνία κύριας μνήμης με υπόλοιπες μονάδες:
Χώρος διευθύνσεων επεξεργαστή.
Δευτερεύουσα μνήμη είναι πιό αργή γιατί χρησιμοποιεί ηλεκτρομηχανικά μέρη για την προσπέλαση ενώ η κύρια μνήμη καθαρά ηλεκτρονικά.
name::
* McsElln.ΕΡΩΤΗΣΕΙΣ 4.1: Τεχνολογία και Χαρακτηριστικά Μνημών,
1. Τι είναι η λέξη μνήμης;
Η ΛΕΞΗ είναι μια ομάδα δυαδικών ψηφίων, 1-8 bytes, που χρησιμοποιείται για την προσπέλαση στη μονάδα της κύριας μνήμης του υπολογιστή.
2. Τι είναι η ενότητα μνήμης;
Η ΕΝΟΤΗΤΑ είναι μια ομάδα δυαδικών ψηφίων που αποτελείται από ένα μεγάλο αριθμό λέξεων και χρησιμοποιείται συχνά ως μονάδα ανταλλαγής πληροφορίας με τις περιφερειακές μονάδες.
3. Τι είναι η κύρια και τι η δευτερεύουσα μνήμη;
ΚΥΡΙΑ ΜΝΗΜΗ είναι η μνήμη στην οποία τοποθετούνται από την ΚΜΕ τα προγράμματα που εκτελεί, καθώς και τα δεδομένα αυτών των προγραμμάτων.
ΔΕΥΤΕΡΕΟΥΣΑ ΜΝΗΜΗ είναι η μνήμη που αποτελείται από περιφερειακές συσκευές, οι μόνιμες αποθήκες του υπολογιστή.
4. Πως επικοινωνεί το ολοκληρωμένο κύκλωμα της μνήμης με τον υπόλοιπο υπολογιστή;
Με ηλεκτρικά σήματα που περνούν από τους ακροδέκτες του, που είναι:
- οι γραμμές διεύθυνσης, σε πλήθος ισο με τα μπιτ που χρησιμοποιούμε για να παραστήσουμε τις διευθύνσης των θέσεων της μονάδας μνήμης.
- οι γραμμές δεδομένων, σε πλήθος ίσο με τα μπιτ της λέξης της μονάδας μνήμης.
- μια γραμμή για την ενεργοποίηση της εγγραφής.
- μια γραμμή για την ενεργοποίηση της ανάγνωσης.
5. Τι είναι ο χώρος διευθύνσεων ενός επεξεργαστή;
Είναι το σύνολο των διευθύνσεων των λέξεων της κύριας μνήμης στις οποίες λέξεις μπορεί να αναφερθεί άμεσα ο επεξεργαστής ενός υπολογιστή.
name::
* McsElln.7/4.2 ΙΕΡΑΡΧΙΑ ΜΝΗΜΗΣ,
ΕΝΝΟΙΕΣ:
1) Τοπικότητα της αναφοράς
2) Βασικά χαρακτηριστικά μνημών (χρόνος προσπ, κόστος αποθ, χωρητικότητα)
3) Ιεραρχία
name::
* McsElln.ΕΡΩΤΗΣΕΙΣ 7/4.2: Ιεραρχία Μνήμης,
1. Τι είναι η τοπικότητα της αναφοράς στα προγράμματα;
Όταν ένα πρόγραμμα εκτελείται, η επόμενη εντολή που θα εκτελεστεί θα ανήκει πιθανότητα σε κάποια γειτονική θέση σε σχέση με αυτή που εκτελέστηκε αμέσως προηγουμένως.
2. Πως είναι οργανωμένη η ιεραρχία της μνήμης;
- καταχωρητές
- λανθάνουσα μνήμη
- κύρια μνήμη
- μαγνητικοί δίσκοι
- οπτικοί δίσκοι
- μαγνητικές ταινίες
3. Ποιο είδος μνήμης βρίσκεται στην κορυφή της ιεραρχίας της μνήμης;
Οι καταχωρητές της ΚΜΕ.
4. Ποια μεγέθη αυξάνονται όσο ανεβαίνουμε σε ανώτερα επίπεδα της ιεραρχίας της μνήμης;
Το κόστος αποθήκευσης, ο χρόνος προσπέλασης.
5. Ποια μεγέθη μειώνονται όσο ανεβαίνουμε σε ανώτερα επίπεδα της ιεραρχίας της μνήμης;
Η χωρητικότητα.
6. Για ποιές λειτουργίες είναι κατάλληλες οι μνήμες στο κατώτερο επίπεδο της ιεραρχίας της μνήμης;
Για backup copies.
name::
* McsElln.ΤΕΣΤ Α' ΤΕΤΡΑΜΗΝΟΥ,
α)(4). Επιλέξτε τη σωστή απάντηση:
1. Ο καταχωρητής δεδομένων μνήμης και ο καταχωρητής διευθύνσεων μνήμης έχουν το ίδιο μέγεθος.
______ σωστό _______λάθος
2. Το μέγεθος του καταχωρητή διευθύνσεων μνήμης και το μέγεθος του μετρητή προγράμματος είναι μεγέθη ανεξάρτητα μεταξύ τους.
______ σωστό _______λάθος
3. Η μονάδα ελέγχου μαζί με την αριθμητική-λογική μονάδα αποτελούν τον επεξεργαστή.
______ σωστό _______λάθος
4. Οι μαγνητικές δισκέτες έχουν το μεγαλύτερο χρόνο προσπέλασης.
______ σωστό _______λάθος
5. Η κύρια μνήμη είναι η μνήμη με το μεγαλύτερο κόστος ανά byte.
______ σωστό _______λάθος
6. Το μήκος του κώδικα εντολής και το πλήθος του ρεπερτορίου των εντολών ενός υπολογιστή είναι μεγέθη συχετιζόμενα.
______ σωστό _______λάθος
7. Ο μετρητής εντολών μετράει κάθε φορά από πόσες εντολές αποτελείται ένα πρόγραμμα.
______ σωστό _______λάθος
8. Στη φάση ανάκλησης: 1) η διεύθυνση της εντολής που βρίσκεται στο μετρητή προγράμματος μεταφέρεται στον καταχωρητή διευθύνσεων της μονάδας-μνήμης. 2) ενεργοποιείται η λειτουργία ανάγνωσης της μονάδας μνήμης. 3) Το περιεχόμενο της ενεργοποιημένης θέσης της μονάδας μνήμης (η εντολή) μεταφέρεται στον καταχωρητή δεδομένων μνήμης. 4) Η εντολή μεταφέρεται στον καταχωρητή εντολών της μονάδας ελέγχου. Τότε ο μετρητής προγράμματος αυξάνει κατά 1.
______ σωστό _______λάθος
β)(4) Συμπληρώστε τα κενά με τις λέξεις που λείπουν:
1. Ο καταχωρητής ................................................... κρατά τη διεύθυνση της λέξης που πρόκειται να διαβαστεί από τη μνήμη ή να γραφτεί σε αυτήν.
2. Ο καταχωρητής ................................................... είναι αυτός που δέχεται τις εντολές από τη μνήμη, τις κρατά για να αποκωδικοποιηθούν
3. Τα δεδομένα που χρησιμοποιούνται συχνά από τον επεξεργαστή, κρατιούνται σε μία μνήμη που βρίσκεται στο εσωτερικό του επεξεργαστή και λέγεται ...........................................
4. Κάθε εντολή αποτελείται από τα δύο παρακάτω τμήματα ..................................................... και το ......................................................
γ)(4) Γράψτε την ιεραρχία μνήμης.
δ)(4) Για να γίνει προσπέλαση σε μια μνήμη μεγέθους 2 MByte, οργανωμένη σε λέξεις των 2 byte, τι μέγεθος διευθύνσεων απαιτείται (αριθμός bit); Εξηγείστε το. (220=1.048.576)
ε)(4) Ποιό είναι το μέγιστο μέγεθος κύριας μνήμης σε MBytes για έναν επεξεργαστή με 20 γραμμές διευθύνσεων και 16 γραμμές δεδομένων. Εξηγείστε το.
β. Διευθύνσεων μνήμης, εντολών, λανθάνουσα, κώδικα εντολής - τμήμα διεύθυνσης
γ. καταχωρητές, λανθάνουσα μνήμη, κύρια μνήμη, μαγνητικοί δίσκοι, οπτικοί δίσκοι, μαγνητικές ταινίες.
δ. 2.000.000/2=1.000.000 λέξεις = 2^20 λέξεις άρα 20 μπίτ χρειάζονται
name::
* McsElln.ΤΕΣΤ2 Α' ΤΕΤΡΑΜΗΝΟΥ (2.2; 2.3; 3.1; 4.1),
α)(4). Επιλέξτε τη σωστή απάντηση:
1. Ο αριθμός 1,0110001 βρίσκεται σε κανονική εκθετική μορφή.
______ σωστό _______λάθος
2. Το πρότυπο ASCII διαθέτει 256 διαφορετικούς χαρακτήρες.
______ σωστό _______λάθος
3. Ο αλγόριθμος Huffman είναι απωλεστικός
______ σωστό _______λάθος
4. Στους απωλεστικούς αλγορίθμους τα δεδομένα πριν τη συμπίεση και τα δεδομένα μετά τη συμπίεση και αποσυμπίεση διαφέρουν.
______ σωστό _______λάθος
5. Το μέγεθος του μετρητή προγράμματος και το μέγεθος της μνήμης, είναι μεγέθη ανεξάρτητα.
______ σωστό _______λάθος
6. Το μήκος του καταχωρητή εντολών και το μήκος λέξης του υπολογιστή είναι πάντα ίδιο.
______ σωστό _______λάθος
7. Αν το μέγεθος της ενότητας του δίσκου ήταν ίδιο με το μήκος λέξης θα είχαμε σημαντική καθυστέρηση κατά την ανάγνωση/εγγραφή.
______ σωστό _______λάθος
8. Η δευτερεύουσα μνήμη είναι άμεσα προσπελάσιμη από τον επεξεργαστή.
______ σωστό _______λάθος.
β)(4) Συμπληρώστε τα κενά με τις λέξεις που λείπουν:
1. Ο αλγόριθμος ................................... κωδικοποιεί επαναλαμβανόμενους χαρακτήρες.
2. Ο αλγόριθμος ................................... κωδικοποιεί επαναλαμβανόμενες συμβολοσειρές.
3. Μια κοινώς αποδεκτή αντιστοίχιση χαρακτήρων-δυαδικών ακολουθιών ονομάζεται ............................................... και συνήθως είναι καθορισμένη από κάποιο διεθνή οργανισμό προτυποποίησης.
4. Το σύνολο των διευθύνσεων με τις οποίες ο επεξεργαστής μπορεί να αναφερθεί άμεσα στις λέξεις της μνήμης λέγεται .....................................................................
γ)(4) Εκτελέστε την πρόσθεση αριθμών κινητής υποδιαστολής. Χρησιμοποιείστε 8 ψηφία για το συντελεστή και 4 για τον εκθέτη: 0,110101χ25 + 0,10011χ23
δ)(4) Εφάρμοσε τον Αλγόριθμο συμπίεσης Huffman στην ακολουθία "NNN111DDDDAA". Πόσα bit χρειάζονται σε ασυμπίεστη και πόσα σε συμπιεσμένη μορφή αν χρησιμοποιούμε το unicode σύνολο χαρακτήρων.
ε)(4) Πόσα bit απαιτούνται για τον προσδιορισμό μιας ενότητας σε έναν δίσκο χωρητικότητας 1,5 GBytes, εάν ληφθεί υπόψη ότι η κάθε ενότητα περιέχει 512 bytes; Υπάρχει κανένα μειονέκτημα σ'αυτή την περίπτωση; (220 = 1.048.576)
β) 1)RLE 2)LZW 3)σύνολο χαρακτήρων 4)χώρος διευθύνσεων του επεξεργαστή.
γ)(2.2/α12)
0,110101χ25 + 0,10011χ23 =
0 0101 11010100 + 0 0011 10011000 =
0 0101 11010100 + 0 0101 00100110 =
0 0101 11111010 =
0,11111010 χ 25
δ)(2.3/α4)
1) βρίσκουμε τη συχνότητα των χαρακτήρων: D=4, N=3, 1=3, A=2
2) φτιάχνουμε το δένδρο:
/\
d /\
n /\
1 a
3) δίνουμε κωδικούς στους χαρακτήρες: D=0, N=10, 1=110, A=111
4) Η συμπιεσμένη ακολουθία είναι: 1010101101101100000111111
5) Τα μπιτ της ασυμπίεστης ακολουθίας είναι 12 χαρακτ χ 16 μπιτ = 192
Τα μπιτ της συμπιεσμένης ακολουθίας είναι 25.
ε)(4.1/α5)
1,5 GB = 1500 x 1.048.576 bytes = 1.572.864.000 bytes
= 1.572.864.000/512 ενότητες = 3.072.000 ενότητες
2^21 = 2.097.152
2^22 = 4.194.304
Αρα θα χρειαστούμε 22 bit. Αλλά θα έχουμε διευθύνσεις που δεν θα αντιστοιχούν σε καμμία ενότητα.
name::
* McsElln.8/5.1 ΔΙΑΔΡΟΜΟΙ ΥΠΟΛΟΓΙΣΤΙΚΩΝ ΣΥΣΤΗΜΑΤΩΝ (1ώρα),
ΕΝΝΟΙΕΣ:
1) Ορισμός
2) Πρωτόκολλο επικοινωνίας διαδρόμου
3) Δομή διαδρόμου
4) Κύρια χαρακτηριστικά διαδρόμου
5) Είδη διαδρόμων
6) Διακοπές
7) DMA
ΔΙΑΔΡΟΜΟΣ (bus) είναι ένα σύνολο παράλληλων καλωδίων με τα οποία συνδέονται οι επιμέρους μονάδες ένα υπολογιστικό-σύστημα.
ΠΡΩΤΟΚΟΛΛΟ ΕΠΙΚΟΙΝΩΝΙΑΣ ΔΙΑΔΡΟΜΟΥ ονομάζουν το σύνολο των ΚΑΝΟΝΩΝ που καθορίζουν τον τρόπο επικοινωνιας.
ΑΠΟΤΕΛΕΙΤΑΙ από
α) τις γραμμές ελέγχου και
β) τις γραμμές δεδομένων.
ΤΑ ΚΥΡΙΑ ΧΑΡΑΚΤΗΡΙΣΤΙΚΑ ΕΝΟΣ ΔΙΑΔΡΟΜΟΥ είναι:
α) ταχύτητα/συχνότητα: τα bit που μεταδίδονται στη μονάδα του χρόνου.
β) ο χρόνος αδράνειας: ο χρόνος που χρειάζεται για τη μετάδοση του πρώτου τμήματος των δεδομένων απο το ένα άκρο του στο άλλο.
γ) το εύρος του: το πλήθος των παράλληλων γραμμών του.
ΚΑΤΗΓΟΡΙΕΣ ΔΙΑΔΡΟΜΩΝ:
α) διάδρομοι μνήμης - επεξεργαστή.
β) διάδρομοι εισόδου - εξόδου.
γ) επίπεδοι διάδρομοι: διασυνδέουν όλων των ειδών τις συσκευές.
ΔΙΑΚΟΠΕΣ (interrupts) είναι ΣΗΜΑΤΑ που παράγονται όταν χρειάζεται να πραγματοποιηθεί κάποια διαδικασία ε/ε και απαιτείται η χρησιμοποίηση του επεξεργαστή.
DMA unit:
Είναι ένα ξεχωριστό κύκλωμα, διασυνδεδεμένο στο διάδρομο, που μεταφέρει δεδομένα από τις περιφερειακές μονάδες στην κεντρική μνήμη χωρίς τη διαμεσολάβηση του κεντρικού επεξεργαστή.
name::
* McsElln.ΕΡΩΤΗΣΕΙΣ 8/5.1: Διάδρομοι Υπολογιστικών-Συστημάτων,
1. ΤΙ ΕΙΝΑΙ ΔΙΑΔΡΟΜΟΣ;
Διάδρομος (bus) είναι ένα σύνολο παράλληλων καλωδίων με τα οποία συνδέονται οι επιμέρους μονάδες ένα υπολογιστικό-σύστημα.
2. ΠΟΙΑ ΕΙΝΑΙ ΤΑ ΧΑΡΑΚΤΗΡΙΣΤΙΚΑ ΕΝΟΣ ΔΙΑΔΡΟΜΟΥ;
α) ταχύτητα: τα bit που μεταδίδονται στη μονάδα του χρόνου.
β) ο χρόνος αδράνειας: ο χρόνος που χρειάζεται για τη μετάδοση του πρώτου τμήματος των δεδομένων απο το ένα άκρο του στο άλλο.
γ) το εύρος του: το πλήθος των παράλληλων γραμμών του.
3. ΠΟΙΕΣ ΕΙΝΑΙ ΟΙ ΚΑΤΗΓΟΡΙΕΣ ΔΙΑΔΡΟΜΩΝ;
α) διάδρομοι μνήμης - επεξεργαστή.
β) διάδρομοι εισόδου - εξόδου.
γ) επίπεδοι διάδρομοι: διασυνδέουν όλων των ειδών τις συσκευές.
4. ΤΙ ΕΙΝΑΙ ΤΟ DMA;
Είναι ένα ξεχωριστό κύκλωμα, διασυνδεδεμένο στο διάδρομο, που μεταφέρει δεδομένα από τις περιφερειακές μονάδες στην κεντρική μνήμη χωρίς τη διαμεσολάβηση του κεντρικού επεξεργαστή.
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* McsEngl.--6.1 ΙΣΤΟΡΙΑ ΚΑΙ ΑΡΧΙΤΕΚΤΟΝΙΚΗ ΤΟΥ ΠΡΟΣΩΠΙΚΟΥ ΥΠΟΛΟΓΙΣΤΗ (1ώρα),
ΕΝΝΟΙΕΣ:
1) Εμφάνιση
2) Διάδρομοι
3) Διάδρομοι Δίσκων
4) Plung and Play
5) Επεξεργαστές, Νόμος Μούρ
6) Δευτερεύουσα Μνήμη
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* McsElln.ΕΡΩΤΗΣΕΙΣ 9/6.1: Ο ΠΡΟΣΩΠΙΚΟΣ ΥΠΟΛΟΓΙΣΤΗΣ,
1. Πόσο μεγάλη είναι η εξέλιξη στους προσωπικούς υπολογιστές από την εμφάνισή τους μέχρι σήμερα;
Ο επεξεργαστής από 4MHz σήμερα ξεπερνά τα 500MHz.
H κύρια μνήμη από 16KB σήμερα κυμαίνεται στα 64-128ΜΒ.
Ο σκληρός δίσκος από τα 10ΜΒ σήμερα βρίσκεται στα 10GB.
2. Σε τι οφείλουν την επιτυχία τους οι προσωπικοί υπολογιστές;
Στην αρχιτεκτονική τους που επιτρέπει τη "συναρμολόγηση" ενός υπολογιστή από τμήματα που ακολουθούν κάποιες προδιαγραφές λειτουργίας και επικοινωνίας. Πολλές εταιρείες εξειδικεύετηκαν στην κατασκευή μιας μόνο συσκευής και έτσι δημιουργήθηκε μια μεγάλη αγορά υλικού.
3. Ποιός είναι ο ρόλος του διαδρόμου στο PC;
Διασυνδέει τις επιμέρους μονάδες. Σήμερα η οργάνωση των διαδρόμων πλησιάζει σε πολυπλοκότητα και σε πλήθος επιπέδων αυτή ενός υπερυπολογιστή. Οι προσαρμοστικές μονάδες πάνω στους διαδρόμους παίζουν πλέον καθοριστικό ρόλο στην συνολική απόδοση ενός υπολογιστή.
4. Ποιά πρόταση αναφέρουμε ως 'νόμο του Moore';
Κάθε 2 χρόνια το πλήθος των τρανζίστορ στα ολοκληρωμένα κυκλώματα θα διπλασιάζεται.
(5. Περίγραψε την αρχιτεκτονική των επεξεργαστών της οικογένειας Pentium.
Η αρχιτεκτονική είναι η 'αρχιτεκτονική αγωγού'. Περιέχει 2 αγωγούς εντολών με 5 στάδια η κάθε ένας, τον U και τον V. Αν 2 εντολές μπορούν να εκτελεστούν παράλληλα κάθε αγωγός εκτελεί από μία, αλλιώς (αν δεν μπορούν να εκτελεστούν παράλληλα) εκτελείται η μία μετά την άλλη στον U και ο V μένει ανενεργός.
Επίσης διαθέτει μονάδα πράξεων κινητής υποδιαστολής που εκμεταλεύεται τον αγωγό U, προσθέτει όμως άλλα 3 στάδια, συνολικά 8, στην εκτέλεση των αντίστοιχων εντολών.)
6. Ποιές είναι οι κυριότερες συσκευές περιφερειακής μνήμης σε ένα PC.
* ΜΑΓΝΗΤΙΚΕΣ: Σκληρός δίσκος, οδηγός δισκέτας, μαγνητική ταινία.
* ΟΠΤΙΚΕΣ: CD-ROM, CD-R, DVD.
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* McsEngl.--6.2: Η ΜΗΤΡΙΚΗ ΚΑΡΤΑ ΤΟΥ ΠΡΟΣΩΠΙΚΟΥ ΥΠΟΛΟΓΙΣΤΗ (1ώρα),
ΕΝΝΟΙΕΣ:
1) Υποδοχές ISA/PCI για περιφερειακές συσκευές
2) Υποδοχές μνήμης SIMM/DIMM
3) Ελεγκτές IDE, σειριακής θύρας, παράλληλης, USB
4) Επεξεργαστής, BIOS, λανθάνουσα μνήμη
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* McsElln.ΕΡΩΤΗΣΕΙΣ 10/6.2: Η μητρική-κάρτα του ΠΥ,
1. Ποιες είναι οι βασικότερες υποδοχές σε μια μητρική κάρτα;
* υποδοχές επέκτασης ISA/PCI.
* υποδοχές μνήμης SIMM/DIMM/L2.
* υποδοχή επεξεργαστή.
2. Πως τροφοδοτούνται με ηλεκτρικό ρεύμα οι περιφερειακές συσκευές και οι κάρτες επέκτασης σε ένα προσωπικό υπολογιστή;
Από τη σύνδεση τροφοδοσίας της μητρικής.
3. Πού συνδέεται το ποντίκι σε έναν προσωπικό υπολογιστή;
Στη σειριακή θύρα.
4. Πού συνδέεται το πληκτρολόγιο σε έναν προσωπικό υπολογιστή;
Στήν έξοδο πληκτρολογίου.
5. Ποιες συσκευές συνδέουμε στη σειριακή θύρα;
Ποντίκι, μόντεμ.
6. Ποιές συσκευές συνδέουμε στην παράλληλη θύρα;
Εκτυπωτής, σαρωτής.
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* McsElln.9/7.1 ΛΕΙΤΟΥΡΓΙΚΑ ΣΥΣΤΗΜΑΤΑ (2ώρες),
ΕΝΝΟΙΕΣ:
1) Ορισμός
2) Στόχοι (διευκόλυνση χρηστών/προγραμματιστών, απόδοση)
3) είδη (γεννιές)
4) δομή.
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* McsElln.ΕΡΩΤΗΣΕΙΣ 7.1 - ΛΕΙΤΟΥΡΓΙΚΑ ΣΥΣΤΗΜΑΤΑ,
1. Ποια είναι τα βασικά τμήματα ενός υπολογιστικού συστήματος;
α) το ΥΛΙΚΟ (ΚΜΕ, κύρια Μνήμη, Μονάδες αποθήκευσης, Μονάδες Εισόδου/Εξόδου)
β) το ΛΟΓΙΣΜΙΚΟ (Λογισμικό συστήματος[κύρια ΛΣ] και Λογισμικό εφαρμογών)
2. Ποιο είναι το έργο ενός Λειτουργικού Συστήματος; Τι θα γινόταν αν δεν υπήρχαν ΛΣ;
Το ΛΣ λειτουργεί ως ΣΥΝΔΕΣΜΟΣ ανάμεσα στα προγράμματα εφαρμογών και το υλικό του κομπιούτερ ελέγχοντας και συντονίζοντας τη χρήση των μονάδων του.
Αν δέν υπήρχε το ΛΣ κάθε πρόγραμμα εφαρμογών θα ήταν πολύ περισσότερο πολύπλοκο, θα έπρεπε να γνωρίζει τις ακριβείς εντολές για να επικοινωνήσει με τις συσκευές και φυσικά δεν θα είχαμε πολυπρογραμματισμό και καταμερισμό χρόνου.
3. Πόσες γενιές ΛΣ έχουν εμφανιστεί, και τι είδους ΛΣ αποτελούν την κάθε γενιά;
α) 1η γενιά με ΛΣ ομαδικής επεξεργασίας.
β) 2η γενιά με ΛΣ πολυπρογραμματισμού, Τηλεπεξεργασίας, Καταμερισμού Χρόνου.
γ) 3η γενιά συνδυάζει τα παραπάνω
δ) 4η γενιά πιο εξελιγμένα και περίπλοκα με ΛΣ πολυεπεξεργασίας.
4. Περίγραψε την οργάνωση ενός ΛΣ σε επίπεδα. Τι πλεονεκτήματα νομίζεις ότι προσφέρει η οργάνωση αυτή;
Ενδεικτικά η οργάνωση μπορεί να είναι:
* Στο χαμηλότερο επίπεδο είναι τα τμήματα που διαχειρίζονται τη μνήμη, τα υπό εκτέλεση προγράμματα και το κάτω τμήμα των οδηγών Ε/Ε.
* Στο επόμενο επίπεδο είναι το άνω τμήμα των οδηγών Ε/Ε.
* Μετά είναι το σύστημα αρχείων.
* και τέλος η διεπαφή με το χρήστη και ο μηχανισμος κλήσεων συστήματος.
Το πλεονέκτημα της ιεραρχικής οργάνωσης είναι ότι κάθε τμήμα μπορεί να μελετηθεί, σχεδιαστεί και υλοποιηθεί σχετικά ανεξάρτητα από τα υπόλοιπα.
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* McsElln.10/7.2 ΔΙΕΡΓΑΣΙΕΣ ΚΑΙ ΕΛΑΦΡΕΣ ΔΙΕΡΓΑΣΙΕΣ (2ώρες),
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* McsElln.ΤΕΣΤ ΣΤΟ 7.1,
Επιλέξτε τη σωστή απάντηση:
1. Λειτουργικό Σύστημα (ΛΣ) είναι ΕΝΑ πρόγραμμα που λειτουργεί ως σύνδεσμος ανάμεσα στα προγράμματα του χρήστη και το υλικό.
______ σωστό _______λάθος
2. Στα ΛΣ πολυπρογραμματισμού την ίδια χρονική στιγμή εκτελούνται πολλά προγράμματα.
______ σωστό _______λάθος
3. Στα ΛΣ πολυπρογραμματισμού την ίδια χρονική στιγμή ο επεξεργαστής εκτελεί πολλά προγράμματα.
______ σωστό _______λάθος
4. Τα ΛΣ που διαχειρίζονται υπολογιστικά συστήματα με απομακρυσμένα περιφερειακά λέγονται ΛΣ ομαδικής επεξεργασίας.
______ σωστό _______λάθος
5. Σήμερα η έννοια της ομαδικής επεξεργασίας σημαίνει έλλειψη αλληλεπίδρασης με το χρήστη.
______ σωστό _______λάθος
6. "Διεπαφή με το χρήστη" λέμε τον τρόπο επικοινωνίας των προγραμμάτων των χρηστών με το ΛΣ.
______ σωστό _______λάθος
7. Οι μεθοδολογίες 'διεπαφής χρήστη' είναι τρείς.
______ σωστό _______λάθος
8. Αν δεν υπήρχε ΛΣ τα προγράμματα θα ήταν πιο απλά.
______ σωστό _______λάθος
9. Οδηγοί συσκευών είναι οι συσκευές των περιφερειακών.
______ σωστό _______λάθος
10. Στα ΛΣ ομαδικής επεξεργασίας οι μονάδες υπολυτουργούσαν.
______ σωστό _______λάθος
ΑΠΑΝΤΗΣΕΙΣ ΤΕΣΤ 7.1:
ΛΣ ΛΛ ΣΣ ΛΛ ΛΣ
ΕΝΝΟΙΕΣ:
1) ΚΒΑΝΤΑ ΧΡΟΝΟΥ είναι ο χρόνος του επεξεργαστή που το λειτουργικό μοιράζει στα προγράμματα.
2) ΔΙΕΡΓΑΣΙΕΣ λένε τα προγράμματα (ή κομάτια προγραμμάτων) που εκτελούνται ταυτόχρονα (χωρίς να τελειώσουν).
3) ΜΕΤΑΓΩΓΗ ΠΕΡΙΒΑΛΛΟΝΤΟΣ λένε την εναλλαγή απο μία διεργασία στην άλλη.
4) ΣΥΝΟΛΟ ΕΛΕΓΧΟΥ ΔΙΕΡΓΑΣΙΑΣ λένε το χώρο μνήμης που φυλάνε τις πληροφορίες που χρειάζονται στις εναλλαγές.
5) ΕΛΑΦΡΕΣ ΔΙΕΡΓΑΣΙΕΣ (νήματα) λένε τις διεργασίες που μοιράζονται κοινά στοιχεία (μεταβλητές) ενός προγράμματος.
6) ΣΥΝΟΛΟ ΕΛΕΓΧΟΥ ΝΗΜΑΤΟΣ είναι το ίδιο αλλά μικρότερο σε μέγεθος γιατί τα κοινά στοιχεία γράφονται μια φορά.
7) ΤΑΥΤΟΧΡΟΝΑ λέγονται τα προγράμματα που μπορούν να μοιραστούν σε νήματα.
Ο ΟΡΟΣ διεργασία θα χρησιμοποιείται και για τις διεργασίες και για τα νήματα.
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* McsElln.ΕΡΩΤΗΣΕΙΣ 7.2 Διεργασίες & Ελαφρές Διεργασίες,
1. Ποιά είναι τα οφέλη και οι συνέπειες όταν το ΛΣ εναλλάσει προγράμματα στη χρήση της ΚΜΕ;
Τα οφέλη είναι:
- αύξηση της απόδοσης τους συστήματος αφού το υλικό χρησιμοποιείται παράλληλα.
- μείωση του χρόνου ανακύκλωσης των προγραμμάτων.
Οι συνέπειες είναι ότι το ΛΣ πρέπει να είναι περίπλοκο και το ίδιο επιβαρύνει τον υπολογιστή.
2. Σε τι διαφέρει η διεργασία από ένα πρόγραμμα; Μπορούν πολλές διεργασίες να αντιστοιχούν στο ίδιο πρόγραμμα;
Το πρόγραμμα είναι παθητική οντότητα ενώ η διεργασία ενεργητική.
Πολλές διεργασίες μπορούν να αντιστοιχούν στο ίδιο πρόγραμμα άν μπορεί να κοπεί σε κομμάτια.
3. Ποια είναι η βασική διαφορά μιας διεργασίας με μία ελαφρή διεργασία;
Η ελαφρές-διεργασίες (νήματα) χρησιμοποιούν ΚΟΙΝΟ τμήμα μνήμης σε αντίθεση με τις διεργασίες.
4. Τι είναι η μεταγωγή περιβάλλοντος για μια διεργασία; Είναι η ίδια με τη μεταγωγή περιβάλλοντος για μία ελαφρή διεργασία;
Μεταγωγή περιβάλλοντος για μια διεργασία είναι η εναλλαγή από τη μια διεργασία στην άλλη.
Στις ελαφρές-διεργασίες η μεταγωγή-περιβάλλοντος είναι ανάλλογη ενέργεια με τη διαφορά ότι οι πληροφορίες που κρατούνται είναι λιγότερες γιατί οι κοινές πληροφορίες καταγράφονται μία φορά.
5. Πότε συμφέρει να χρησιμοποιήσουμε τις ελαφρές διεργασίες; Πότε νομίζεις ότι πρέπει να τις αποφύγουμε;
Συμφέρει να τις χρησιμοποιήσουμε όταν θα κερδίσουμε χρόνο στην εκτέλεση των προγραμμάτων. Μία άλλη περίπτωση είναι όταν θέλουμε να σταματήσουμε μια χρονοβόρα διαδικασία σε ένα πρόγραμμα (πχ κάποι ψάξιμο) χωρίς να σταματήσουμε την εκτέλεση του προγράμματος.
Δεν πρέπει να χρησιμοποιήσουμε όταν δεν έχουμε να κερδίσουμε κάτι ουσιαστικό μπροστά στην αύξηση της περιπλοκότητας που θα έχει το πρόγραμμά μας από τη χρήση τους.
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* McsElln.11/7.3 ΑΠΕΙΚΟΝΙΣΗ ΔΙΕΡΓΑΣΙΩΝ (2ώρες),
ΕΝΝΟΙΕΣ:
1) ΓΡΑΦΟΣ = διαγράμματα με κόμβους και ακμές.
2) Κατευθυνόμενος γράφος= όλες οι ακμές κατευθυνόμενες.
3) Γράφοι προβασίσματος είναι κατευθυνόμενοι γράφοι με κόμβους διεργασίες και ακμές να δηλώνουν ποια διεργασία πρέπει να ολοκληρωθεί για να αρχίσει η επόμενη.
4) parbegin ... parend
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* McsElln.ΕΡΩΤΗΣΕΙΣ 7.3 Απεικόνιση-Διεργασιών,
1. Τι είναι ο γράφος;
Γράφος είναι ένα διάγραμμα με κόμβους και ακμές.
2. Τι συμβολίζει μια ακμή σε ένα γράφο προβαδίσματος;
Δείχνει πια διεργασία πρέπει να έχει ολοκληρωθεί και πια ν'αρχίσει.
3. Τι συμβαίνει αν ένας γράφος προβαδίσματος περιέχει ένα κύκλο με ακμές;
Δεν μπορεί να βρεθεί καμια δυνατή σειρά εκτέλεσης διεργασιών.
4. Πως εκτελούνται οι εντολές που περικλείονται από ένα ζεύγος parbegin ... parend;
Χωρίζονται με || και μπορούν να εκτελεστούν παράλληλα.
5. Η αντιστοιχία προγραμμάτων και γράφων προβαδίσματος είναι 1-1; Γιατί;
(Οχι, γιατί συνήθως υπάρχουν περισσότεροι τρόποι να γίνουν οι διαδικασίες. Ενα πρόγραμμα όμως θα είναι καλύτερο από τα άλλα.)
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* McsElln.12/7.4 ΚΡΙΣΙΜΑ ΤΜΗΜΑΤΑ & ΑΜΟΙΒΑΙΟΣ ΑΠΟΚΛΕΙΣΜΟΣ (1ώρα),
ΥΛΗ: Μόνο παράγραφος κρίσιμα τμήματα.
ΕΝΝΟΙΕΣ:
1) ΚΡΙΣΙΜΟ ΤΜΗΜΑ διαδικασίας είναι το τμήμα της που διαχειρίζεται δεδομένα που μοιράζονται με άλλες διαδικασίες.
2) ΑΜΟΙΒΑΙΟΣ ΑΠΟΚΛΕΙΣΜΟΣ είναι το φαινόμενο κατα το οποίο όταν μία διαδικασία εκτελεί το κρίσιμο τμήμα της, τότε καμία άλλη δεν μπορεί να εκτελεί το δικό της κρίσιμο τμήμα.
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* McsElln.ΕΡΩΤΗΣΕΙΣ 7.4 (κρίσιμα τμήματα),
1. Τι είναι το κρίσιμο τμήμα; Περίγραψε το κρίσιμο τμήμα στο πρόβλημα των τραπεζικών αναλήψεων.
ΚΡΙΣΙΜΟ ΤΜΗΜΑ διεργασίας είναι το ΤΜΗΜΑ της που διαχειρίζεται μοιραζόμενα δεδομένα.
Στο πρόβλημα των αναλήψεων είναι
- το βήμα 3 (υπολόγισε το νέο υπόλοιπο Υ' μετά την ανάληψη του ποσού Α, Υ':=Υ-Α. και το
- βήμα 4 Αποθήκευσε το νέο υπόλοιπο.
(Πρέπει να αποθηκευθεί το αποτέλεσμα για να πάει άλλη διαδικασία να εργαστεί με αυτό.)
2. Πότε έχουμε αμοιβαίο αποκλεισμό μεταξύ δύο διεργασιών;
Όταν εκτελούν τα ΚΡΙΣΙΜΑ ΤΜΗΜΑΤΑ τους.
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* McsElln.13/7.5 ΣΗΜΑΤΟΦΟΡΕΙΣ,
ΕΝΝΟΙΕΣ:
1) ΣΗΜΑΤΟΦΟΡΕΙΣ είναι μετρητές με ακέραιες τιμές και έχουν 2 λειτουργίες.
- την P όπου μειώνεται η τιμή του κατά 1, αντιστοιχεί με το πράσινο φωτάκι ανελκυστήρα και
- την V όπου αυξάνεται η τιμή του κατά 1, αντιστοιχεί με το σβήσιμο του φωτακιού.
2) ΛΙΣΤΕΣ ΑΝΑΜΟΝΗΣ: Οπως το ασανσέρ το παίρνει όποιος πατήσει πρώτος το κουμπί, εδώ έχουμε λίστες αναμονής.
3) ΕΙΔΗ ΔΙΕΡΓΑΣΙΩΝ: Ανάλογα που βρίσκονται οι διεργασίες χωρίζονται σε:
* τρέχουσα
* έτοιμες
* μπλοκαρισμένες.
name::
* McsElln.ΕΡΩΤΗΣΕΙΣ 7.5 (σηματοφορείς),
1) Τι πλεονεκτήματα έχει ένας σηματοφορέας όταν θέλουμε να λύσουμε το πρόβλημα του κρίσιμου τμήματος για πολλές διεργασίες;
Δεν προσθέτει πολλές μεταβλητές και επιπλέον εντολές στον κώδικα του προγράμματος.
name::
* McsElln.ΤΕΣΤ Β' ΤΕΤΡΑΜΗΝΟΥ,
α)(4). Επιλέξτε τη σωστή απάντηση:
1. Στα ΛΣ πολυπρογραμματισμού την ίδια χρονική στιγμή η ΚΜΕ εκτελεί περισσότερα από ένα προγράμματα.
______ σωστό _______λάθος
2. Στα ΛΣ πολυπρογραμματισμού με έναν επεξεργαστή, την ίδια χρονική στιγμή εκτελούνται περισσότερα από ένα προγράμματα.
______ σωστό _______λάθος
3. Κάθε υπολογιστής φτιάχνεται για να τρέχει ένα μόνο είδος ΛΣ.
______ σωστό _______λάθος
4. "Διεπαφή με το χρήστη" λέμε την δυνατότητα που δίνουν τα ΛΣ τηλεπεξεργασίας στους χρήστες τους για απομακρυσμένη διαχείριση.
______ σωστό _______λάθος
5. Λειτουργικό Σύστημα (ΛΣ) είναι ένα σύνολο προγραμμάτων που λειτουργεί ως σύνδεσμος ανάμεσα στα προγράμματα του χρήστη και το υλικό.
______ σωστό _______λάθος
6. Οι μεθοδολογίες 'διεπαφής χρήστη' είναι τρείς.
______ σωστό _______λάθος
7. Σύνολο ελέγχου Διεργασίας λένε το χώρο μνήμης που φυλάνε τις πληροφορίες που χρειάζονται στις εναλλαγές.
______ σωστό _______λάθος
8. Αμοιβαίος αποκλεισμός είναι το φαινόμενο κατα το οποίο όταν μία διαδικασία εκτελεί το κρίσιμο τμήμα της, τότε καμία άλλη δεν μπορεί να εκτελεί το δικό της κρίσιμο τμήμα.
______ σωστό _______λάθος
β)(4) Συμπληρώστε τα κενά με τις λέξεις που λείπουν:
1. Η υποαπασχόληση των συσκευών είναι χαρακτηριστικό των ΛΣ .........................................
2. Τα ΛΣ που επιτρέπουν σε περισσότερα από ένα προγράμματα να είναι φορτωμένα στην μνήμη του υπολογιστή και να εκτελούνται συγχρόνων λέγονται ...................................
3. Τα προγράμματα του ΛΣ που διαχειρίζονται τις περιφερειακές συσκευές λέγονται ...................................
4. Το τμήμα μιας διαδικασίας που διαχειρίζεται δεδομένα που μοιράζονται με άλλες διαδικασίες λέγεται ...........................................
γ)(4) Θεωρούμε ένα υπολογιστικό σύστημα, στο οποίο δίνονται για εκτέλεση τρία προγράμματα με απαιτήσεις χρόνου όπως φαίνονται στον παρακάτω πίνακα.
Συμπληρώστε το σχεδιάγραμμα εκτέλεσης σε ΛΣ πολυπρογραμματισμού.
δ)(4) Σχεδιάστε το γράφο προβαδίσματος στον υπολογισμό της αριθμητικής παράστασης (Χ1+Χ2)/Χ3 - (Χ1-Χ2)χΧ4.
Ποιά ενδιάμεσα αποτελέσματα μπορούν να εκτελεστούν παράλληλα;
ε)(4) Γράψτε το πρόγραμμα με τις εντολές parbegin και parend της προηγούμενης αριθμητικής παράστασης.
β) 1. ομαδικής επεξεργασίας
2. πολυπρογραμματισμού.
3. οδηγοί συσκευών.
4. κρίσιμο τμήμα.
name::
* McsElln.ΤΕΣΤ2 Β' ΤΕΤΡΑΜΗΝΟΥ,
α)(4). Επιλέξτε τη σωστή απάντηση:
1. Στα ΛΣ πολυπρογραμματισμού με έναν επεξεργαστή, την ίδια χρονική στιγμή εκτελούνται περισσότερα από ένα προγράμματα.
______ σωστό _______λάθος
2. Στα ΛΣ πολυπρογραμματισμού την ίδια χρονική στιγμή η ΚΜΕ εκτελεί περισσότερα από ένα προγράμματα.
______ σωστό _______λάθος
3. "Διεπαφή με το χρήστη" λέμε την δυνατότητα που δίνουν τα ΛΣ τηλεπεξεργασίας στους χρήστες τους για απομακρυσμένη διαχείριση.
______ σωστό _______λάθος
4. Οι μεθοδολογίες 'διεπαφής χρήστη' είναι δύο.
______ σωστό _______λάθος
5. Σύνολο ελέγχου Διεργασίας λένε το χώρο μνήμης που φυλάνε τις πληροφορίες που χρειάζονται στις εναλλαγές.
______ σωστό _______λάθος
6. Κάθε υπολογιστής φτιάχνεται για να τρέχει ένα μόνο είδος ΛΣ.
______ σωστό _______λάθος
7. Αμοιβαίος αποκλεισμός είναι το φαινόμενο κατα το οποίο όταν μία διαδικασία εκτελεί το κρίσιμο τμήμα της, τότε καμία άλλη δεν μπορεί να εκτελεί το δικό της κρίσιμο τμήμα.
______ σωστό _______λάθος
8. Λειτουργικό Σύστημα (ΛΣ) είναι ένα σύνολο προγραμμάτων που λειτουργεί ως σύνδεσμος ανάμεσα στα προγράμματα του χρήστη και το υλικό.
______ σωστό _______λάθος
β)(4) Συμπληρώστε τα κενά με τις λέξεις που λείπουν:
1. Η υποαπασχόληση των συσκευών είναι χαρακτηριστικό των ΛΣ .........................................
2. Τα ΛΣ που επιτρέπουν σε περισσότερα από ένα προγράμματα να είναι φορτωμένα στην μνήμη του υπολογιστή και να εκτελούνται συγχρόνων λέγονται ...................................
3. Τα προγράμματα του ΛΣ που διαχειρίζονται τις περιφερειακές συσκευές λέγονται ...................................
4. Το τμήμα μιας διαδικασίας που διαχειρίζεται δεδομένα που μοιράζονται με άλλες διαδικασίες λέγεται ...........................................
γ)(4) Θεωρούμε ένα υπολογιστικό σύστημα, στο οποίο δίνονται για εκτέλεση τρία προγράμματα με απαιτήσεις χρόνου όπως φαίνονται στον παρακάτω πίνακα.
Συμπληρώστε το σχεδιάγραμμα εκτέλεσης σε ΛΣ καταμερισμού χρόνου με κβάντο χρόνου 2 μονάδες.
δ)(4) Σχεδιάστε το γράφο προβαδίσματος στον υπολογισμό της αριθμητικής παράστασης (Χ1+Χ2)/Χ3 - (Χ1-Χ2)*Χ4.
Ποιά ενδιάμεσα αποτελέσματα μπορούν να εκτελεστούν παράλληλα;
ε)(4) Γράψτε το πρόγραμμα με τις εντολές parbegin και parend του παρακάτω γράφου προβαδίσματος.
β) Ομαδικής επεξεργασίας, Πολυπρογραμματισμού, οδηγοί συσκευών, κρίσιμο τμήμα
ε)
begin
parbegin
begin
parbegin
d1||d2
parend
d3;
end ||
d4;
parend
d5;
end
ΕΝΝΟΙΕΣ:
1. Χρονοδρομολόγηση (μέρος ΛΣ)
2. Είδη χρονοδρομολόγησης (επίπεδα 2+1)
3. εκρηξη ΚΜΕ/ΕΕ
4. Ειδη διεργασιών (προσανατολισμένες εε/κμε)
name::
* McsElln.ΕΡΩΤΗΣΕΙΣ (8.1) Χρονοδρομολόγηση,
1. Ποιό είναι το έργο του χρονοδρομολογητή σε ένα ΛΣ; Νομίζεις ότι είναι σημαντικό;
Ο χρονοδρομολογητής είναι υπεύθυνος για το ποιές διεργασίες θα εκτελούνται από τον Επεξεργαστή.
Το έργο του είναι σημαντικό ως προς τον άν υποαποσχολείται ή όχι η ΚΜΕ. (απόδοση συστήματος).
2. Πόσα και ποια επίπεδα χρονοδρομολόγησης υπάρχουν; είναι όλα τους απαραίτητα;
Υπάρχουν 2 επίπεδα και πολλές φορές και ένα τρίτο.
Τα δύο βασικά τα αναλαμβάνουν ο μακροχρόνιος και ο βραχυχρόνιος δρομολογητής και το τρίτο ο μεσοχρόνιος.
Η υπαρξή των 2 πρώτων είναι απαραίτητη για να λειτουργεί ο υπολογιστής διότι χωρίς τον μακροχρόνιο δεν είναι σε θέση να φορτώσει ένα πρόγραμμα για εκτέλεση ενώ άν δεν υπάρχει ο βραχυχρόνιος τα προγράμματα δεν θα μπορούν καθόλου να εκτελούνται στην ΚΜΕ. Η ύπαρξη του βραχυχρόνιου βοηθά στην καλύτερη χρήση των πόρων του υπολογιστικού συστήματος.
3. Τι είναι η "έκρηξη ΚΜΕ"; Πόσες εκρήξεις ΚΜΕ μπορεί να έχει μια διεργασία;
Εκρηξη ΚΜΕ είναι κάθε συνεχόμενη περίοδος εκτέλεσης στην ΚΜΕ μιας διεργασίας.
Γενικά σε κάθε διεργασία παρατηρείται ένας μεγάλος αριθμός απο σύντομες εκρήξεις ΚΜΕ και ένας μικρός αριθμός από πολύ μεγάλες.
ΕΝΝΟΙΕΣ:
1. στοχοι χρονοδρομολόγησης (απόδοση, γρήγορη απόφαση)
2. κριτήρια αξιολόγησης (βαθμός χρησιμοποίησης, ρυθμαπόδοση, χρόνος ανακύκλωσης, χρονος αναμονής, χρόνος απόκρισης)
3. κατηγορίες αλγορίθμων (διακοπτοί - μή διακοπτοί)
name::
* McsElln.ΕΡΩΤΗΣΕΙΣ 8.2 Αλγόριθμοι Χρονοδρομολόγησης,
1. Ποιά είναι τα βασικά κριτήρια αξιολόγησης για αλγορίθμους χρονοδρομολόγησης;
α) βαθμός χρησιμοποίησης της ΚΜΕ:
β) ρυθμαπόδοση: το πλήθος των εργασιών που ολοκληρώνονται στη μονάδα του χρόνου.
γ) χρόνος ανακύκλωσης: ο συνολικός χρόνος για την πλήρη εκτέλεση μιας εργασίας.
δ) χρόνος αναμονής: ο χρόνος της διεργασίας στη λίστα των έτοιμων διεργασιών.
ε) χρόνος απόκρισης: είναι ο χρόνος ανακύκλωσης μείον το χρόνο εξόδου της διεργασίας.
2. Ποιές είναι οι βασικές κατηγορίες αλγορίθμων χρονοδρομολόγησης;
α) Μή διακοπτοί
β) Διακοπτοί
ΕΝΝΟΙΕΣ:
- Μνήμη, είδη-μνήμης
- κατανομή κύριας-μνήμης (στατική/δυναμική)
- ανταλλαγή
- χωρος φυσικών διευθύνσεων / χώρος εικονικών διευθύνσεων (εικονική μνήμη)
- διαχείριση εικονική μνήμης (σελιδοποίηση/κατάτμηση/κατατμημένη σελιδοποίηση)
name::
* McsElln.ΕΡΩΤΗΣΕΙΣ 9.1 Διαχείριση Μνήμης στα ΛΣ,
1. Ποια είναι η βασική διαφορά της κύριας από τη δευτερεύουσα μνήμη; Είναι και οι δύο απολύτως απαραίτητες για τη λειτουργία του υπολογιστή;
Η κύρια μνήμη αποθηκεύει τις πληροφορίες προσωρινά ενώ η δευτερεύουσα μόνιμα.
Σήμερα είναι και οι δύο απολύτως απαραίτητες για τη λειτουργία του υπολογιστή.
Αν μελλοντικά η δευτερεύουσα αποκτήσει την ταχύτητα και το κόστος της κύριας Τότε η κύρια δεν θα έχει λόγο ύπαρξης.
2. Ποιά είναι τα μειονεκτήματα της ανταλαγής;
Δημιουργεί σοβαρές χρονικές καθυστερήσεις στην εκτέλεση των προγραμμάτων.
3. Η εικονική μνήμη έχει φυσική υπόσταση; Αν όχι, τι είναι ο εικονικός χώρος διευθύνσεων;
Η εικονική μνήμη ή αλλιώς ο εικονικός χώρος διευθύνσεων είναι οι μή πραγματικές διευθύνσεις στις οποίες μεταφράζεται κάθε πρόγραμμα σε γλώσσα μηχανής. Δηλαδή δεν έχουν φυσική υπόσταση. Το ΛΣ όμως αντιστοιχεί με κάποια μέθοδο αυτές τις εικονικές διευθύνσεις σε πραγματικές/φυσικές.
4. Πώς μεταφράζεται μια εικονική διεύθυνση σε φυσική όταν το ΛΣ χρησιμοποιεί σελιδοποίηση για τη διαχείριση της εικονικής μνήμης;
- Πρώτα βρίσκεται η 'σελίδα' μέσα στην οποία βρίσκεται η εικονική διεύθυνση και η 'θέση' της μέσα σ'αυτή τη σελίδα.
- Μετά το ΛΣ αναζητά τη σελίδα αυτή στον 'πίνακα-αντιστοίχισης' και βρίσκει την 'ενότητα' στην οποία αντιστοιχεί.
- Τότε η 'φυσική-διεύθυνση' θα αποτελείται από την ενότητα που βρέθηκε σύν την ίδια 'θέση' στην οποία βρίσκεται η εικονική διεύθυνση μέσα στην σελίδα.
name::
* McsElln.λυκειο'ΤΑΞΗ-Α,
_ΜΑΘΗΜΑΤΑ:
* http://digitalschool.minedu.gov.gr/modules/auth/opencourses.php?fc=22,
01) Άλγεβρα και Στοιχεία Πιθανοτήτων (Α Γενικού Λυκείου - Γενικής Παιδείας)#cptItsoft532.1#
02) Αρχαίοι Έλληνες Ιστοριογράφοι (Α Γενικού Λυκείου – Γενικής Παιδείας)
03) Βιολογία (Α Γενικού Λυκείου - Γενικής Παιδείας)
04) Εγχειρίδιο Γλωσσικής Διδασκαλίας (Α Γενικού Λυκείου - Γενικής Παιδείας)
05) Έκφραση Έκθεση (Α Γενικού Λυκείου – Γενικής Παιδείας)
06) Ερευνητικές Εργασίες - Project (Α Γενικού Λυκείου - Γενικής Παιδείας)
07) Ευκλείδεια Γεωμετρία (Α Γενικού Λυκείου - Γενικής Παιδείας)
08) Θρησκευτικά (Α Γενικού Λυκείου - Γενικής Παιδείας)
09) Ιστορία του Αρχαίου Κόσμου (Α Γενικού Λυκείου - Γενικής Παιδείας)
10) Κείμενα Νεοελληνικής Λογοτεχνίας (Α Γενικού Λυκείου – Γενικής Παιδείας)
11) Φυσική (Α Γενικού Λυκείου - Γενικής Παιδείας)
12) Χημεία (A Γενικού Λυκείου - Γενικής Παιδείας)
===
01) Άλγεβρα και Στοιχεία Πιθανοτήτων (Α Γενικού Λυκείου - Γενικής Παιδείας)#cptItsoft532.1#
07) Ευκλείδεια Γεωμετρία (Α Γενικού Λυκείου - Γενικής Παιδείας)
11) Φυσική (Α Γενικού Λυκείου - Γενικής Παιδείας)
12) Χημεία (A Γενικού Λυκείου - Γενικής Παιδείας)
03) Βιολογία (Α Γενικού Λυκείου - Γενικής Παιδείας)
06) Ερευνητικές Εργασίες - Project (Α Γενικού Λυκείου - Γενικής Παιδείας)
02) Αρχαίοι Έλληνες Ιστοριογράφοι (Α Γενικού Λυκείου – Γενικής Παιδείας)
04) Εγχειρίδιο Γλωσσικής Διδασκαλίας (Α Γενικού Λυκείου - Γενικής Παιδείας)
05) Έκφραση Έκθεση (Α Γενικού Λυκείου – Γενικής Παιδείας)
09) Ιστορία του Αρχαίου Κόσμου (Α Γενικού Λυκείου - Γενικής Παιδείας)
10) Κείμενα Νεοελληνικής Λογοτεχνίας (Α Γενικού Λυκείου – Γενικής Παιδείας)
08) Θρησκευτικά (Α Γενικού Λυκείου - Γενικής Παιδείας)
Τι θα ισχύσει στο Λύκειο από το 2012-13
Καταχωρήθηκε στις Απριλίου 18, 2012 από τον/την 16dimamarous
Οι περίπου 90.000 φετινοί μαθητές της Γ’ Γυμνασίου που θα φοιτήσουν τη νέα σχολική χρονιά (2012/13) στην Α’ τάξη του Γενικού Λυκείου θα παρακολουθήσουν το παρακάτω πρόγραμμα σπουδών: η Α’ Γενικού Λυκείου, η οποία είναι τάξη προσανατολισμού, περιέχει μαθήματα Γενικής Παιδείας συνολικής διάρκειας τριάντα τριών (33) ωρών εβδομαδιαίας διδασκαλίας.
ΜΕΤΑΒΑΤΙΚΟ ΠΡΟΓΡΑΜΜΑ. Σύμφωνα με το υπουργείο Παιδείας, οι 80.000 μαθητές της φετινής Α’ τάξης του Γενικού Λυκείου οι οποίοι παρακολουθούν το μεταβατικό πρόγραμμα που περιλαμβάνει και την ερευνητική εργασία θα έχουν ένα μεταβατικό πρόγραμμα για τη Β’ Λυκείου. Τα μαθήματα της Β’ τάξης Γενικού Λυκείου χωρίζονται σε δύο κατηγορίες: μαθήματα Γενικής Παιδείας και μαθήματα Κατευθύνσεων. Τα μαθήματα Γενικής Παιδείας διδάσκονται συνολικά είκοσι πέντε (25) ώρες εβδομαδιαίως. Τα μαθήματα Κατευθύνσεων χωρίζονται: α) σε μαθήματα υποχρεωτικά για όλους τους μαθητές συνολικής διάρκειας επτά (7) ωρών εβδομαδιαίας διδασκαλίας για τη Θετική και την Τεχνολογική Κατεύθυνση και σε οκτώ (8) ώρες εβδομαδιαίας διδασκαλίας για τη Θεωρητική Κατεύθυνση και β) σε μαθήματα επιλογής. Από τα μαθήματα επιλογής, κάθε μαθητής είναι υποχρεωμένος να επιλέξει ένα μάθημα διάρκειας δύο (2) ωρών εβδομαδιαίας διδασκαλίας.
ΤΟ ΣΥΣΤΗΜΑ ΠΡΟΣΒΑΣΗΣ. Οι 90.000 μαθητές που φοιτούν τώρα στη Γ’ Γυμνασίου και θα πάνε την προσεχή σχολική χρονιά (2012/13) στην Α’ Λυκείου θα δώσουν εξετάσεις με το υπάρχον σύστημα (6 πανελλαδικώς εξεταζόμενα μαθήματα συν Αρχές Οικονομικής Θεωρίας για όσους ενδιαφέρονται για τις Οικονομικές Σχολές του 5ου Επιστημονικού Πεδίου), με μια μικρή προσαρμογή της ύλης στο πρόγραμμά τους. Οι 80.000 μαθητές που φοιτούν τώρα στην Α’ Λυκείου και θα πάνε την προσεχή σχολική χρονιά (2012/13) στη Β’ Λυκείου θα έχουν στο πρόγραμμά τους την ερευνητική εργασία (project) και μαζί θα μπορούν να πάρουν μάθημα επιλογής τις Αρχές Οικονομίας που δεν διδάχθηκαν στην Α’ Λυκείου καθώς και το μάθημα επιλογής Πολιτική και Δίκαιο. Οσον αφορά στις εξετάσεις πρόσβασης στην Ανώτατη Εκπαίδευση (Πανελλαδικές) αυτές για τα παιδιά της Α’ Λυκείου θα πραγματοποιούντα όπως σήμερα.
πηγή: tanea.gr
[http://blogs.sch.gr/16dimamarous/2012/04/18/τι-θα-ισχύσει-στο-λύκειο-από-το-2012-13//]
name::
* McsElln.λυκειο'ΤΑΞΗ-Β,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://www.study4exams.gr//
* βασεις: http://dide.fth.sch.gr/panelladikes/baseis_total_2012.pdf,
* http://panelladikesgr.blogspot.gr//
name::
* McsElln.πεξ'κατεύθυνση,
_ΕΙΔΙΚΗ:
* Θετική Κατεύθυνση
* Θεωρητική Κατεύθυνση
* Τεχνολογική Κατεύθυνση
name::
* McsElln.πεξ'Κατευθυνση.Τεχνολογική,
_ΜΑΘΗΜΑ:
Μαθήματα Κατεύθυνσης:
* Μαθηματικά
* Φυσική
* Ανάπτυξη Εφαρμογών
* Οργάνωση και Διοίκηση
Μαθήματα Γενικής Παιδείας:
* Νεοελληνική Γλώσσα
* Μαθηματικα
* Φυσικη
* Βιολογια
* Ιστορια
Μαθήματα Επιλογής:
* Αρχες Οικονομικης Θεωρια
name::
* McsElln.πεξ.2016,
* McsElln.ΠΑΝΕΛΛΗΝΙΕΣ2016,
* McsElln.ΠΑΝΕΛΛΑΔΙΚΕΣ-ΕΞΕΤΑΣΕΙΣ-2016,
* McsElln.πανελλαδικές-εξετάσεις-2016,
Πανελλήνιες 2016
Οι Σχολές και τα Τμήματα των Πανεπιστημίων, των ΤΕΙ καθώς και οι Στρατιωτικές και άλλες Σχολές είναι ταξινομημένες ανάλογα με το γνωστικό τους αντικείμενο σε πέντε Eπιστημονικά Πεδία. Στον παρακάτω πίνακα παρουσιάζονται τα πέντε Επιστημονικά Πεδία, ορισμένα Τμήματα (ενδεικτικά) και οι σχετικές με το Πεδίο Ομάδες Προσανατολισμού.
Επιστημονικά Πεδία Σχολές (Ενδεικτικά) Σχετικές Ομάδες Προσανατολισμού
1ο Πεδίο: Ανθρωπιστικών, Νομικών και Κοινωνικών Σπουδών Νομικής, Φιλολογίας, Ιστορίας, Ψυχολογίας, Θεολογίας, Ξένων Γλωσσών, Κοινωνιολογίας, Πολιτικών Επιστημών, Δημόσιας Διοίκησης κ.λπ. Ανθρωπιστικών Σπουδών
2ο Πεδίο: Τεχνολογικών και Θετικών Σπουδών Μηχανολόγων, Πολιτικών, Χημικών Μηχανικών, Επιστήμης Υλικών, Ηλεκτρολογίας, Μηχανολογίας κ.λπ. καθώς και Μαθηματικών, Φυσικής, Πληροφορικής, Χημείας κ.λπ. Θετικών Επιστημών
3ο Πεδίο: Σπουδών Υγείας και Ζωής Ιατρικής, Φαρμακευτικής, Βιολογίας, Νοσηλευτικής κ.λπ. Θετικών Επιστημών
4ο Πεδίο: Παιδαγωγικών Σπουδών Παιδαγωγικών Δημοτικής Εκπαίδευσης και Προσχολικής Ηλικίας, ΤΕΦΑΑ, κ.λπ. Ανθρωπιστικών Σπουδών
ή Θετικών Επιστημών
ή Σπουδών Οικονομίας και Πληροφορικής
5ο Πεδίο: Σπουδών Οικονομίας και Πληροφορικής Οικονομικές, Χρηματοοικονομικές, Οργάνωσης & Διοίκησης Επιχειρήσων, Λογιστικής κ.λπ. καθώς και Πληροφορικής, Μηχανικών Πληροφορικής και Τηλεπικοινωνιών κ.α. Σπουδών Οικονομίας και Πληροφορικής
Για να αυξήσει τις επιλογές του και να δηλώσει Τμήματα από δύο Επιστημονικά Πεδία ένας υποψήφιος μπορεί εκτός από τα τρία υποχρεωτικά μαθήματα της Ομάδας Προσανατολισμού που έχει επιλέξει, να εξεταστεί σε ένα πέμπτο μάθημα.
Στη συνέχεια παρουσιάζουμε ανά Ομάδα Προσανατολισμού τα Πανελλαδικά Εξεταζόμενα Μαθήματα και τα Επιστημονικά Πεδία.
Ομάδα Προσανατολισμού Ανθρωπιστικών, Νομικών
και Κοινωνικών Σπουδών
Υποχρεωτικά Μαθήματα Επιπλέον Μαθήματα
(4ο ή και 5ο) Επιστημονικά Πεδία
Νεοελληνική Γλώσσα
Αρχαία Ελληνικά
Ιστορία (Προσαν/μού) + Λατινικά
+ Μαθηματικά Γεν. Παιδείας 1ο Πεδίο
4ο Πεδίο
Νεοελληνική Γλώσσα
Αρχαία Ελληνικά
Ιστορία (Προσαν/μού) + Βιολογία
Γεν. Παιδείας 3ο Πεδίο
(απώλεια μορίων)
Ομάδα Προσανατολισμού Θετικών Σπουδών
Υποχρεωτικά Μαθήματα Επιπλέον Μαθήματα
(4ο ή και 5ο) Επιστημονικά Πεδία
Νεοελληνική Γλώσσα
Φυσική
Χημεία + Μαθηματικά Προσαν.
+ Βιολογία Προσαν.
+ Ιστορία Γεν. Παιδείας 2ο Πεδίο
3ο Πεδίο
4ο Πεδίο
Ομάδα Προσανατολισμού Σπουδών Οικονομίας και Πληροφορικής
Υποχρεωτικά Μαθήματα Επιπλέον Μαθήματα
(4ο ή και 5ο) Επιστημονικά Πεδία
Νεοελληνική Γλώσσα
Μαθηματικά
Α.Ε.Π.Π.* + Α.Ο.Θ. **
+ Ιστορία Γεν. Παιδείας 5ο Πεδίο
4ο Πεδίο
Νεοελληνική Γλώσσα
Μαθηματικά
Α.Ε.Π.Π.* + Βιολογία
Γεν. Παιδείας 3ο Πεδίο
(απώλεια μορίων)
Σημειώσεις:
* Α.Ε.Π.Π.: Ανάπτυξη Εφαρμογών σε Προγραμματιστικό Περιβάλλον
** Α.Ο.Θ.: Αρχές Οικονομικής Θεωρίας
Στον υπολογισμό των μορίων, δύο από τα 4 ή 5 Πανελλαδικά Εξεταζόμενα Μαθήματα ορίζονται ως μαθήματα βαρύτητας για κάθε επιστημονικό πεδίοθα συμμετέχουν με αυξημένους συντελεστές. Έτσι το σύνολο των μορίων που συγκεντρώνει ο υποψήφιος διαφέρει ανάλογα με το επιστημονικό πεδίο που θα επιλέξει.
Μαθήματα Βαρύτητας ανά Επιστημονικό Πεδίο
Παρακάτω παρουσιάζονται τα μαθήματα βαρύτητας ανά επιστημονικό πεδίο και οι συντελεστές βαρύτητας που χρησιμοποιούνται για τον υπολογισμό των μορίων. Στις περισσότερες περιπτώσεις οι συντελεστές στα δύο μαθήματα βαρύτητας είναι 1,3 και 0,7 αντίστοιχα.
Βέβαια, για την πρόσβαση στο Πεδίο Επιστημών Υγείας & Ζωής από τον Προσανατολισμό Ανθρωπιστικών Σπουδών και τον Προσανατολισμό Οικονομίας και Πληροφορικής, τα μαθήματα βαρύτητας είναι μαθήματα Γενικής Παιδείας (Βιολογία και Νεοελληνική Γλώσσα) και οι συντελεστές βαρύτητας μεταβάλλονται σε 0,9 και 0,4 με συνέπεια να υπάρχει απώλεια μορίων.
Προσ/μός Ανθρωπιστικών Σπουδών Προσ/μός Θετικών Επιστημών Προσ/μός Οικονομίας-Πληροφορικής
1ο Πεδίο: Ανθρωπιστικών, Νομικών και Κοινωνικών Επιστημών Αρχαία
Ιστορία 1,3
0,7
2ο Πεδίο: Θετικών & Τεχνολογικών Επιστημών Μαθηματικά
Φυσική 1,3
0,7
3ο Πεδίο: Επιστημών Υγείας & Ζωής Βιολογία Γενικής Παιδείας
Νεοελληνική Γλώσσα 0,9
0,4 Βιολογία
Χημεία 1,3
0,9 Βιολογία Γενικής Παιδείας
Νεοελληνική Γλώσσα 0,9
0,4
4ο Πεδίο: Επιστημών της Εκπαίδευσης Νεοελληνική Γλώσσα
Μαθηματικά Γενικής Παιδείας 1,3
0,7 Νεοελληνική Γλώσσα
Ιστορία Γενικής Παιδείας 1,3
0,7 Νεοελληνική Γλώσσα
Ιστορία Γενικής Παιδείας 1,3
0,7
5ο Πεδίο: Επιστημών Οικονομίας & Διοίκησης Μαθηματικά
Αρχές Οικονομικής Θεωρίας 1,3
0,7
Σχόλιο: Οι παραπάνω συντελεστές είναι σε αντιστοιχία με τους συντελεστές βαρύτητας στο προηγούμενο εξεταστικό σύστημα. Μια σημαντική διαφορά υπάρχει στο Πεδίο Επιστημών Οικονομίας & Διοίκησης, όπου το 1ο μάθημα αυξημένης βαρύτητας είναι τα Μαθηματικά με το νέο σύστημα και όχι το μάθημα Αρχές Οικονομικής Θεωρίας.
[http://www.methodiko-frontistirio.gr/exams/exams/pedia.htm]
ΟΜΑΔΑ_ΠΡΟΣΑΝΑΤΟΛΙΣΜΟΥ:
A.Ομάδα Προσανατολισμού Ανθρωπιστικών Σπουδών
Β. Ομάδα Προσανατολισμού Θετικών Σπουδών
Γ. Ομάδα Προσανατολισμού Σπουδών Οικονομίας και Πληροφορικής
«Ας μην ξεχνάμε ακόμη ότι μαθητές της Β' τάξης Γενικού Λυκείου πρέπει να δηλώσουν ως την έκδοση των αποτελεσμάτων και την επίδοση της βαθμολογίας του σχολικού έτους 2014-2015 την Ομάδα Μαθημάτων Προσανατολισμού που επιθυμούν να παρακολουθήσουν στη Γ' τάξη Γενικού Λυκείου, καθώς και το μάθημα επιλογής που επιθυμούν να διδαχθούν στην ίδια τάξη» λέει σχετικά ο κ. Χρήστος Ταουσάνης, επιστημονικός υπεύθυνος της εταιρείας συμβούλων καριέρας Employ. «Παράλληλα έχουν δικαίωμα να αλλάξουν την Ομάδα Μαθημάτων Προσανατολισμού ως και την 20ή Σεπτεμβρίου 2015 και μάθημα επιλογής ως και την 30ή Σεπτεμβρίου 2015» προσθέτει.
Ο πίνακας των συντελεστών βαρύτητας των εξεταζόμενων μαθημάτων, ανά ομάδα προσανατολισμού και επιστημονικό πεδίο, είναι ο παρακάτω:
A.Ομάδα Προσανατολισμού Ανθρωπιστικών Σπουδών
1ο Επιστημονικό Πεδίο Ανθρωπιστικών, Νομικών και Κοινωνικών Επιστημών
α) Αρχαία Ελληνικά Προσανατολισμού με συντελεστή ένα κόμμα τρία (1,3)
β) Ιστορία Προσανατολισμού με συντελεστή μηδέν κόμμα επτά (0,7)
3ο Επιστημονικό Πεδίο Επιστημών Υγείας και Ζωής
α) Βιολογία Γενικής Παιδείας με συντελεστή μηδέν κόμμα εννιά (0,9)
β) Νεοελληνική Γλώσσα με συντελεστή μηδέν κόμμα τέσσερα (0,4)
4ο Επιστημονικό Πεδίο Επιστημών της Εκπαίδευσης
α) Νεοελληνική Γλώσσα με συντελεστή ένα κόμμα τρία (1,3)
β) Μαθηματικά Γενικής Παιδείας με συντελεστή μηδέν κόμμα επτά (0,7)
Β. Ομάδα Προσανατολισμού Θετικών Σπουδών
2ο Επιστημονικό Πεδίο Θετικών και Τεχνολογικών Επιστημών
α) Μαθηματικά Προσανατολισμού με συντελεστή ένα κόμμα τρία (1,3)
β) Φυσική Προσανατολισμού με συντελεστή μηδέν κόμμα επτά (0,7)
3ο Επιστημονικό Πεδίο Επιστημών Υγείας και Ζωής
α) Βιολογία Προσανατολισμού με συντελεστή ένα κόμμα τρία (1,3)
β) Χημεία Προσανατολισμού με συντελεστή μηδέν κόμμα επτά (0,7)
4ο Επιστημονικό Πεδίο Επιστημών της Εκπαίδευσης
α) Νεοελληνική Γλώσσα με συντελεστή ένα κόμμα τρία (1,3)
β) Ιστορία Γενικής Παιδείας με συντελεστή μηδέν κόμμα επτά (0,7)
Γ. Ομάδα Προσανατολισμού Σπουδών Οικονομίας και Πληροφορικής
3ο Επιστημονικό Πεδίο Επιστημών Υγείας και Ζωής
α) Βιολογία Γενικής Παιδείας με συντελεστή μηδέν κόμμα εννιά (0,9)
β) Νεοελληνική Γλώσσα με συντελεστή μηδέν κόμμα τέσσερα (0,4)
4ο Επιστημονικό Πεδίο Επιστημών της Εκπαίδευσης
α) Νεοελληνική Γλώσσα με συντελεστή ένα κόμμα τρία (1,3)
β) Ιστορία Γενικής Παιδείας με συντελεστή μηδέν κόμμα επτά (0,7)
5ο Επιστημονικό Πεδίο Επιστημών Οικονομίας και Πληροφορικής
α) Μαθηματικά Προσανατολισμού με συντελεστή ένα κόμμα τρία (1,3)
β) Αρχές Οικονομικής Θεωρίας με συντελεστή μηδέν κόμμα επτά (0,7)
[http://www.avgi.gr/article/5575601/pinakes-tou-up-paideias-gia-tis-panellinies-tou-2016-sxoles-ana-epistimoniko-pedio-kai-suntelestes-barutitas-ana-mathima, 2015-05-29]
Η ατυχία να έχεις γεννηθεί το 1998
Σάββατο, 14 Μαρτίου 2015 17:03 UPD:17:14
ΑΠΕ-ΜΠΕ/ΣΥΜΕΛΑ ΠΑΝΤΖΑΡΤΖΗ
Δείτε ακόμα
Τι αλλάζει από φέτος στις προαγωγικές εξετάσεις του Λυκείου 11/03 20:38
Τα παιδιά που γεννήθηκαν το 1998 είναι οι μαθητές της φετινής Β Λυκείου, που αποτέλεσαν την πρώτη χρονιά εφαρμογής του Νέου Λυκείου, νομοθέτημα του κ. Αρβανιτόπουλου. Η προχειρότητα του σχεδιασμού και της εφαρμογής του συστήματος έκανε τα παιδιά να νιώθουν πειραματόζωα. Ας θυμηθούμε μερικά από τα προβλήματα που δημιούργησε στους μαθητές για να δούμε τι έχουν πάθει μέχρι τώρα τα παιδιά της Β Λυκείου.
Η τράπεζα θεμάτων φτιάχτηκε στο πόδι και ανακοινώθηκε μόλις τρεις ημέρες πριν τις εξετάσεις. Ανακαλύψαμε ότι πολλά από τα θέματα ήταν πέρα από τη λογική των σχολικών εγχειριδίων, ότι δεν ήταν ίδιας δυσκολίας (ως όφειλαν), ότι εξέταζαν υπερβολικές λεπτομέρειες και διαπιστώσαμε πολλά άλλα προβλήματα, τόσα που αναγκάστηκε ο κ. Λοβέρδος να κάνει αλλαγές.
Η προαγωγή στην επόμενη τάξη ήταν τόσο δύσκολη που αναγκάστηκε ο κ. Λοβέρδος να αλλάξει δύο φορές τους όρους προαγωγής μέσα στο καλοκαίρι, για να απαλύνει κάπως την κατακραυγή, που δημιούργησε ο μεγάλος αριθμός των μετεξεταστέων, που κυμάνθηκε από 20-40%.
Η εισαγωγή στις ανώτατες σχολές ήταν το θέμα που ποτέ δεν ανακοινώθηκε από την προηγούμενη κυβέρνηση, αφού ξεκίνησε το νέο λύκειο, χωρίς να έχει ολοκληρωθεί ο σχεδιασμός του. Έτσι τα παιδιά ποτέ δεν έμαθαν ποιες σχολές εντάσσονται σε ποιο πεδίο, που σημαίνει ότι δεν γνωρίζουν σε ποια μαθήματα θα εξεταστούν για να μπουν στη σχολή που επιθυμούν. Δηλαδή ενάμιση χρόνο μετά την εφαρμογή του νέου λυκείου δεν στάθηκε δυνατό να ολοκληρωθεί ο σχεδιασμός του νέου λυκείου, γιατί υπήρχαν δομικά προβλήματα στο σχεδιασμό του, που εντάθηκαν όταν ο κ. Λοβέρδος προσέθεσε και το μάθημα της πληροφορικής στα εξεταζόμενα, χωρίς να μελετήσει τις επιπτώσεις της εισαγωγής στην κατανομή των σχολών στα πεδία. Ο αρχικός νόμος ανέφερε ότι μέχρι την 1η Μαρτίου 2014 έπρεπε να ανακοινωθεί η ένταξη των σχολών σε επιστημονικά πεδία. Επειδή αυτό στάθηκε αδύνατο να υλοποιηθεί άλλαξε ο νόμος ορίζοντας νέο χρονικό όριο την 1η Μαρτίου 2015, που και πάλι δεν τηρήθηκε.
Η νέα κυβέρνηση κατάργησε την τράπεζα θεμάτων και τους όρους προαγωγής με μία εγκύκλιο. Υπάρχει ένα θέμα, τεχνικής φύσεως, που πιστεύω ότι θα λυθεί σύντομα. Δεν μπορεί μία εγκύκλιος να καταργεί το νόμο. Προφανώς οι ρυθμίσεις αυτές θα περιληφθούν στο αναμενόμενο νομοσχέδιο του Υπουργείου Παιδείας.
Αυτό που οφείλουμε στα παιδιά του 1998 είναι να τους ανακοινωθεί το σύστημα εισαγωγής, το συντομότερο δυνατό, όπως λέει και ο νόμος, γιατί ζουν σε μια αβεβαιότητα που εντείνεται από τις φήμες που κυκλοφορούν. Οι φήμες και οι πληροφορίες δημιουργούν σύγχυση, άγχος και ανασφάλεια.
Ακούγεται ότι θα μπορούν να δίνουν και 5ο μάθημα για να μπορούν να "ανοίξουν" και ένα δεύτερο επιστημονικό πεδίο, ώστε να έχουν περισσότερες επιλογές.
Ακούγεται ότι μπορεί να παραμείνουμε στο ισχύον σύστημα, για ένα δύο χρόνια μέχρι να σχεδιαστεί ένας νέος τρόπος εισαγωγής στην τριτοβάθμια εκπαίδευση.
Αυτές οι δύο φήμες σπέρνουν τον πανικό στους μαθητές της Β Λυκείου. Ιδού μερικές απορίες που δημιουργούνται:
Για την εισαγωγή στην Ιατρική θα χρειαστεί να δώσουν εξετάσεις στα μαθηματικά ή όχι;
Για την εισαγωγή στην ψυχολογία θα εξεταστούν στα Μαθηματικά ή τα Αρχαία;
Για την εισαγωγή στη Γυμναστική Ακαδημία σε ποια μαθήματα θα εξεταστούν οι υποψήφιοι;
Υπάρχουν και πολλά άλλα παρόμοια ερωτήματα, που βασανίζουν τα παιδιά και πρέπει να απαντηθούν γρήγορα και οριστικά, για να σταματήσουν να νιώθουν οι μαθητές πειραματόζωα ενός συστήματος που δεν μπορεί, τόσα χρόνια, να σχεδιαστεί μέχρι τέλους.
Ο Υπουργός Παιδείας κ. Μπαλτάς δήλωσε ότι σε δύο χρόνια θα εφαρμοστεί ένα νέο σύστημα που θα αποσυνδέει το λύκειο από τις εισαγωγικές εξετάσεις. Πάρα πολύ ωραία, ας ελπίσουμε ότι θα είναι όσο πιο δίκαιο γίνεται. Δεν γίνεται, όμως, να ασχολούμαστε με το επόμενο σύστημα εισαγωγής όταν δεν έχει ξεκαθαρίσει τι θα γίνει του χρόνου. Πρέπει να ξεκαθαριστεί το θέμα γιατί οι φήμες που κυκλοφορούν ανεξέλεγκτες "σκοτώνουν" τις εφηβικές ψυχές.
ΣΤΡΑΤΟΣ ΣΤΡΑΤΗΓΑΚΗΣ
Μαθηματικός - ερευνητής
stratig@yahoo.com
[http://www.naftemporiki.gr/story/927536/i-atuxia-na-exeis-gennithei-to-1998]
name::
* McsElln.πεξ.2015,
* McsEngl.conceptCore596.2,
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.ΠΑΝΕΛΛΑΔΙΚΕΣ-ΕΞΕΤΑΣΕΙΣ-2015@cptCore596.2, {2012-08-28}
* McsElln.πανελλαδικές-εξετάσεις-2015@cptCore596.2, {2012-08-28}
name::
* McsElln.πεξ.2014,
* McsEngl.conceptCore596.1,
====== lagoGreek:
* McsElln.ΠΑΝΕΛΛΑΔΙΚΕΣ-ΕΞΕΤΑΣΕΙΣ-2014@cptCore596.1, {2012-08-28}
* McsElln.πανελλαδικές-εξετάσεις-2014@cptCore596.1, {2012-08-28}
name::
* McsElln.λύκειο'σxολικό-έτος,
name::
* McsElln.ΣΧ. ΕΤΟΣ 1999-2000,
ΣΕΠΤΕΜΒΡΙΟΣ:
Δ Τ Τ Π Π Σ Κ
1 2 3 4 5
6 7 8 9 10 11 12
13 14 15 16 17 18 19
20 21 22 23 24 25 26: 20 ξεκίνησαν τα μαθήματα λόγω σεισμού
27 28 29 30
ΟΚΤΩΒΡΙΟΣ:
Δ Τ Τ Π Π Σ Κ
1 2 3
4 5 6 7 8 9 10
11 12 13 14 15 16 17: 12 εκδρομή
18 19 20 21 22 23 24
25 26 27 28 29 30 31
ΝΟΕΜΒΡΙΟΣ:
Δ Τ Τ Π Π Σ Κ
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
8 9 10 11 12 13 14
15 16 17 18 19 20 21
22 23 24 25 26 27 28
29 30
ΔΕΚΕΜΒΡΙΟΣ:
Δ Τ Τ Π Π Σ Κ
1 2 3 4 5
6 7 8 9 10 11 12
13 14 15 16 17 18 19
20 21 22 23 24 25 26
27 28 29 30 31
ΙΑΝΟΥΑΡΙΟΣ:
Δ Τ Τ Π Π Σ Κ
1 2
3 4 5 6 7 8 9
10 11 12 13 14 15 16
17 18 19 20 21 22 23 21: ξεκινά το β' τετράμηνο
24 25 26 27 28 29 30
31
ΦΕΒΡΟΥΑΡΙΟΣ:
Δ Τ Τ Π Π Σ Κ
1 2 3 4 5 6
7 8 9 10 11 12 13
14 15 16 17 18 19 20
21 22 23 24 25 26 27
28 29
ΜΑΡΤΙΟΣ:
Δ Τ Τ Π Π Σ Κ
1 2 3 4 5
6 7 8 9 10 11 12
13 14 15 16 17 18 19
20 21 22 23 24 25 26
27 28 29 30 31
ΑΠΡΙΛΙΟΣ:
Δ Τ Τ Π Π Σ Κ
1 2
3 4 5 6 7 8 9
10 11 12 13 14 15 16
17 18 19 20 21 22 23
24 25 26 27 28 29 30
ΜΑΙΟΣ:
Δ Τ Τ Π Π Σ Κ
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
8 9 10 11 12 13 14
15 16 17 18 19 20 21
22 23 24 25 26 27 28
29 30 31
ΙΟΥΝΙΟΣ:
Δ Τ Τ Π Π Σ Κ
1 2 3 4
5 6 7 8 9 10 11
12 13 14 15 16 17 18
19 20 21 22 23 24 25
26 27 28 29 30
name::
* McsElln.λύκειο'τράπεζα-θεμάτων,
* McsElln.Τράπεζα-Θεμάτων-Διαβαθμισμένης-Δυσκολίας,
* McsElln.τράπεζα-θεμάτων,
* McsElln.ΤΘΔΔ,
name::
* McsElln.λύκειο'ΤΡΟΠΟΣ-ΠΡΟΑΓΩΓΙΚΗΣ/ΑΠΟΛΥΤΗΡΙΑΣ ΕΞΕΤΑΣΗΣ,
Ερωτήσεις διαφόρων τύπων από τη θεωρία και 3 τουλάχιστον ασκήσεις/εφαρμογές. 40% η θεωρία και 60% οι ασκήσεις (20χ3).
[ΠΔ 246/1998]
name::
* McsElln.λύκειο'πηγή resourceInfHmn,
_ADDRESS.WPG:
* http://www.cleverclass.gr/portal/
* http://photodentro.edu.gr/jspui//
* http://www.economics.edu.gr/index.html,
page-wholepath: https://synagonism.net / dirFolioViews / FvMcsEconomy / FvMcsEconomy3